Читать книгу The Tangled Tree: A Radical New History of Life - David Quammen, David Quammen - Страница 8

Beginning in July 1837, Charles Darwin kept a small notebook, which he labeled “B,” devoted to the wildest idea he ever had. It wasn’t just a private thing but a secret thing, a record of his most outrageous thoughts. The notebook was bound in brown leather, with a tab and a clasp; 280 pages of cream-colored paper, compact enough to fit in his jacket pocket. Portable, but no toss-away pad. Its quality of materials and construction reflected the fact that Darwin was an affluent young man, living in London as a naturalist of independent means. He had arrived back in England just nine months earlier from the voyage of HMS Beagle.

That journey, consuming almost five years of Darwin’s life, on sea and land, mostly along the South American coastline and inland to the plains and mountains, though with notable other stops on the roundabout way home, would be the only major travel experience of his sheltered, privileged life. But it was enough. A mind-awakening and transformative opportunity, it had given him some large ideas that he wanted to pursue. It had opened his eyes to an astonishing phenomenon that demanded explanation. In a letter to his biology professor and friend John Stevens Henslow, back at Cambridge University, written from Sydney, Australia, Darwin mentioned his puzzling observations of the mockingbirds (not the finches) of the Galápagos Archipelago, a set of volcanic nubs in mid-Pacific. These gray, long-beaked birds differed from island to island but so subtly that they seemed to have diverged from one stock. Diverged? Three kinds of mockingbird? Varying slightly, this island to that? Yes: they appeared distinct but similar, in a way that suggested relatedness. If that impression were true, Darwin confided to Henslow, confessing an intellectual heresy, “such facts would undermine the stability of species.”

The stability of species represented the bedrock of natural history. It was taken for granted, and important, not just among clergy and pious lay people but scientists too. That all the varied forms of creatures on Earth had been fashioned by God, in special acts of creation, and are therefore immutable, was an article of faith to the Anglican scientific establishment of Darwin’s era. This tenet is known as the special-creation hypothesis, though at the time, it seemed less hypothesis than dogma. It had been embraced and supported by prominent naturalists and philosophers of the scientific culture within which Darwin had been educated at Cambridge. He was now home from his wildcat voyage, a youthful adventure with a bunch of rough English sailors, about which his stern father had been skeptical at the start. The experience had altered him—though not in the ways his father may have feared. He hadn’t become a drunk or a libertine. He didn’t curse like a bosun. Darwin’s wanderlust, satisfied physically, was now intellectual. He intended to investigate, very discreetly, a radical alternative to scientific orthodoxy: that the forms of living creatures weren’t eternally stable, as God had created them, but instead had changed over time, one into another—by some mechanism that Darwin didn’t yet understand.

It was a risky proposition. But he was twenty-seven years old and deeply changed by what he had seen and, in a quiet way, very gutsy.

So he had set himself up in the big city, with lodgings on Great Marlborough Street, a convenient location for his visits to the British Museum. This was just a few doors down from the house where his elder brother, Erasmus, had already settled. Darwin joined scientific clubs, the Geological Society, the Zoological Society, but had no job. Didn’t need one. The same formidable father who had first disapproved of the Beagle voyage—Dr. Robert Darwin, a wealthy physician up in the town of Shrewsbury—was now rather proud of his second son, the young naturalist well regarded within British scientific circles. Grumpy on the outside, generous within, Dr. Darwin had made supportive arrangements for both brothers. And Charles was single. He sauntered around London, he handled follow-up tasks on his specimens from the voyage, he worked on rewriting his Beagle diary into a travel book, and—very privately—he ruminated about that radical alternative to special creation. He read widely, scribbling facts and phrases into various notebooks. The “A” notebook was devoted to geology. The B notebook was first of a series on what, to himself only, he called “transmutation.” You can guess what that meant. Darwin had begun thinking his way toward a theory of evolution.

He opened the B notebook, in July 1837, with a few phrases alluding to a book titled Zoonomia; or the Laws of Organic Life, published decades earlier by his own grandfather, another Erasmus Darwin. Zoonomia was a medical treatise (Erasmus was a physician), but it contained some provocative musings that sounded vaguely evolutionary. All warm-blooded animals “have arisen from one living filament,” according to Zoonomia, and they possess “the faculty of continuing to improve” in ways that could be passed down across the generations, “world without end!” Improvement across generations? Heritable change throughout the history of the world? That was contrary to the special-creation hypothesis, but not too surprising from a gouty, libidinous freethinker and sometime poet such as old Erasmus. Darwin had read Zoonomia during his student days and shown little sign of giving his grandfather’s daring ideas much credit. But now, on revisiting, he took them as a point of departure. Page one, entry one, in the B notebook: his grandfather’s title, Zoonomia, followed by reading notes.

Then again, those wild suggestions didn’t lead anywhere. Erasmus Darwin had offered no material mechanism for “the faculty of continuing to improve,” and a material mechanism was what young Charles wanted, though he may not have fully realized that yet. As reflected in the B notebook, he now went from his grandfather’s work to other readings, other speculations and questions, jotting down clipped phrases, often in bad grammar and punctuation. He wasn’t writing to publish. These were messages to himself.

“Why is life short,” he asked, omitting the question mark in his haste. Why is reproduction so important? Why do animals of a given kind tend to be constant in form across an entire country but to differ at least slightly on separate islands? He remembered the giant tortoises on the Galápagos, where his stopover had lasted only thirty-five days but catalyzed an upheaval in his thinking. He remembered the mockingbirds too. And why had he seen two distinct kinds of “ostriches” (his label for big, flightless birds now known as rheas) on the Argentine Pampas, one living north of the Rio Negro, one south of it? Did creatures somehow become different when isolated? Put a pair of cats on an island, let them breed and inbreed there for generations, with a little pressure from enemies, and “who will dare say what result,” Darwin wrote. He dared. The descendants might come to look different from other cats, might they not? He wanted to understand why.

Another important question: “Each species changes. does it progress.” Do the cats become better cats, or at least better cats for catting on that particular island? If so, how long would it take? How far would it go? What are the logical limits, if “every successive animal is branching upwards” and with “different types of organization improving,” new forms arising, old forms dying out? That one word, branching, was freighted with interesting implications: of directional growth, of divergence, of an arboreal form. And these questions Darwin asked himself, they applied not just to cats and ostriches but also to armadillos and sloths in Argentina, to marsupials in Australia, to those huge Galápagos tortoises, and to the wolflike Falkland Islands fox, all peculiar in certain ways, all unique to their isolated places, but recognizably similar to their correlatives—other cats and tortoises and foxes, etcetera—elsewhere. Darwin had seen a lot. He was an acutely observant and reflective young man. He sensed that he had seen patterns, not just particulars. It almost seemed, he wrote, that there was a “law of adaptation” at work.

All this and more, facts and speculations, crammed into the first twenty-one pages of notebook B. The pages are mostly undated, so we can’t know how many days or weeks passed in the opening burst of effort. Anyway, he didn’t yet have his theory. Big ideas were coming at him like diving owls. He needed some order as much as he needed the jumble of tantalizing clues. Maybe he needed a metaphor. Then, on the bottom of page 21, Darwin wrote: “organized beings represent a tree.”