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The day after Donald Trump announced his campaign for the presidency, Dylann Roof walked into a Charleston, South Carolina, church with a gun and killed nine black people because they were black.

It was purely a coincidence that one act followed the other, hundreds of miles apart: Roof apparently knew little about Trump and was not known to be a Trump follower. Trump had never met nor had any interaction with Roof.

Yet the two acts were inextricably connected—by the events and acts that had preceded them, and by those that followed in the ensuing weeks and months. Most of all, both acts signaled, in different ways, a deep change in the American cultural and political landscape.

The American radical right—the violent, paranoid, racist, hateful radical right—was back with a vengeance. Actually, it had never really gone away. And now it had a presidential candidate.

Hopefully, he’s going to sit there and say, “When I become elected president, what we’re going to do is we’re going to make the border a vacation spot, it’s going to cost you twenty-five dollars for a permit, and then you get fifty dollars for every confirmed kill.” That’d be one nice thing.

—Supporter of Donald Trump, interviewed in the New York Times

This robocall goes out to all millennials and others who are honest in all their dealings … The white race is being replaced by other peoples in America and in all white countries. Donald Trump stands strong as a nationalist.

—William White (a white nationalist), pro-Trump robocall to Massachusetts voters

The march to victory will not be won by Donald Trump in 2016, but this could be the steppingstone we need to then radicalize millions of White working and middle class families to the call to truly begin a struggle for Faith, family and folk.

—Matthew Heimbach, cofounder of the neo-Nazi Traditionalist Youth Network, at organization’s website

Get all of these monkeys the hell out of our country—now! Heil Donald Trump—THE ULTIMATE SAVIOR.

—Tweet from the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website

Donald Trump was right, all these illegals need to be deported.

—White man in Boston who with another man beat a homeless Latino to within an inch of his life with a metal pole and then urinated on him

People who are following me are very passionate. They love this country and they want this country to be great again. They are passionate.

—Donald Trump, when asked about the Boston hate crime

Most Americans surveying the wreckage of the American political landscape in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election are startled by the ugliness and violence that have crept into the nation’s electoral politics. And they can recognize its source: the sudden appearance of the racist far right as players.

Almost as blindingly as Donald Trump appeared on the scene, so did an array of white nationalists and supremacists, conspiracy theorists and xenophobes, even Klansmen and skinheads and other violent radicals, who for decades had been relegated to the fringe of right-wing politics. Hadn’t they gone extinct?

Most Americans did not realize that, far from going extinct, these groups had been growing and flourishing in recent years, fed by the rivulets of hate mongering and disinformation-fueled propaganda flowing out of right-wing media for at least a decade and the hospitable dark environment provided by a virtual blackout in mainstream media concerning the growth of right-wing extremism.

These tendencies dated back to the Bill Clinton administration, when the radical right first began to try to mainstream itself as a “patriot” and militia movement, but was derailed largely by the violent terrorism that the movement also brewed up. Simultaneously, right-wing media began appearing as a new propaganda type that openly eschewed the journalistic standards of mainstream news organizations: in a classic use of “Newspeak,” they declared themselves “fair and balanced.”

The organizational drive of the new “Patriot” movement largely went into a hiatus in the early part of the new century, during the conservative Republican administration of George W. Bush, but the extremism that originally fueled the movement in the 1990s remained very much alive. On the far right the conspiracist element found fresh life in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, which produced an entire cottage industry devoted to proving that the attacks were part of a plot by the New World Order. Simultaneously, the mainstream rhetoric on the right became vociferous during the Iraq War, when any criticism of Bush and his administration’s conduct of the war was denounced nastily as treason, and liberals were sneered at as “soft on terror.”

This suffused extremism came roaring back to life with the nomination of Barack Obama as the Democratic Party’s candidate for the presidency in 2008, and then his election, which sparked a virulent counterreaction on the radical right. The idea of a black man, let alone a liberal one, as president made them recoil in visceral disgust. The mainstream, business-establishment right—after years of right-wing-media conditioning during both the Clinton and Bush years—apparently could no longer abide the idea of shared rule with a liberal president and set out to delegitimize him by any means possible. And it was in that shared hatred that the extremist and mainstream right finally cemented their growing alliance.

This alliance found form in the “Tea Party,” which was widely celebrated as a grassroots conservative phenomenon that sprang to life in 2009, in the wake of Obama’s election. It was generally portrayed (following members’ self-descriptions) as attached to the conservative ideal of small government, expressed as limited spending and taxes. In reality, however, their founding organizations were explicitly focused on opposing Obama and every aspect of his presidency. In the ensuing years, politicians and pundits inside the Beltway assumed that this was the Tea Party’s raison d’être.

But it was more. In the rural and red-voting suburban districts where the Tea Party organized itself on the ground, it became the living embodiment of right-wing populism.

Right-wing populism in America—as distinct from its left-wing variety—has always been predicated on a narrative known as “producerism,” in which the hard-working “producers” of America are beset by a two-headed enemy: a nefarious elite suppressing them from above, and a parasitic underclass of “others,” reliant on welfare and government benefits, tearing them down and sucking them under from below. Right-wing populism has most often been expressed via various nativist anti-immigrant movements. In the twenty-first century, this brand of populism became expressed as a hostility to “liberal” elites and “parasitic” minorities and immigrants.

Thus, the Tea Party focused on conspiracy theories and the supposed “tyranny” of the president, and ardently embraced ideals that kept bubbling up from the extremist right: constitutionalism, nullification of federal laws and edicts, and even secession from the Union. The Tea Party movement became a major conduit into the mainstream of American conservatism of the most extreme, often outright nutty ideas that originated with the Patriot movement and its related far-right cousins.

The Patriots have always specialized in creating a kind of alternative universe, a set of alternate explanations for an entire world of known facts, made possible only by a willingness to believe in easily disprovable falsehoods. The Patriots describe themselves primarily as constitutionalists, but their understanding of the Constitution is based on a distorted misreading of the document and its place in the body of law. For example, Patriots believe that the Second Amendment prohibits all gun and arms regulation whatsoever; that the text of the Constitution prohibits the federal government from owning any kind of public lands and from creating any kind of federal law enforcement; that the sheriff of the county is the highest law-enforcement entity in the land; and that federal laws ensuring civil rights and prohibiting hate crimes are unconstitutional and thus moot. Thus, in the context of the Patriot movement, “constitutionalist” describes people who believe that most “constitutional” powers reside in local government, specifically county sheriffs—not in the national Constitution.

These beliefs about the Constitution are amplified by a panoply of conspiracy theories: A nefarious New World Order is plotting to enslave all of mankind in a world government that permits no freedom, and its many tentacles can be glimpsed daily in news events. President Obama is secretly an illegitimate president who was born overseas and falsified his birth certificate; he’s also secretly a Muslim plotting to hand the United States over to Islamist radicals who plan to institute sharia law in the United States and around the world. Global warming is a hoax, a scam dreamed up by leftists and totalitarian environmentalists who want to control every facet of our lives. In this alternative universe, facts and the laws of political gravity do not apply.

In the alternative universe of right-wing populism, down is often up. Ultimately, the right-wing populist solution to the world’s problems is to submit to an authoritarian “enlightened” ruler. Some of the leading figures of right-wing populist movements in American history—for example, Henry Ford—have been famous “captains of industry.”

Early on, Donald Trump identified this belief system as being aligned with his own. “I think the people of the Tea Party like me, because I represent a lot of the ingredients of the Tea Party,” he told a Fox News interviewer in 2011.

Trump was cannily tapping into a large voting bloc that had already been created by conservative activists and made large by the very rhetoric and ideology that nearly all of the movement’s media organs embraced to some degree before his arrival on the scene.

The political establishment, however, has studiously ignored the existence of this bloc, and so it has been utterly befuddled by the Trump phenomenon and his ability to operate in this universe where the normal laws of reason do not seem to apply and to bring it onto the national political stage.

“He is defying the laws of political gravity right now,” exclaimed the political consultant Michael Bronstein in January 2016, voicing what became the conventional wisdom. Regarding Trump’s comments and tweets, Bronstein said, “Inside the presidential race, any one of these lines, if they were associated to another candidate, it would’ve ended the candidacy … I think the establishment, the punditry class, looks at him and a lot of them are just bewildered.”

Before the Trump campaign, the true believers of the Tea Party were assumed to be on the fringe of the Republican Party, a tiny subset that had no voice and even less power. The Trump campaign revealed that their numbers were not tiny, nor were they powerless. These dark forces had been building for years, waiting for the right kind of figure—charismatic, rich, fearlessly bombastic—to come along and put them into play.

They manifested themselves on that very first day of Trump’s campaign, June 15, 2015, at the press conference he called at Trump Tower, in New York City. The atmospherics were negative: Trump was boastful and blaming as he sketched a narrative of an America whose leaders’ incompetence had allowed the nation to be beaten down in trade by foreigners. But what really stood out was his open, unapologetic expression of bigotry toward Latinos and other minorities.

“The US has become a dumping ground for everybody else’s problems,” he claimed, to loud applause, and then continued:

Thank you. It’s true, and these are the best and the finest. When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best. They’re not sending you … They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.

But I speak to border guards and they tell us what we’re getting. And it only makes common sense. It only makes common sense. They’re sending us not the right people.

It’s coming from more than Mexico. It’s coming from all over South and Latin America, and it’s coming probably—probably—from the Middle East. But we don’t know. Because we have no protection and we have no competence, we don’t know what’s happening. And it’s got to stop and it’s got to stop fast.

This was a signature trope of Trump’s campaign: Trump didn’t avail himself of the coded “dog whistle” signals that conservatives had learned to employ when they spoke about race, ethnicity, crime, and immigration. He called this kind of euphemistic prevarication “political correctness,” and he intended to smash it to tiny pieces and say what he knew his listeners already thought.

Right-wing politicians had for years relied on this coy rhetoric because naked racial attacks hurt them in opinion polls. This rhetorical dancing around also spared them from being attacked for their racism while allowing them to communicate to their own audiences that their biases aligned with those of their white suburban and rural base—which, it emerged, continued to embrace racist tropes and stereotypes about people of color, regardless of the broader social stigma in doing so.

This was made manifestly clear by the ardent following that Trump immediately developed for his “anti-PC” style of campaigning: instead of plummeting in the polls, as many expected after Trump’s wildly controversial opening speech, his approval ratings climbed. And climbed. And climbed.

Longtime nativists soon perceived in Trump a bandwagon they could jump on. Among the friends and admirers Trump acquired who were movement conservatives was one of their leading mavens, the syndicated columnist Ann Coulter. Coulter had long complained that immigration was an issue that Republicans kept overlooking and botching in national elections—because they hadn’t gone far enough to the right.

In fact, Coulter had made that very argument in a book that came out on June 1, 2015, Adios America: The Left’s Plan to Turn Our Country into a Third World Hellhole. She had been making the rounds of all the right-wing TV talk shows to promote it—and a few mainstream programs as well.

Coulter has a long history of citing far-right extremists and white nationalists in her work, and this one was no different. Retailing a hodgepodge of recycled nativist talking points, the book cited a number of white supremacist sources, and repeated the assertion of Richard Spencer, a white nationalist, that “immigration is a proxy war against America.” She also claimed in the book that Latinos sustained a “culture of misogyny.”

Coulter also credited another well-known white nationalist figure named Peter Brimelow—the founder of an openly racist website called VDare (named for Virginia Dare, the first white child born in North America)—for her anti-immigrant politics. These views were seconded by another well-known “academic racist,” Jared Taylor, who declared that with her book Coulter “has established herself as the foremost advocate for immigration sanity in America—if not the world.”

Meanwhile, on TV and elsewhere, Coulter did what she does best—serve up sound bites of outrageous commentary that stir up condemnation from mainstream liberals and that warm the hearts of her fellow conservatives. This time out, though, Coulter had grown beyond outrageous and become genuinely vicious, warning Americans they “better get used to having your little girls get raped” as a result of immigration and that “Americans should fear immigrants more than ISIS,” and sneering that Mexican culture “is obviously deficient.” She denied that there was anything bigoted about this: “Hispanics are not black,” she countered, “so drop the racism crap.”

Coulter, who had been an ardent Romney supporter, had begun to turn in Trump’s direction, telling one interviewer that a Trump-Romney ticket would stop “foreigners” from outvoting “white Americans.” It was apparently a mutual-admiration society: Coulter told a reporter that Trump had “asked for, and received, an advance copy of my book, and he told me … that he’s read the book cover to cover.” Trump tweeted out that Coulter’s book was “a great read. Good job!”

One of the solutions to immigration from south of the border was to build an effective wall along the Mexican border. “Contrary to repeated assertions that fences don’t work,” Coulter asserted, “… after Israel completed a fence along its border in 2013, the number of illegal aliens entering the country dropped to zero.”

When Trump announced his plans to run for president on June 15, he made the wall idea the centerpiece of his attack on Mexican immigration: “I would build a great wall, and nobody builds walls better than me, believe me, and I’ll build them very inexpensively, I will build a great, great wall on our southern border. And I will have Mexico pay for that wall. Mark my words.”

That was just the opening act.

Another ardent Trump admirer that weekend was a South Carolina man named Kyle Rogers, the thirty-something webmaster of the St. Louis–based Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC). A reincarnation of the white-supremacist Citizens Councils of the 1950s, Rogers’s new council has been designated a white-supremacist hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

Rogers was active in South Carolina Republican politics, although his presence was mostly seen as an embarrassment by party officials, who tried to exclude him as much as possible. He’d served as a delegate to the Charleston County Republican Convention in 2007, and in 2013 GOP officials in Dorchester County confirmed that he was a member of that county’s Republican Executive Committee. They expressed chagrin about Rogers’s participation, saying they had asked him to resign but were unable legally to eject him.

The CCC enjoyed influence even in the halls of South Carolina state government. A CCC national board member, Roan Garcia-Quintana, had run as a Republican nominee for a state senate seat in 2008, and sat on Governor Nikki Haley’s reelection campaign steering committee until his CCC membership was exposed and he was asked to resign.

The CCC had suffered a major blow when its founder and longtime leader, Gordon Baum, died in March 2015, and younger members like Kyle Rogers were increasingly seen as the face of its future. Promoting fake statistics about black crime is one of Rogers’s specialties. He maintains a section on the CCC website titled “The Color of Crime,” devoted to claims that black criminals disproportionately target white victims.

Rogers seemed to make at least some of his living by selling things online, including flags at Patriotic-Flags.com, which is directly linked at the CCC site he manages. Among the flags he sells is one from the government of Rhodesia, which no longer exists; its banner is still widely considered a symbol of white-supremacist rule in Africa, similar to the Confederate flag in the United States. And he sold T-shirts. On June 16, the day after Donald Trump’s announcement, Rogers posted to his Twitter account a link to the “Donald Trump 2016” shirts he was selling to his 40,000 Twitter followers.

But Rogers deleted his entire Twitter account later that same day—the day Dylann Roof went to Charleston.

Dylann Roof was a twenty-one-year-old resident of Columbia, South Carolina, who ran a website called “The Last Rhodesian,” devoted to white nationalism. He liked to wear Rhodesian flag patches and posed on his Facebook page wearing one while waving a Confederate flag.

Roof was an ardent member of the South Carolina branch of the CCC, although it is not clear to what extent he had associated with Rogers or other CCC leaders. In the days before he walked into a Charleston church with a gun, he had put together his manifesto, which made clear that the CCC had informed and ultimately inspired his actions that day. “I was not raised in a racist home or environment,” Roof wrote.

Living in the South, almost every White person has a small amount of racial awareness, simply because of the numbers of negroes in this part of the country. But it is a superficial awareness. Growing up, in school, the White and black kids would make racial jokes toward each other, but all they were were jokes. Me and White friends would sometimes watch things that would make us think that “blacks were the real racists” and other elementary thoughts like this, but there was no real understanding behind it.

The event that truly awakened me was the Trayvon Martin case. I kept hearing and seeing his name, and eventually I decided to look him up. I read the Wikipedia article and right away I was unable to understand what the big deal was. It was obvious that Zimmerman was in the right. But more importantly this prompted me to type in the words “black on White crime” into Google, and I have never been the same since that day. The first website I came to was the Council of Conservative Citizens. There were pages upon pages of these brutal black on White murders. I was in disbelief. At this moment I realized that something was very wrong. How could the news be blowing up the Trayvon Martin case while hundreds of these black on White murders got ignored?

The remainder of the manifesto—which does not mention Donald Trump or any other politician—appears to be more or less a distillation of CCC and other white-nationalist talking points. Roof defends the history of slaveholding, adopting talking points drawn from neo-Confederate organizations such as the League of the South and the pseudo-historians they deploy to minimize the harm of slavery and its legacy. He discusses the need for American and European white nationalists to link arms in what they see as the struggle against “multiculturalism.”

And some of it is just unrestrained bigotry (spelling as in originals):

Niggers are stupid and violent. At the same time they have the capacity to be very slick. Black people view everything through a racial lense. Thats what racial awareness is, its viewing everything that happens through a racial lense. They are always thinking about the fact that they are black.

…

Segregation was not a bad thing. It was a defensive measure. Segregation did not exist to hold back negroes. It existed to protect us from them.

…

Anyone who thinks that White and black people look as different as we do on the outside, but are somehow magically the same on the inside, is delusional. How could our faces, skin, hair, and body structure all be different, but our brains be exactly the same? This is the nonsense we are led to believe.

…

Negroes have lower IQs, lower impulse control, and higher testosterone levels in generals. These three things alone are a recipe for violent behavior.

The CCC’s website and other similar sites were cloacae of such ignorant rants. But Roof chose to take all this in his own direction.

To take a saying from a film, “I see all this stuff going on, and I dont see anyone doing anything about it. And it pisses me off.” To take a saying from my favorite film, “Even if my life is worth less than a speck of dirt, I want to use it for the good of society.”

I have no choice. I am not in the position to, alone, go into the ghetto and fight. I chose Charleston because it is most historic city in my state, and at one time had the highest ratio of blacks to Whites in the country. We have no skinheads, no real KKK, no one doing anything but talking on the internet. Well someone has to have the bravery to take it to the real world, and I guess that has to be me.

Roof’s bizarre, rambling manifesto was reminiscent of a similar document penned in 2008 by a conservative Tennessee man named Jim David Adkisson, who also walked into a church with a gun. Adkisson was driven to anger by the looming nomination of a black man as the Democratic candidate for the presidency: “I’m protesting the DNC running such a radical leftist candidate. Osama Hussein Obama, yo mama. No experience, no brains, a joke. Dangerous to America, he looks like Curious George!” He was also appalled by the race-mixing mores of modern times as exemplified by Obama’s mother: “How is a white woman having a niger [sic] baby progress?” he asked.

In July 2008, Adkisson walked into a Unitarian Universalist church in downtown Knoxville armed with a 12-gauge shotgun during a performance of a children’s musical and opened fire. He killed two people and wounded seven more; when he stopped to reload, he was tackled and immobilized by members of the congregation until the police arrived.

Contrary to his expectations of being killed by police, Adkisson instead stood trial for murder, pleaded guilty, and is now serving a life sentence with no possibility of parole.

In the seven and a half years between Jim David Adkisson’s 2008 rampage and Dylann Roof’s in 2015, domestic terrorism in America spiked dramatically. But hardly anyone noticed.

During that time span, there were 201 total cases of domestic terrorism in the United States—almost three times the rate of the preceding eight years. The large majority of these crimes were committed by right-wing extremists—some 115 in all, compared to 63 cases of Islamist-inspired domestic terror, and 19 cases of left-wing-extremist terrorism.

Despite that disproportionate reality, the image most Americans have when they think of terrorism is an act committed by someone wearing a turban. That is mostly a result of the Al Qaeda attacks of September 11, 2001, and their lingering aftermath, especially a declared War on Terror that focused on battling radical Islamists in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere.

However, domestic terrorism—acts that are plotted and executed on American soil, directed at US citizens, by actors based here —is a different story. It has been there all along. The most damaging domestic terrorist attack ever committed on American soil was the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people and injured another 680. The perpetrators were a pair of white right-wing extremists, Tim McVeigh and Terry Nichols. For at least a generation, such homegrown extremists have been far and away the largest source of terrorism in the United States. Even before Obama’s election in 2008—but also in anticipation of that event—the rate of incidents began to rise dramatically, seemingly triggered by Jim David Adkisson’s rampage. And it remained at that same high level for most of the Obama presidency.

Right-wing extremist terrorism was more often deadly than Islamist extremism: nearly a third of incidents involved fatalities, for a total of seventy-nine deaths, whereas just 8 percent of Islamist incidents caused fatalities. However, the total number of deaths resulting from Islamist incidents was higher—ninety—due largely to three mass shootings in which nearly all the casualties occurred: in 2009 at Fort Hood, Texas, and in 2015 in San Bernardino, California, and Orlando, Florida, in 2016.

Incidents related to left-wing ideologies, including ecoterrorism and animal rights actions, were comparatively rare: nineteen incidents resulted in five deaths.

Despite these statistics, officialdom and the media focused only on terrorism threats plotted by Islamist radicals. Right-wing pundits viciously attacked and silenced anyone who tried to bring up right-wing violence in the framework of terrorism; they had grown touchy about their own ideological and rhetorical proximity to the extremism that was fueling the violence.

After the elections of 2010, when the Republicans seized control of Congress, Republicans in both houses began demanding hearings on the threat of domestic terrorism—but when the House committee chairman overseeing the discussion, Congressman Peter King of New York, opened hearings in March 2011, he announced that they would not be bothering to consider anything other than Islamist terrorism:

This Committee cannot live in denial, which is what some would have us do when they suggest that this hearing dilute its focus by investigating threats unrelated to Al Qaeda. The Department of Homeland Security and this committee were formed in response to the Al Qaeda attacks of 9/11. There is no equivalency of threat between al Qaeda and neo-Nazis, environmental extremists or other isolated madmen. Only Al Qaeda and its Islamist affiliates in this country are part of an international threat to our nation. Indeed by the Justice Department’s own record not one terror related case in the last two years involved neo-Nazis, environmental extremists, militias or anti-war groups.

As it happened, an attempted bombing of the MLK Day parade in Spokane by a white supremacist had happened just the day before. King was abysmally misinformed about the overall number of terrorist acts and plots emerging from the sectors he claimed were inactive. He was reminded of this by his Democratic colleague, Congressman Bennie Thompson, who pleaded, “I urge you, Mr. Chairman, to hold a hearing examining the Homeland Security threat posed by anti-government and white supremacist groups. As a committee on Homeland Security, our mission is to examine threats to this nation’s security. A narrow focus that excludes known threats lacks clarity and may be myopic.”

King ignored this plea and did not permit any deviation from the hearings’ announced focus. However, the next year the Senate did hold hearings on the subject of right-wing extremist violence in the wake of neo-Nazi Wade Michael Page’s murderous rampage at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin in which six worshippers died. At that hearing senators heard from Daryl Johnson, a veteran domestic-terrorism analyst. Johnson was unequivocal:

The threat of domestic terrorism motivated by extremist ideologies is often dismissed and overlooked in the national media and within the US government. Yet we are currently seeing an upsurge in domestic non-Islamic extremist activity, specifically from violent right-wing extremists. While violent left-wing attacks were more prevalent in the 1970s, today the bulk of violent domestic activity emanates from the right wing.

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), which tracks hate groups and Patriot and other extremist organizations and monitors and reports on their activities, continued to track this right-wing violence. In conjunction with an upswing in domestic terrorism and hate crimes that began in 2008, the SPLC saw dramatic increases in the number of hate groups and extremist organizations that got their start in those years; the number steadily increased in each of the following years. In 2012–13, the SPLC counted 1,360 active Patriot groups and 873 other hate groups of various stripes, such as the Ku Klux Klan, skinheads, neo-Nazis, antigay groups, anti-Muslims groups, and so forth.

But then along came a sharp decline between 2013 and 2015, of Patriot groups in particular; the new total was 874. At first it looked like an aberration, but eventually the reason became clear: radicals were taking their acts out of organizations and going online. In March 2015, Mark Potok, a senior fellow at the SPLC, explained what the data was showing them: the advent of social media and other more dispersed means of sharing information had created a shift in how extremists shared their ideologies and how they recruited, too.

The evidence, he said, indicated “that large numbers of extremists have left organized groups because of the high social cost of being known to affiliate with them. Many of those people apparently now belong to no group, but operate instead mainly on the Internet, where they can offer their opinions anonymously and easily find others who agree with them—and where they can be heard by huge numbers of people without the hassles, dues, and poor leadership associated with membership in most groups.” He continued, “In any event, as the movement to the Internet suggests, the importance of organized radical groups is declining for a number of reasons. In an age when ever more people are congregating on the web and in social media, the radical right is doing the same. With almost no charismatic leaders on the scene, there is little to attract radicals to join groups when they can broadcast their opinions across the world via the Internet and at the same time remain anonymous if they wish.”

With these observations on the force of attraction of the Internet, he could have been describing Dylann Roof.

Dylann Roof hardly seemed to live in the real world, because before that day in Charleston he had made so little impact on it. The son of a carpenter and a barmaid, by the age of twenty-one he had never had an occupation other than landscaper, a job he only held for a few weeks. He couldn’t be called a student, since he had dropped out after ninth grade. He had been married and divorced. Mostly he hung out in his room and played video games, taking drugs and getting drunk.

At some point in his late teens, though, a political bug kicked in, and he began posting online: mostly white-nationalist material, including memes promoting the “14 Words”—a white-supremacist creed about “ensuring the future of the white race”—and the symbol “88,” which is a cipher for “Heil Hitler” (h is the eighth letter of the alphabet). Photos of Roof posing with guns, with a Confederate flag, with a Rhodesian flag deck, posing at plantations and at cemeteries in historic slavery sites decked the walls of his bedroom.

One of his favorite websites was a neo-Nazi forum called the Daily Stormer, which he seems to have first encountered after his discovery of the Council of Conservative Citizens website. Roof posted at the Stormer under the handle “AryanBlood1488,” perhaps as early as September 2014, and his hatred of black people was already pronounced then. “White culture is World Culture,” he wrote, “and by that I don’t mean that our culture is made up of ones from around the world, I mean that our culture has been adopted by everyone in the world. This makes us feel as if it isn’t special, because everyone has adopted it.” A nearly identical passage appears in his manifesto.

He began making preparations for his big day. He bought a Glock 41 .45-caliber handgun, even though he had been busted for narcotics possession in February and, under normal circumstances, should have been prevented from buying any guns at all, but the FBI’s background-check system failed to catch him.

He also began telling his friends that soon he was going to start shooting people. Two of his friends tried to hide his gun from him. Another old friend, Dalton Tyler, ran into him just a week before he took his fateful trip to Charleston. “He was big into segregation and other stuff,” Tyler said. “He said he wanted to start a civil war. He said he was going to do something like that and then kill himself.”

But no one took him seriously. No one called the police.

When he set out for Charleston the morning of June 17, Roof probably intended to carry out his shooting spree primarily at the College of Charleston, an elegant old-line Southern school in the older part of the city. That was what he had been telling his friends. But at some point he changed his mind, apparently because of the high levels of security at the college campus, and headed for Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, one of the city’s oldest churches and a historic center of civil-rights activism in South Carolina. Its pastor, the Reverend Clementa Pinckney, was a state senator and well-regarded spokesperson for the black community.

When Roof walked into the church at 8:20 p.m., a prayer service was under way with a large congregation in attendance. Roof sat down in a pew. Shortly afterward, the gathering broke up into smaller Bible study groups. Roof, the only white person in the church, joined the group that was being led by Rev. Pinckney. He sought out a seat next to Pinckney. There were eleven others in the group.

All were longtime members of the congregation and their family members. Daniel Simmons, seventy-four, the church’s assistant pastor, had retired a few years before as the head pastor at a nearby African Methodist church. Cynthia Hurd, fifty-four, was the branch manager of St. Andrews Regional Library. Depayne Middleton-Doctor, forty-nine, a longtime singer in the church choir, was an admissions coordinator at the Charleston learning center of her alma mater, Southern Wesleyan University. Sharonda Coleman-Singleton, forty-five, also an assistant pastor at the church, was a track coach at Goose Creek High School. Myra Thompson, fifty-nine, a longtime churchgoer and Bible study teacher, was an active member of the Delta Sigma Theta sorority. Susie Jackson, eighty-seven, was a longtime member of the church. Felecia Sanders, fifty-eight, Jackson’s younger sister, was attending the service to be with her family. Tywanza Sanders, twenty-six, Felecia’s son, a 2014 graduate of Allen University, was an aspiring poet who was renowned for his broad smile. With them was Felecia’s granddaughter, five. Ethel Lance, seventy, was a longtime director of Charleston’s Gaillard Auditorium who had worked at the church for thirty years. Polly Sheppard, seventy-one, was a church trustee.

For nearly an hour the group discussed Scripture among themselves. Roof later told police that he nearly called off his plan because everyone “was so nice to him.” But he eventually steeled himself, deciding he “had to go through with his mission.”

No one is quite sure what set him off, but Felecia Sanders said later the group had just closed their eyes to begin the closing prayer when Dylann Roof stood up, began ranting that he was there to kill “niggers,” and pulled out his Glock. He turned and fired point-blank at Rev. Pinckney, killing him instantly.

Then he pointed it at Susie Jackson, the oldest person in the room. Tywanza Sanders stood up and pleaded with Roof not to take out his hatred on innocent people. “You don’t have to do this,” he said.

“Yes I do,” Roof answered. “I have to do it. You’ve raped our women, and you are taking over the country. You have to go. I have to do what I have to do.”

Sanders dove across his elderly aunt, Susie Jackson, trying to shield her, and Roof opened fire, killing him first. Then he shot Susie Jackson too.

The room erupted in the sound of gunfire and screams. Roof was between the door and everyone else, so they had nowhere to go but to cower on the floor. He methodically roamed about the room, shooting all of the other occupants—first Rev. Simmons, and then the rest, shooting each victim multiple times. He reloaded the Glock five times. He screamed racial epithets at his victims, and taunted them: “Y’all want something to pray about? I’ll give you something to pray about.”

Somehow, when it was all over, he had missed Felecia Sanders and her five-year-old granddaughter, who lay still on the floor, pretending to be dead, and Polly Sheppard, who also lay quivering on the floor. Roof stood over her.

“Did I shoot you?” he asked.

“No.”

He paused, then said, “Good, ‘cause we need someone to survive, because I’m gonna shoot myself, and you’ll be the only survivor.”

Then he turned away, pointed the gun to his head, and pulled the trigger—but it only clicked. He had run out of ammunition. So he walked out the door and into the night.

On the day after Dylann Roof’s rampage, the flags over the South Carolina statehouse in Columbia flew at half-staff except for one, the Confederate battle flag at the nearby Confederate Monument, which was affixed atop a pole by state law and could only come down at the behest of the state legislature. Half-staff wasn’t even an option. (The flag had been moved there after a controversy surrounding the flag’s flying over the statehouse itself.) But even before Roof was caught, the photos of him waving Confederate flags began to appear, along with his manifesto, and suddenly that flag’s position came into sharp focus.

Roof himself was captured the next morning in his car in Shelby, North Carolina. Another driver, Debbie Dills of Gastonia, North Carolina, spotted him while driving alongside him on US Route 74, and followed him for thirty-five miles while phoning the police with details of his whereabouts. Police surrounded his car and he surrendered without incident.

The massacre outraged and stunned the world. Most shocked were Americans, who had seemingly forgotten about the racial hatred that fueled white supremacism, both the street variety and the institutional kind. A number of acts of shocking terrorist violence had been committed for a variety of motives in recent years, but this one was fueled by pure old-fashioned racial hatred. It was as though Dylann Roof had summoned an ancient demon out of the American cellar that everyone had hoped had withered away out of neglect. Instead it had grown large and ravenous in the dark.

The shooting took place in the midst of rising racial turmoil in the United States. The Trayvon Martin shooting in February 2012 had sparked a growing national conversation about the disproportionate numbers of deaths of young black men while their murderers went free. Some of them had died while in police custody. The heated conversation turned into a bonfire when a young black man named Michael Brown was shot to death by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, in August 2014. The shooting sparked several days of civil unrest in Ferguson as large protest crowds confronted police riot forces. A grand jury’s decision in November not to charge the police officer triggered another week of riots and some looting.

There were other similar incidents of inexplicable lethal force applied to black men and boys. In July 2014, Eric Garner died in a New York City policeman’s chokehold. Tamir Rice, twelve, was shot in November 2014 by a Cleveland policeman for having a toy gun at a playground. Eric Harris was killed by Tulsa police detectives while trying to run away from an undercover sting in April 2015. Less than a week later, in Baltimore, Freddie Gray, twenty-five, died while in police custody after sustaining injuries to his neck and spine. The incidents kept mounting and drove the black community to become increasingly organized to push back. The movement called Black Lives Matter began making its presence felt in demonstrations around the United States.

South Carolina had had its own moment that spring in the unwelcome spotlight of racial strife—just weeks before Roof’s attack: On April 4, Michael Slager, a white North Charleston police officer, confronted Walter Scott about the brake lights on Scott’s 1991 Mercedes. Scott tried to flee; Slager caught up to him in a nearby vacant lot; Scott ran away again; Slager pulled his gun and shot him to death in the back. A bystander caught the shooting on video. Soon it went viral across the nation on social media and nightly newscasts.

But this time the policeman did not get away with it. After police viewed the video, Slager was arrested on April 7 and was indicted by a grand jury on June 8. Roof went on his rampage on June 17.

As it happened, Slager was Roof’s cell-block neighbor at the detention center in North Charleston where police took him after his capture (the two were unable to communicate). Roof reportedly confessed immediately to his crime and told investigators it was his hope that he would start a race war.

But nothing of the sort happened. The black community did not rise up in violence and anger in response to the murders. Instead, the survivors and the victims’ family members publicly forgave Roof and his fellow haters and urged the community to come together to heal. The black community chose to focus on helping that healing process happen. At the funerals for the victims, and in interviews with the survivors, forgiveness was the overriding theme.

“We welcomed you Wednesday night in our Bible study with open arms,” said Felecia Sanders in a public statement she read aloud to Roof at his first court hearing. “You have killed some of the most beautifulest people that I know. Every fiber in my body hurts, and I will never be the same. Tywanza Sanders is my son, but Tywanza was my hero … May God have mercy on you.”

Ethel Lance’s daughter said, “I will never be able to hold her again, but I forgive you. And have mercy on your soul. You hurt me. You hurt a lot of people, but God forgives you, and I forgive you.”

President Obama came to Charleston and delivered the eulogy at Rev. Pinckney’s memorial. As for Dylann Roof’s hopes for a race war, Obama called the massacre “an act that he presumed would deepen divisions that trace back to our nation’s original sin. Oh, but God works in mysterious ways,” Obama continued. “God has different ideas. He didn’t know he was being used by God. Blinded by hatred, the alleged killer could not see the grace surrounding Rev. Pinckney and that Bible study group.”

“We all have one thing in common. Our hearts are broken,” said Mayor Joseph Riley Jr. at an interfaith prayer service. Riley received a standing ovation at the service when another speaker recalled a 120-mile march to Columbia that Riley led in 2000 to demand the removal of the Confederate flag from the statehouse grounds—a demand that was never fully met.

The Confederate flag had been hoisted over the South Carolina statehouse in 1962 on the orders of Governor Ernest Hollings, a Democrat, at the behest of the state legislature, as a protest against desegregation. Everyone knew what the flag stood for, and they weren’t afraid to say it: White power. Segregation today, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever. Keep the niggers down.

By 2000, no one was willing to say that anymore. Defenders of the flag’s continued use relied on a set of euphemisms—“states’ rights,” “Southern heritage,” “regional identity”—for what they all knew was an abiding belief in white supremacy. The historian Gordon Rhea explains:

It is no accident that Confederate symbols have been the mainstay of white supremacist organizations, from the Ku Klux Klan to the skinheads. They did not appropriate the Confederate battle flag simply because it was pretty. They picked it because it was the flag of a nation dedicated to their ideals: “that the negro is not equal to the white man.” The Confederate flag, we are told, represents heritage, not hate. But why should we celebrate a heritage grounded in hate, a heritage whose self-avowed reason for existence was the exploitation and debasement of a sizeable segment of its population?

South Carolina’s display of the Confederate flag from atop its state-house dome was one of the more notorious examples of officialdom flaunting the symbol. The pressure remained intense to remove it from the grounds altogether, including boycotts of the state by both the National Collegiate Athletic Association and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

Finally, after the Charleston massacre, South Carolina’s Republican governor, Nikki Haley, was suddenly faced with the need for major damage control. Haley and others knew that it was time to act. On June 22, five days after the massacre, she held a press conference. “Today we are here in a moment of unity in our state without ill will to say it’s time to move the flag from the capitol grounds,” Haley said. The removal, she explained, was necessary to prevent the symbol from causing further pain.

Even some of the flag’s staunchest defenders conceded the need for change. “With the winds that started blowing last week, I figured it would just be a matter of time,” said Ken Thrasher of the South Carolina division of the Sons of Confederate Veterans. “Whatever the Legislature decides to do, we will accept it graciously.”

On June 23, the Assembly began to consider a measure to remove the flag from the statehouse grounds. On July 10, in a solemn ceremony, the flag was taken down for the last time.

Not just in South Carolina but all around the South, the Confederate flag seemed to have taken on a much clearer, and much darker, meaning, and many Southerners decided it was time to be done with it. Governor Robert Bentley of Alabama ordered the removal of the Confederate flag flying over the statehouse in Montgomery. Governors in Virginia, North Carolina, and Maryland announced that they would cease offering state license plates featuring the flag. Mississippi legislators vowed to remove the symbol permanently from their own state flag.

Retailers around the country, including Wal-Mart, Amazon, eBay, Etsy, Sears, and Target, announced they would be pulling Confederate flags and related merchandise from their offerings. The largest flag manufacturers announced they were stopping their Confederate flag production line.

Monuments to the Confederacy and its heroes came under fire. In New Orleans, Mayor Mitch Landrieu ordered the removal of four statues, including the sixty-foot column in the heart of the city bearing the figure of General Robert E. Lee.

In Memphis, the city council voted to remove a memorial to General Nathan Bedford Forrest, a famed Confederate leader and the founder of the Ku Klux Klan.

In pop culture, too, the flag was being banned. Warner Bros. announced it was ceasing production of its “General Lee” toy cars. As for real cars, NASCAR’s chairman announced the company would no longer sanction any use of the flag, and a number of prominent drivers, including Dale Earnhardt Jr. and Jeff Gordon, publicly supported the move. NASCAR races are traditionally a favored location to fly the Confederate flag, but in early July, all NASCAR tracks issued a joint statement asking for fans to refrain from flying or waving the Confederate flag at races.

Official proscriptions of the flag were one thing—reality on the ground, another. As the weeks went by, NASCAR’s order was increasingly ignored. More and more Confederate flags started appearing in the stands. At the Coke Zero 400 in Florida on July 6, held at Daytona International Speedway, thousands of fans showed up with Confederate flags. Most of them angrily denounced NASCAR’s “political correctness.”

“NASCAR is too quick to try to be politically correct like everybody else,” said Paul Stevens, of Port Orange, Florida.

Another NASCAR fan, Steven Rebenstorf, said, “The Confederate flag has absolutely nothing to do with slavery. It has nothing to do with divisiveness. It has nothing to do with any of that. It was just a battle banner until the Ku Klux Klan draped it around themselves. Now, all of a sudden, it represents slavery and that’s not at all true.”

“It’s just a Southern pride thing,” Larry Reeves from Jacksonville Beach, Florida, told the Associated Press. “It’s nothing racist or anything.”

The backlash to the backlash grew in volume. On July 17, one week after the flag came down at the South Carolina statehouse, the Ku Klux Klan held a protest in Columbia to demand that it be restored. Several hundred KKK protesters were met by an even larger crowd of counterprotesters, including a number of radical New Black Panthers. Police had trouble keeping the two sides from tangling, and five people wound up being arrested. Confederate flags were everywhere.

And it turned out to be a lovely day to recruit new members to the Klan.

“We’re just trying to save our heritage,” Roy Pemberton, a sixty-two-year-old Klansman, told potential recruits he met at the rally, most of them middle-aged white men. Pemberton handed them business cards with the group’s hotline number and its slogan: “Racial Purity Is America’s Security!”

“If they continue … there will be a war, and we will fight for our heritage,” Pemberton said. “There are things the South will fight for, and that is one of them. If it continues, there will be bloodshed.”

The new backlash provided recruitment opportunities for the racist radical right, and not just the Klan.

Some of the most eager defenders of the flag were so-called neo-Confederates, far-right Southern ideologues who argue that the cause of the South was just, and agitate for modern-day secession. Two of their favorite organizations now leapt to the fore: the League of the South (LoS), an anti-black hate group, and the Sons of the Confederate Veterans (SCV), a formerly legitimate Southern-heritage group that in recent years has been hijacked by neo-Confederates. Michael Hill, the president of the League of the South, defended the Confederate banner, declaring, “The Confederate battle flag, along with our other cultural icons, is not merely an historical banner that represents the South. It is a shorthand symbol of our very ethnic identity as a distinct people—Southerners.”

In Alabama, a joint protest in Montgomery by the Sons of the Confederate Veterans and the League of the South took place a week after Bentley removed the flag from the statehouse. William Flowers, vice chairman of the Georgia LoS, told the gathering, “We are pushing now to reach out and grab the hearts and minds of fellow Southerners to pull them in to believing that the politicians have betrayed them because it is true. They do not represent your interests. They have stabbed you in the back.”

By the second weekend of July, more than seventy protests had been organized in eight states formerly in the Confederacy, drawing more than 10,000 participants. One rally, in Ocala, Florida, featured an eight-mile procession with more than 1,500 cars. These events quickly became recruitment magnets for groups eager to defend the flag and all that it represented.

James Edwards, host of the far-right radio show the Political Cesspool, charged that “our societal overseers” hated the South and the “symbol of our unique identity before the murders that took place in Charleston occurred.” He accused these new “overseers” of “exploiting the tragedy in order to launch an attempt to completely eradicate the Confederate flag and any memory of the righteous cause for which it stood.” The “righteous cause” included the defense of white supremacy. It was a reiteration of the beliefs that had lain behind the displays of the Confederate flag since the defeat in the Civil War.

The Klan became publicly involved in the campaign to remove the remains of Confederate war hero (and Ku Klux Klan founding father) from their Memphis monument. Thom Robb, head of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, offered via press release to move the general’s statue and remains to Robb’s Christian Revival Center near Harrison, Arkansas.

In Alabama, a nominally mainstream “heritage” group called the Alabama Flaggers congregated at the statehouse to protest the flag’s removal there and extended an open invitation to League of the South members to attend. The Flaggers posted on Facebook: “We are rallying for the Secession from the United States of America. Bring your … secession flags [and] your secession signs.”

The backlash soon spilled out of the South. Pro-Confederate flag rallies were held in such disparate locations as Phoenix, Spokane, and Warsaw, Indiana. By late August, there had been more than 200 such rallies, and by December the total had reached 356. The attendance was generally sparse, but it was often loud, with an ugly tone of anti-black and anti–civil rights animus.

On July 14, when President Obama traveled to Durant, Oklahoma, to speak to students at the high school, he was met by a cluster of protesters who were angry about the Confederate flag prohibitions.

“We’re not gonna stand down from our heritage. You know, this flag’s not racist. And I know a lot of people think it is, but it’s really not. It’s just a Southern thing, that’s it,” Trey Johnson told TV reporters. He had driven three hours from Texas to join the protest.

Things turned frightening in the Atlanta suburb of Douglasville on July 25. A family of African Americans was celebrating a child’s birthday when a convoy of trucks bearing Confederate flags began trolling past, drawing the ire of several people at the party, who yelled at them to leave. At that point, more than seven pickup trucks circled and then parked in the field in front of their home, the passengers yelling racial epithets and threatening the families.

“One had a gun, saying he was gonna kill the niggers,” the party’s hostess, Melissa Alford, told a reporter. “Then one of them said, ‘Gimme the gun, I’ll shoot them niggers.’”

It was all caught on video. Later that fall fifteen people were indicted for making terrorist threats and engaging in “criminal street activity.” Most of those indicted were members of a Georgia group, Respect the Flag.

Melissa Alford said, “If they want to make a statement that these flags mean something to them, I’m OK with that. But … you can’t go around just blatantly terrorizing people.”

Actually, it was just getting started.

The movie Trainwreck is a mildly raunchy sex comedy, starring the comedienne Amy Schumer, that was doing boffo box office in the summer of 2015. But it was also coming in for its share of criticism. The National Review’s film critic, Armond White, ripped the film for promoting sexual immorality and feminism. “Schumer disguises a noxious cultural agenda as personal fiat,” he wrote. “She’s a comedy demagogue who okays modern misbehavior yet blatantly revels in PC notions about feminism, abortion, and other hot-button topics.”

A young writer for Fox News chimed in: “As a young woman, yes, even younger than Schumer, all this attention and praise for raunchy behavior bothers me.”

Those were all people who had bigger audiences than John Russell Houser, fifty-nine, with a history of bipolar disorder and other mental-health issues. Originally from Georgia and most recently from Alabama, he had moved to Lafayette, Louisiana, in early July and taken up residence at a Motel 6 near the freeway.

In his room, he scribbled his “random” thoughts about the moral state of America in his journal:

America is a filth farm. America is no longer America, i.e., all liberal political measures are approved without a vote of the people. These are the measures that lack logic, morality, or financial responsibility. It is this that boils the blood of the citizens, [and] which causes them to dig in their heals. If you have not stood against filth, you are now a soft target.

If the founders of this nation could have seen what the US would become, they would say, “Let us destroy it.”

America is in the middle of celebrating filth, and as such they are the enemy. Those who have not stood are equally culpable.

Soft targets are everywhere.

I have hidden nothing and have hated the US for at least 30 years. It will soon be every man for himself. A global rearrangement comes soon.

America is in the business of

1—making whores and prostitutes of girls and women.

2—making niggers of black people

3—breaking up families that could have survived in a society of decency

4—making sexual deviants (homosexuals) of normal people

5—censoring people who love what is normal

6—creating division amongst people that could have lived in harmony based on logic (affirmative action)

America as a whole is now the enemy. All soft targets included.

Nowhere in the US is it safe.

Houser had a long online history of similar ravings. Most of his postings indicate his obsession with “the power of the lone wolf,” a reference to terrorist attacks carried out by solo operators unconnected to any organization. It is a modality favored by far-right extremists. In 2005 he registered to attend a conference led by the former Ku Klux Klansman David Duke, and later praised Duke in his online comments. He also had a penchant for praising Adolf Hitler, penning lines such as “Hitler is loved for the results of his pragmatism.”

Like Jim David Adkisson, Honser also loved to hate on liberals: “Liberals are in the last stage of killing the golden goose, moral people who pay their bills, most notably, the white MAN.”

Once settled in Louisiana, Houser appears to have tried scoping out his “soft target”—the Grand 16 movie theater in Lafayette. He showed up at the theater a couple of times in disguises, once dressed as a woman, and behaving “erratically.”

On July 23, he showed up ten minutes late for the 7:10 showing of Trainwreck and took a seat in the second-to-last row. He had a .40-caliber handgun in his pants pocket and two ten-round magazines. About ten minutes after he had arrived, he stood, pulled the gun from his pocket, and shot the two people sitting directly in front of him. Then he began walking down the stairway aisle, shooting people in their seats and as they fled. He reloaded once, firing in all at least thirteen rounds.

When the shooting subsided, Houser attempted to return to his car by mingling with panicked patrons. But then he himself panicked when police arrived with lights and sirens blazing, and he ran back inside, firing again randomly at patrons as he did so. Finally he stopped, put the gun in his mouth, and fired a last shot.

Houser killed two women and wounded nine people. The injuries ranged in severity from light to life-altering, and the victims ranged in age from teenagers to women and men in their sixties. One of the victims suffered four gunshot wounds.

The news of the mass shooting hit the networks that night. Fox News’s Megyn Kelly, anchoring the news desk that evening, pondered the breaking story: “Any reason to believe there might be a connection to ISIS, or radical Islam, or terror as we understand it in this country?”

When investigators got to Houser’s Motel 6 room, they found wigs and dresses and makeup for disguises. It looked as though he had planned to escape.

They also found his journal. It didn’t explain precisely why he decided to target a theater showing Trainwreck, but the general direction of his thinking was easy to discern. It isn’t hard to guess why he chose a theater showing that movie as a “soft target,” since he likely figured the audience would be full of liberals and women of questionable moral values.

Investigators also noted that Houser had penned some thoughts on Dylann Roof, whom in one note he called “good but green.”

“Had Dylan Roof reached political maturity he would have seen the word is not nigger, but liberal,” Houser wrote, an eerie echo of Adkisson’s views. “But thank you for the wake up call Dylann.”