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ОглавлениеCHAPTER 2
‘Real live, earnest Irish rebel boys’, History of Na Fianna Éireann (1917)
We realise that Irish freedom must be won by one method by which it is won in every other part of the world – the sword and its allies.
Liam Mellows, History of the Irish Boyscouts (1917)
Youth, Masculinity and Redemption
Na Fianna Éireann was a republican boy scout movement that became associated with the Irish Volunteers in 1913. Founded in 1909 by Bulmer Hobson, Padraig Ó Riain, Countess Markievicz and other militant nationalists, the organisation was part of a wider European trend that saw the emergence of pseudo-military youth movements at the beginning of the twentieth century.1 The organisation was conceived as an alternative to Baden-Powell’s Anglo-centric Boy Scout movement, founded in 1908, and the Anglican Boys Brigades, founded in Glasgow in 1883. The movement, Mellows wrote, aimed to ‘inspire chivalrous ideals and manly sentiments’ in its young members, as, ultimately, the Fianna claimed, ‘to those of us who are growing up boys and girls will probably fall the task of finally settling the Irish Question. Now is the time therefore for us to consider the course we are to follow and the methods to be adopted to ensure success.’
Bulmer Hobson had originally formed a unit of Na Fianna in Belfast in 1902 and the group was re-established in Dublin in 1909.2 A number of Fianna members, including Seán Heuston, Con Colbert, Seán McLoughlin, Gerard Holohan and Leo Henderson were to display a courage and leadership that belied their youth during the 1916 Rebellion. Seán Heuston, executed for his defence of the Mendicity Institute, was vice-commandant of the Dublin brigade of Na Fianna, and Con Colbert, executed for his role at Marrowbone Lane, was a Fianna officer.
Mellows became a travelling organiser for the Fianna in May 1913, a role, one member recalled, that ‘attracted much derision, but recruits, newsboys, schoolboys, sons of old Fenians, came in slowly’.3 Young boy scout Seamus Pounch remembered Mellows with affection, recalling ‘Liam was a very fatherly type.’4 Gerard Holohan recalled that in his branch, ‘some were very tough lads, while others were of a fine type’.5 ‘We were taught to be aggressive to the RIC and the boys in Camden Street would avail of every opportunity to attack the Protestant Boys Brigade, who were at that time very strong and would carry a union jack’.6 Senior organiser Eamon Martin claimed that Markievicz was duped by Hobson and Mellows, who allowed her to believe that she controlled the movement while they recruited its members into the IRB and manipulated the organisation for their own purposes.7
Mellows shared Patrick Pearse’s faith in the youth of Ireland, and his despair at the constitutional nationalism of older generations led him to invest his energy in the young. To be a republican militant was to be in a small minority, however, and as Mellows recalled, the dream of revolution was only kept alive by the endeavours of a small hardcore of activists, ‘the National ideal had a hard struggle to live and it was only by superhuman efforts on the part of “the few” that it was not utterly swamped’. For the ‘faithful few’ the price of faith was ridicule and Mellows could not help but take a few shots at the unbelievers in the aftermath of the 1916 Rising:
Some of the would be nationalists whom the organiser interviewed and appealed to for help, spoke of the movement with sarcasm and pointed out how, in their worldly wisdom, it was doomed to failure. ‘What can a handful of boys do against the great British Empire?’ was the question frequently put. Oh! Ye of little faith, did ye dream then that a time would come when you would eat your words and talk instead of the decadence of the Empire, not because you believed in Ireland but because it was the popular thing to do.
The theme of masculinity and salvation features throughout Mellows’ writing with the perceived degradation of Irish public life necessitating a shock treatment that was to be administered by a rising generation of young militants. For Mellows, the enemy garrison was inculcated in the forces of conservative nationalism and the cultural inferiority of the Irish middle classes, including ‘the rotten Dublin press’, ‘Parliamentarianism and the corruption that follows closely in its wake’, ‘the Anglicising influence of the so-called National Schools’, ‘respectable people’ and ‘the seoinin [West British] element, who sported this emblem [the union jack] of their enslavement’. The task before Mellows and the boys of the Fianna represented the ‘holy work of keeping the young manhood of Ireland out of the clutches of the government that ground them down’. The boys of the Fianna, on the other hand, ‘knew that in a very short time boys became men, and if when men they lived up to the teachings and ambitions of their boyhood, why, the work and plotting of centuries to reduce and subdue Ireland was undone’.
Mellows envisaged a generational revolution and the boys of Na Fianna represented nothing less than the resurrection of the lost soul of Ireland, mired, as he saw it, in effete, west-British inauthenticity. Through the work of the movement, Mellows claimed, ‘the country was being roused from the lethargic and disorganised state into which constitutionalism had thrown it. The tide was beginning to turn.’ The task facing the organisation was no less than reviving ‘the spirit of nationality which foreign government and its offspring, constitutional nationalism, had done so much to destroy’. Death is a theme throughout Mellows’ writing and his history of the Fianna discusses the deaths of four boys in separate incidents. Martyrdom brought hope of salvation, however, and in paying tribute to the Fianna who fought in the 1916 Rising, ‘It is to these’, Mellows wrote, ‘that Ireland is indebted for her salvation as a Nation.’
While the Fianna was one of the harbingers of the militarism of Irish youth that was to follow the 1916 Rising, Mellows is, at times, guilty of overstating the influence and role of the organisation. While he maintains that the boys of the Fianna helped ‘save the soul’ of Ireland, he fails to acknowledge the success of the Gaelic Athletic Association in constructing a genuinely national movement that mobilised tens of thousands of young people. The Fianna was not the first Irish republican youth movement and Mellows omits any mention of the significant contribution and achievements of the pioneering girls’ republican movement, Inghinidhe na h-Éireann, founded by Maude Gonne, Helena Molony and others in 1900. This was a significant omission on Mellows’ part and he would have been aware of, though not personally involved, in the girls’ movement, which was in decline by the time the Fianna was organised.
Mellows’ history of the Fianna was serialised in the Gaelic American newspaper in New York in eight instalments between April and August 1917. The articles appeared irregularly and were published anonymously under the pseudonym ‘Irish Volunteer Officer’.8 The extracts reproduced in this chapter do not represent Mellows’ text in its entirety and omit several lengthy sections that deal with internal procedures and structures, including training exercises, internal discipline, etc., that are described in considerable detail in the original text. The purpose of reproducing an abridged version is to explore the essence of Mellows’ early political philosophy. The account provides a keen insight into Mellows’ early activities, his commitment to militarism and his contempt for constitutional nationalism and the perceived materialism of Irish public life before the Easter Rebellion. It is far from Mellows’ best writing, however, and he indulges in much bluff and exaggeration. His claim, for instance, that the British Army killings carried out at Batchelor’s Walk on the day of the Howth gun running on 26 July 1914 ‘sounded the death-knell of the British Empire, for it kept Dublin nationally right’ ignores the reality that recruitment figures for the British Army in the early years of the War were particularly high in Dublin City. Mellows’ defence of the shooting of an unarmed man, George Alexander Playfair, a 23-year-old clerk, killed by members of Na Fianna at Park Place, next to the Phoenix Park during the Easter Rebellion, represents an understandable attempt to defend the actions of his young acolytes, but is far from convincing.
1. The History of the Irish Boy Scouts (1917)
The Irish Revolution of Easter Week 1916 was the outcome of the efforts of the various National organisations that had striven to revive the spirit of nationality which foreign government and its offspring, constitutional nationalism, had done so much to destroy. The Gaelic League, Sinn Féin, the Irish Volunteers, the Irish Citizen Army and the Cumann na mBan have all received some attention for the efforts they made on behalf of the cause of Ireland.
There is one organisation, however, which has been accorded very little recognition; an organisation which, though small and composed of boys, has played a very important part in the National life of Ireland, and particularly, in the events of Easter Week, 1916. This movement is known as Na Fianna Éireann – the Irish national Boy Scouts – and the following is a short sketch of its activities from its inception to the Revolution of 1916.
The Anglicising influence of the so-called National Schools on the minds of the youth of Ireland, was such that they grew up ignorant of anything regarding their history. Irish history – where it was taught at all – was presented in such a fashion that it inspired no noble sentiments of patriotism, but rather left the impression that it was to England that Ireland was indebted for such civilisation and progress as was in the country. Of Ireland, as it was, they knew very little. Of Ireland, as it is, they and the reasons why, they knew less. From their parents they learned little as a rule, for Parliamentarianism and the corruption that follows closely in its wake had sapped their national spirit. A flood of lurid literature for boys, in which the glory of the vast British Empire, the freedom that all races enjoyed in it, the great work for justice, civilisation – and for all mankind – that England had done and was doing, the great traditions the Union Jack represented, the valiant deeds of the British army and navy the world over, and what a paragon the British boy was of virtue, manliness, frankness, honour and so forth, enveloped the country. And then the establishment of the Baden-Powell Boy Scout movement in Ireland, through the efforts of the garrison, aided by its tail, the seonini, completed the attempts made by England to make a ‘happy English child’ out of the Irish boy.
Some antidote was needed, if the Irish youth – the boys of Ireland – were not to be swallowed up in the tide of Anglicistion engulfing the land. Something were needed if they were not to become entirely West-British, if not indeed English altogether. And the remedy was found in Na Fianna Éireann. To the Countess de Markievicz and Bulmer Hobson, belongs the credit of conceiving the idea of an organisation to train and educate boys to work for the independence of Ireland. They were ably seconded by Dr Patrick McCartan, Miss Helena Molony, Seán McGarry, and others, as well as a few young men – youths rather, who entered into the project enthusiastically and wholeheartedly, taking upon themselves the work of teaching the boys to know, love and work for Ireland. Among these latter, two names stand out prominently, Cornelius Colbert and Pádraic Ó Riain. The former’s whole life was devoted to Ireland. None loved Ireland more than he did, none worked harder. He was loved with an extraordinary affection by all who loved him. He lived only for his country and finally gave his life for it. He was one of those whose names will go down in posterity as the martyrs of 1916. Pádraic Ó Riain became Honorary General Secretary of the Fianna, an ardent worker in the Gaelic League and was prominent in the Volunteer movement, when it came to be established.
These youths who helped to make the Fianna a success did not need to have National principles instilled into them. It was inherent in them, and by their faith, courage, example and teaching inspired hundreds of boys to believe in and work for Ireland. The Fianna was founded in September 1909 in Dublin. Its principles were defined as follows: ‘To train the youth of Ireland, mentally and physically, to work for the independence of Ireland.’ The methods through which this was proposed to be done was through the teaching of the Irish language, history and traditions; physical and military training; the inculcation of national principles and ideals; the fostering of love of country and hatred of oppression. The name of the movement was derived from Ireland’s heroic age; from the Fianna of Fionn MacCumhail, as being best likely to inspire chivalrous ideals and manly sentiments.
The movement had from the beginning a desperate fight for existence. It received no support or recognition financially or otherwise from the public except the then small body of real nationalists who were striving to keep the spirit alive in Ireland; and they could do little, for their energy and resources were taxed to straining point working for the Gaelic League, Sinn Féin, and other kindred movements through which their enthusiasm found outlet. Indeed, generally speaking, up to 1913, the National ideal had a hard struggle to live and it was only by superhuman efforts on the part of ‘the few’ that it was not utterly swamped. Despite everything, however, thank God, it lived and waxed to its fruition in Easter Week, and as a result, Ireland is saved.
The Fianna was unlike other boys’ organisations. It was not a ‘boys brigade’. These latter, wherever they exist in Ireland and whether worked in conjunction with the Church or not failed miserably to turn out real live, earnest Irish – rebel – boys, because firstly they do not try to make such out of them, and secondly, they do not understand the psychology of the boy. The Fianna was trained, taught, officered, and worked by boys who were elected by their fellow members. The movement was built up and maintained to a great extent by the subscription of the boys themselves.
For quite a long time it consisted of scarcely more than a few dozen members. These met and tried to train themselves and forward the movement under the greatest difficulties. None of them had money; all were poor. Some were at school, while others, like Con Colbert, had to work hard for a living. A hall was secured in Camden Street, the rent of which, by the way, the Countess paid for several years. With the possession of a headquarters, the movement began slowly to grow. The corrupt and venal press, masquerading as National, gave it no support, while printing columns about the Boys Brigades as the English Boy Scouts were termed, and other boys brigades were anything but National. The few small papers that still stood for Irish principles, gave, of course, what publicity they could. The following appeared in Bean na hÉireann, a little paper that in the short term of its existence, did an amount of good. Like nearly everything written about the Fianna this little article was written by one of the boys:
With the formation of Na Fianna Éireann the boys of Ireland have got a National organisation of their own. Some Nationalists think that the boys don’t count in the Nation, but the founders of Na Fianna Éireann rightly consider them of supreme importance. They are the recruits for the future armies of Ireland, and on them the future of Ireland must depend. All through our history, the boys of the country have played the part of heroes. In the old literature we have the boy deeds of Cuchullain and the youthful exploits of Fionn. In the Red Branch Cycle can we ever forget the story of how the boys of Emain Macha stayed the armies of Maeve and saved Ulster, and died fighting while their fathers slept.
Now that Na Fianna Éireann has been started, the boys of Ireland will again come to the front working for Irish independence. In their headquarters, 34 Lower Camden Street, they drill every Tuesday and Thursday. Every Irish boy is invited to join. Other centres will be opened shortly, as the hall is already crowded with the numbers who have joined. As time goes on it is hoped to have branches of Na Fianna in every part of Ireland, so that the next generation will know their country and love her, and be prepared to assert their independence.
During 1910 great progress was made in organising new branches and in promoting schemes for the government and training of the boys. Sluaghte – the Irish word used by the Fianna to designate a corps or branch, for Irish terms were used on all possible occasions – were formed in several centres in Dublin, and in Belfast. Each Sluagh was named after some Irish Patriot whose life and deeds would be a source of inspiration to the members of the Slaugh. Regular programmes of work were drawn up and carried out. The different branches met usually twice weekly at their halls or meeting places at night time. There they underwent a short course of military and physical drill followed by a short discourse on Irish history by one of the officers who, in his own words and in a simple unaffected way, using language that the youngest could understand, told the boys of the glories of Ireland and the noble heritage that was theirs. And the boys listened eagerly to such talks, drinking in with avidity the story of the gallant deeds done for Ireland.
Every Sunday marches-out were held and these were made the occasion of still further fostering a rebel spirit. To city boys in particular it appealed, and the Dublin Mountains was the goal of the Dublin boys every Sunday. Rations were brought and cooked, some of the boys developing great skill in the culinary art, while considerable ingenuity was shown in the way fires and cooking places were built and arrangements made for hanging pots over them.
Camping out was also attempted during this summer but with little success. Want of funds and want of experience were not exactly a combination conducive to success. Nevertheless, a few, headed by Con Colbert, heroically suffered all the discomforts attendant on camping in the most primitive manner, believing that it was fitting them to fight the good fight later on. But whether tired on the march or cold at night in camp, scorched by the sun or drenched by the rain, the boys always sung and laughed and joked. And the songs they sang – not the vulgar suggestive inanities from the music halls, vile importations from England that were perhaps the best proof of how far Anglicisation had eaten into the national life of Ireland – were the songs of resurgent Ireland, ballads that breathed patriotism, love of country, rebellion and defiance. Ah! those merry hearts that sung as they trod the paths to freedom. Some are stilled in death by the bullets of the tyrant, some are being seared with the anguish of the captive in the penal cell, some are in exile and others are still in the land they love, still hoping, still working, still believing.
***
No boy became a member of the Fianna until he passed the preliminary Test, and took the Fianna Pledge. He remained on probation for three weeks during which time he was taught the subjects necessary to pass the test. These subjects were as follows:
1. Understand aims and objects and how the name of the organisation was derived.
2. Know his name in Irish.
3. Be able to count up to twenty in Irish.
4. Be able to perform the few simple drill movements taught him.
5. Read and send the first circle in the semaphore system of signalling.
6. Have saved a small amount of money, according to his means, towards his uniform.
At the end of the three weeks having passed the test, he took the following pledge: ‘I promise to work for the independence of Ireland, never to join England’s armed forces, and to obey my superior officers.’ He was then a fully fledged member and entitled to wear the Fianna badge and uniform. The badge was a representation of the rising sun on gold on a green background with a white border on which were the words ‘Cuimnige ar Luimneac agus ar fheall na Sasanac’ – meaning ‘remember Limerick and English faith’. The Fianna also wore the colours of the Irish Republic and carried the Republican flag in addition to their own flag. There were two uniforms. Kilts were originally intended as the only uniform, but as it required tremendous moral courage at one time in some parts of Ireland to appear in kilts, another uniform was authorized in addition. The present writer well remembers his first appearance in the old Irish dress. He was the cynosure of all eyes, and many and varied were the comments that greeted his ears on all sides, and being like most Irish boys, self-conscious, it was a long while before he got used to wearing them. Nevertheless all who adopted the kilt uniform grew to like it very much. This consisted of a green kilt and green knitted woollen jersey with blue cuffs and collar, of Irish manufactured material. The second uniform was an olive green double-breasted shirt and knee pants, of Irish manufactured material also.
Each Sluagh or branch was governed by rules in conformation with the general principles of the organisation, with such additions as local circumstances demanded. One of the branch rules was that ‘no Anglicizing influences will be tolerated’. Usually when a boy joined he knew nothing of Irish Ireland and the first song or air he usually whistled or sung was something not Irish. The method adopted by his comrades to correct his ignorance was effective if arbitrary. The first warning he received that he was transgressing the rules would usually be some rough handling by his fellows, who themselves perhaps had only learned better some months before. And the new member in turn was generally the hardest on the latest recruit. Of course such methods were not countenanced by the officers but nevertheless they were of regular occurrence.
The first convention of the Fianna was held in July 1910. The attendance was small as the organisation was only in its childhood. The Countess de Markievicz was elected President and Bulmer Hobson Vice President and Pádraic Ó Riain, Hon. General Secretary. In November of this year, Irish Freedom was started. The paper was the strongest and best written national journal published in recent years. It appeared continuously until its suppression in 1914. Its columns were open to the Fianna, and through the publicity the movement received, became an important factor in its progress. That the Fianna knew the seriousness and had counted the cost of the task they had set themselves, is apparent in the following which appeared in the first number of the paper:
To those of us who are growing up boys and girls will probably fall the task of finally settling the Irish Question. Now is the time therefore for us to consider the course we are to follow and the methods to be adopted to ensure success. As we are not skilled enough in the use of platitudes we interpret Irish freedom liberally, and as we are not old enough to hide our cowardice behind a mask of so-called wisdom, we realize that Irish freedom must be won by one method by which it is won in every other part of the world – the sword and its allies.
In these days of practical patriotism we, of the Fianna, without any exaggeration, can justly claim to be the most practical element in the population, though we are but a small factor of it. We turn our eyes from the loaf, which in one form or another, we see on all sides held up as a standard of nationalism, and have firmly fixed our gaze and concentrated our attention on the dreary cell where Tone was base murdered; the gibbet which the blood of Emmet consecrated, and on the chains which the bleeding limbs of Mitchel and the Fenians turned into garlands. Not only that but we have set ourselves the task of preparing mentally and physically for the great day, on the eve of which those of us who have survived will see, with gladsome eyes, Cathleen Ni Houlihan launch Fair Freedom’s ship with the Republican colours at the mast in the blood of the Saxon.
The movement made considerable progress during 1911. It began to extend to several places in the country. Clonmel, Listowel, Rathkeale, Maryborough, Athlone and Limerick fell into the line. Through the generosity of the late John Daly a splendid hall was built in the latter place for the Fianna. Seán Heuston, who was afterwards executed in Dublin after the Easter Revolution, was in charge there and did Herculean work in bringing the organisation to a high state of perfection. In Dublin the number of branches increased from four to seven, while Belfast established six within a year.
On June 23, George V was crowned King of England. A huge meeting was held in Dublin on this date to protest against his being crowned King of Ireland also. Twenty-thousand people are estimated to have attended and the Fianna were strongly represented. The meeting was addressed by Seán Mac Diarmada, Dr Patrick McCartan and several others. A fortnight later occurred the ‘Royal visit’ to Ireland. Saturday 7 July, the day of George V’s entry into Dublin was proclaimed a public holiday. The garrison strained every nerve to make the occasion appear as if the Irish people were intensely loyal. The streets were decorated on a lavish scale and night turned into day with illuminations. The school children were bribed with buns and lemonade to be present, while all the ‘Peelers’ from the country that could be spared were drafted up in plain clothes to Dublin to swell the mob as honest workmen and cheer as the King passed.
The whole reception was engineered and did not represent the Irish people at all. The Nationalists left Dublin that day in two special trains on a pilgrimage to Wolfe Tone’s grave at Bodenstown. The Dublin Fianna, numbering about three hundred, with their pipers’ band formed an inspiring spectacle in the procession to the graveyard. There round the grave of Ireland’s noblest dead all pledged their loyalty to the cause for which Wolfe Tone’s life was given: ‘To subvert the tyranny of our execrable Government, to break the connection with England, the never failing source of all our political evils, and to assert the independence of my country’.
Pádraic Pearse, afterwards first President of the Irish Republic, took a deep interest in the movement. He gave the use of his grounds surrounding St Enda’s College, Rathfarnham, in County Dublin, to the Fianna for camping and manoeuvres, and established a Sluagh among the boys of his school. Con Colbert used to train these, cycling out from the city once a week for the purpose. The second Convention (Ard Feis) was held in July and was much more largely represented than the first. It was a splendid success, earnestness becoming the distinguishing feature. It was decided to form an Executive (Ard Coiste), to meet every three months, to direct the organisation during the year. A constitution was drawn up as follows:
Object: to establish the independence of Ireland.
Means: The training of the youth of Ireland, mentally and physically, to achieve this object by teaching scouting and military exercises, Irish history and the Irish language.
Declaration: I promise to work for the independence of Ireland, never to join England’s armed forces, and to obey my superior officers.
The Year 1912 saw the Fianna firmly established as a power for good in the land. Several incursions had taken place to the country and new branches were established in Wexford Town, Donegal, Cork and Newry, as well as several new Sluaghte in Dublin and Belfast. The training went ahead very well and the Summer was used to the greatest advantage for camping. The freedom and joyousness of the outdoor life appealed to the boys, who by now had reduced camping out to a fine art. By experience, that greatest of all teachers, they had picked up many tips for making themselves comfortable. They had become adept at lighting a fire under the most adverse circumstances, and the methods – and ingredients – of cooking were much improved. Many a rabbit, hare or bird found its way into the pot. Need it be said by what means they were secured? A good scout is necessarily a good poacher.
Once again Fianna were encamped on the mountain side, and the places made historic by Fionn and his companions were fitting spots for the new soldiers of Erin to train themselves as champions of freedom. Howth and Glen-na-Smole were the rendezvous of the Dublin boys. The Clonmel Sluagh breathed freedom on Slievenamon, and on historic Cave Hill the tents of the Belfast lads were pitched.
The green kilted bare-kneed lads were now familiar figures at all Gaelic gatherings. They sold Irish Freedom at football and hurling matches. They were ubiquitous in giving out handbills, announcing Feisanna and Emmet and Manchester Martyrs and other great commemorations, and advertising these events by marching through the streets with their pipers’ band. They collected for the Gaelic League, the Wolfe Tone Memorial and other national institutions for which money was needed.
The third annual convention or Ard Fheis was a splendid and most representative affair. It marked an epoch in the history of the movement, insomuch that it showed that a great deal had already been accomplished in work that many wiseacres and sceptics had prophesied as being impracticable and unreasonable. It was held in the second week of July 1912, in the Mansion House, Dublin, and was well attended by a throng of earnest and manly boys from the four provinces of Ireland.
Countess Markievicz presided and Dublin was strongly represented by twenty delegates. Among the delegates from Belfast, who showed up in great strength, were Joe Robinson, one of the most enthusiastic members of the Fianna, and who is now in a British prison; Alf Cotton, afterward a Volunteer organizer, who was deported from Kerry in 1915; and the Misses Nora and Ina Connolly, and several other girls representing a girls’ branch which had been established there a short time previous. Seán Heuston was the principal Limerick representative. Cork City sent Seán Ó Súilleabháin, and Kerry Edmund Leahy of Listowel. ‘Paddy’ Ramsbottom, known as ‘An Fearr Mor’ on account of his stature, voiced Athlone, and Willie Langley was the delegate from Tuam. Dozens of other places were well represented as well.
The Dublin Fianna gave a great display in August. It was held for the purpose of displaying to the public the practical work the boys were doing and also to raise funds for the movement. Exhibitions of company and ambulance drill, skirmishing, bayonet fighting, signalling and first aid were given. A splendid camp scene was presented showing how things were managed when out under canvas. This was followed by an Aeridheacht, in which a first rate programme was gone through, most of the songs, dances and recitals, etc., being contributed by the boys.
Perhaps, however, the greatest work done by the boys was their active participation in the vigorous anti-enlistment campaign. In the evidence before the ‘Royal Commission on Rebellion in Ireland’ the Fianna are mentioned: ‘The anti-recruiting campaign was continued during this year, the Irish Boy Scouts being used for the purpose a good deal. They were being organised and drilled evidently to enlist in the campaign of promoting seditious views.’
***
The next year was the brightest in the history of the movement, as it was also the brightest in the history of the country for many years. It witnessed a great change in opinion among the people. At long last some result was seen of the years of drudgery and ‘spade work’ on the part of the small minority who had stood true to Ireland through thick and thin. Slowly but surely the country was being roused from the lethargic and disorganised state into which constitutionalism had thrown it. The tide was beginning to turn.
A census of the movement was taken early in the year and it was found to number over a thousand members. An excellent handbook covering every phase of Fianna activity, written by officers of the movement, was put on the market and sold at one shilling. It contained lucid and instructive articles on drill, first aid, knot-tying, rifle exercises, camping, signalling and swimming. The constitution, and hints on the management of Sluaighte gained by hard experience were given. An introduction was written by the Countess, a few passages of which are given here:
It will take the best and noblest of Ireland’s children to win Freedom, for the price of freedom is suffering and pain. It is only when the suffering is deep enough and the pain almost beyond bearing that Freedom is won. Through the long black record of England’s tyranny and oppression, empire building and robbery, many names stand out as noble souls whose lives were given in a passionate protest against their country’s wrongs. France won free, but many suffered and died nobly before the conquering sacrifice of Joan of Arc turned the tide against the oppressor and the English were swept by a flood of national love and indignation out and across the Sea.
Prophetic words these, ‘the price of freedom is suffering and pain.’ She, Ireland’s Joan of Arc, at this moment is paying the price of our freedom. P.H. Pearse contributed to the handbook a splendid article on the ‘Fianna of Fionn’ and Roger Casement wrote on ‘Chivalry.’ The latter was deeply interested in the movement and contributed to its funds in a generous and anonymous fashion. Pádraic Ó Riain edited the book; indeed, a great many of the technical articles were his and the illustrations throughout were done by Michael Lonergan, another prominent member.
The rapid growth of the organisation now demanded an organiser should be appointed, to devote his whole time to the work of inspecting and instructing sluaghte and forming new sluaghte all over Ireland. The want of proper instruction was keenly felt in most parts of the country outside Dublin, and the appointment of an organiser to instruct and push propaganda was a big step forward. A guarantee fund was opened to enable the Ard Coiste to meet the strain this imposed on it.
The services of Liam Mellows were secured for the position. He was at this time in charge of two branches in Dublin – Inchicore and Dolphin’s Barn. He started off through the country full of enthusiasm and ere a month was over had got Enniscorthy, Ferns, Waterford and a few other places going, as well as visiting and instructing the branches already existing in South Leinster.
A Great anti-enlisting crusade was carried on all over the country during this year, and the Fianna did their share of this holy work of keeping the young manhood of Ireland out of the clutches of the government that ground them down. There was a special reason why the crusade was so vigourous. The British government were busy conducting a tremendous recruiting campaign in Ireland. They were feverishly enlisting and training an army in view of a struggle with Germany. And the following year, when war broke out, England had the gall to say that she was unprepared and that the war was sprung on her.
No methods were too mean or low or despicable to induce the Irishman to enlist. Airs associated for generations with the Irish cause were played by British recruiting bands. Fancy England ordering her paid murderers to stimulate the circulation of the Irish fighting blood by rendering ‘O’Donnell Aboo’, ‘The Wearing of the Green’, and ‘The Boys of Wexford’. A few years back and the playing of Irish airs was a treasonable offense. Irish warpipe bands, with the ‘swaddies’ decked out in Irish kilts, was another feature. All this, of course, was done in order to impress the Irish with the ‘toleration’ existing within the bounds of the British Empire.
Posters and bills appeared frequently on the walls and telegraph poles all over the country, warning young Irishmen of the dangers, both nationally and morally of joining the British Army. During June, the whole of Ireland was placarded in one night. The authorities instituted a vigorous inquiry, but failed to arrest anyone for it.
In some places the anti-recruiting crusade was carried beyond this line of action. In Athlone, two military bands were busy playing for the dupes. The local Irish Pipers Band and the Fianna marched out one night as a counter attraction. After a good deal of jostling the soldiers at last had to fly to their barracks followed by the victorious lads, who had now been joined by the populace, who demonstrated their hatred by booing and shouting. A meeting was held outside the barracks and a vast crowd was addressed by several speakers, who applauded denunciatory statements against the British army. The soldiers were removed from the town by special train next morning.
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