Tumblr

Tumblr
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Launched in 2007, tumblr became a safe haven for LGBT youth, social justice movements, and a counseling station for mental health issues. For a decade, this micro-blogging platform had more users than either Twitter or Snapchat, but it remained an obscure subculture for nonusers. Katrin Tiidenberg, Natalie Ann Hendry, and Crystal Abidin offer the first systematic guide to tumblr and its crucial role in shaping internet culture. Drawing on a decade of qualitative data, they trace the prominent social media practices of creativity, curation, and community-making, and reveal tumblr’s cultlike appeal and position in the social media ecosystem. The book demonstrates how diverse cultures can – in felt and imagined silos – coexist on a single platform and how destructive recent trends in platform governance are. The concept of “silosociality” is introduced to critically re-think social media, interrogate what kinds of sociality it affords, and what (unintended) consequences arise. This book is an essential resource for students and scholars of media and communication, as well as anyone interested in an influential but overlooked platform.

Оглавление

Crystal Abidin. Tumblr

Table of Contents

Guide

Pages

Digital Media and Society Series

tumblr

Copyright page

Acknowledgments

Prologue

Introduction: tumblr, with a small t

History, ownership, and vision

Independent tumblr

Yahoo! tumblr

Automattic tumblr

Magic and frisson

tumblr is a silosocial platform

What is in this book

Our research methods

Notes

1 tumblr structure

Features and functions

Setting up and posting

Reblogs

Tags

Interaction

Governance

Moderating participants and practices

Moderating content

Algorithms

Conclusion

Notes

2 tumblr sociality

tumblr affordances

tumblr vernacular

Curatorial

Multimodal, multiliterate, and affective

Expressed through personal testimonials

Interest and affinity based

tumblr sensibility

Silosociality

What are silos?

How does silosociality function?

Broader implications of silosociality

Conclusion

Notes

3 fame

Attention flows

Discursive strategies for attention hacking

Linguistic wit

Call-out culture

Perpetual arrested development

Self-care

Self-deprecation and helplessness

Queer normativity

Commerce on tumblr

Platform commerce, the business model

E-commerce

Creative advertising campaigns

Creatrs Network and paid ad spaces

Brand commerce

Vernacular commerce

Mainstream celebrities

Microcelebrities and Influencers

Everyday users

(A) Advertisement placing services and affiliate networks

(B) Start a small business

(C) Replicate posting norms within a silo

Conclusion

Notes

4 fandom

Existing research

Corporate fandom: Fandometrics

K-pop fandom

Digital shrines

Screengrabs and archives

Creating fan art

Curatorial fan fiction

Confessions

Social justice within K-pop fandoms

Community making and networked gatekeeping

Fandom of tumblr, or, “Just tumblr things”

Fandom of tumblr feels

Fandom of tumblr folklore

Fandom of tumblr’s features and functions

Fandom of broken tumblr

Fandom of weird mutuals

Fandom of tumblr nostalgia

Conclusion

Notes

5 social justice

Digital activism and social justice

Tumblr Inc.’s social justice

Practices for social justice

Safer spaces

Pedagogy for social change

Social justice warriors

Virtue signaling, clicktivism, and brandjacking

Call out cultures and dogpiling

Queer silosociality

Queer identity curation

Overwhelming connection

Emerging taxonomies

Conclusion

Notes

6 NSFW

NSFW community as a safe space

Learning and empathy

Finding and using a voice

“tumblr doms” and image-based sexual abuse

NSFW ≠ porn

Conclusion

Notes

7 mental health

Mental health and mental illness

tumblr freedom and “like-others”

Searching for and tagging mental health experiences

Legitimizing mental illness challenges

Circulating toxic feelings and triggers

Laughing and relating to sadness and pain

“Invisible” mental illness feels

Romanticizing mental illness?

Conclusion

Notes

Conclusion: “beautiful hellsite”

RIP tumblr

Mutating tumblr

Escape and irrelevance

Silosocial futures

Notes

References

Index

POLITY END USER LICENSE AGREEMENT

Отрывок из книги

Katrin Tiidenberg, Natalie Ann Hendry, and Crystal Abidin

We especially would like to thank: Kath Albury, Airi-Alina Allaste, Steven Angelides, Nancy Baym, Megan Lindsay Brown, Michael Burnam-Fink, Paul Byron, Earvin Cabalquinto, Alexander Cho, Edgar Gómez Cruz, Debra Ferreday, Robbie Fordyce, Ysabel Gerrard, Ben Hanckel, Matt Hart, Larissa Hjorth, Amelia Johns, Akane Kanai, Annette Markham, Anthony McCosker, Allison McCracken, John Carter McKnight, Kristian Møller, Susanna Paasonen, Daniel Reeders, Bryce Renninger, Brady Robards, Jenny Robinson, Julian Sefton-Green, Terri Senft, Frances Shaw, Daphanie Teo, Cindy Tekobbe, Emily van der Nagel, Son Vivienne, Katie Warfield, Rosie Welch, and Andrew Whelan.

.....

Social media are diverse, but public imaginaries of their functions and implications are dominated by Facebook. Scholarship too, is heavily skewed toward Facebook (given its popularity worldwide), and also Twitter (given its high accessibility for researchers to extract data via the API). Generalist discussions and critiques of social media therefore often presume that social media sociality4 is profile-based and built on what is called the social graph and the ego network.5 In the case of Facebook, egos in the graph are represented by profiles – descriptions of the account owner’s social characteristics, often in the form of answers to questions, sometimes via predetermined options. This version of social media sociality is linked to individual connections and has been multiply critiqued in the past decade: as networked individualism (Wellman 2002), as people converging around someone’s profile or interacting in dyads instead of converging around interests (Baym 2010), as leading to context collapse resulting from the inability to modulate one’s self presentations to different audiences (Marwick and boyd 2011), as fostering a culture of connectivity instead one of connection (van Dijck 2013), or even as antisocial, because it discourages deliberation (Vaidhyanathan 2018).

The following are generalizations, of course, but they reflect dominant trends on platforms and, more importantly, dominant imaginaries about the platforms, which together converge into an increasingly popular narrative of a broken internet (Berners-Lee 2019; Phillips 2020). Facebook started out as a social ego network intended for interpersonal interaction, but has, according to American media scholar Siva Vaidhyanathan (2018), devolved into a network of amplified prejudices and predilections. Twitter, according to media and communication scholars Jean Burgess and Nancy Baym (2020: 13), remains unsure whether it should be a social network or an information network, and which of the two is a more valuable form of human communication, even if the founders themselves have framed the platform’s transformation “from a me-centered, personal, and intimate Twitter, to a world-centered, public, and newsy one” as progress. Instagram, as argued by internet researchers Tama Leaver, Tim Highfield, and Crystal Abidin (2020), increasingly functions as a communication and commerce network, where sociality is template-based and communication rarely leads to collective experiences (Leaver and Highfield 2018). In contrast, tumblr’s features, functions, governance, and user cultures – as we will go on to show – differ significantly from these popular platforms. tumblr is a social network, but not profile-based or legal name-linked, and welcomes multifaceted self-presentation; it is informative, but through educational rather than newsy ways; attention flows and converges on it but is linked differently to commerce than elsewhere.

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