Читать книгу Mandarine - Dominic Billings - Страница 4

The Champs-Élysées of lobbying - more akin to Hades than Elysium in the pantheon of politics - was K Street in America's capital district.

Shrewd, well-connected, often ruthless in its means, if K Street wished it so, representative democracy may very well reflect it, word and letter.

Phalanxes of lobbyists vastly outnumbered Congressional seats, in a Battle of Thermopylae whereby the Persian horde would obliterate the will of the Spartan’s 300-strong, a number just shy of Congress’ 535.

Yoland was meeting with a lobbying firm’s most senior official in a K Street building in Washington, D.C.

The head of the lobying firm, Trent Tolle, inspired himself with jurisprudence. Tolle was sought after for vacancies on the highest courts in the land, presiding upon the machinations and networks of his namesake firm, Tolle & Associates.

Tolle filled vacancies for sympathetic American court judgeships, from the federal districts, to all lower jurisdictions trickling down.

Tolle’s position was to insert candidates meeting his approval to hold lifetime appointments at the apex of a federal government branch - notwithstanding a Senate confirmation which had become more contentious than formality predominantly had in the past 30 years - making him a kingmaker.

Tolle's organisation had the networks to offer ideological influence, resourced to achieve its ends to mould the American judicial landscape. The principle of judicial impartiality was a useful veil to the public, behind which a battle of ideology waged, sometimes as rich as the other government branches.

Trent ushered Yoland into his office. Shelves of formidable legal tomes formed the two walls next to the entrance, James Madison and John Jay portraits on the walls either side of the doorway. Framed above the doorway were official portraits of the six sitting Supreme Court Justices. Including the Chief Justice, all either had been, or were, members of Tolle's organisation. The Supreme Court constituted nine seats, often voting along lines of his firm’s membership.

Behind Trent’s desk, outside the window, though but a block away from the White House, were merely the eight-to-ten storey office buildings forming the horde of Washington lobbyists, obscuring the view.

Yoland laid out to Tolle the background of her business and political aspirations. Propositions such as this were not novel to this office. The scale always varied; the variable factor was dollar figures invested toward mobilising a desired outcome.

The means to achieve the outcome could be in the form of establishing a think tank, either as a non-profit, or within an established university; legal appointments; lobbying for the election of sympathetic candidates, or to influence or outright craft legislation, guiding its passage into law by jockeying among other legislators open to their vote being swung.

Also of consideration was the authority and level of any influence. Whether at federal, state or county level, this could be within each government branch, respective agencies, electoral office staff, judicial clerks, prosecutors, party officials and fundraisers, officeholders of all description and myriad possibility.

Trent’s advice to those seeking his counsel in such matters to begin with was to concentrate efforts, taking the form of support for a singular candidate, or a given district at federal or state level.

Otherwise, they would need vast resources, akin to the top ten wealthiest individuals in the country. Those fortunes had the ability to cultivate such networks over decades. Still, results were not guaranteed due to unavoidable external forces. No fortune in the modern era was of a scale of omnipotence.

Yoland had already thrown out a budgeted figure before the meeting, so Trent had a sense of the scale surmountable in executing the direction. At five million dollars, he went into detail about successful examples. Trent laid out this would take the form of funding candidate’s campaigns.

Trent could sense Yoland’s restlessness. Trent took the fall, conceding to feign curiosity at what was bothering Yoland.

“What about the presidency?” she blurted. Trent had foreseen this. As so many potential suitors sat where Yoland did, clamouring for influence of that office.

This was a clear display of Yoland’s misguidedness, only undermining the sincerity of this effort in Trent’s eyes. Trent felt embarrassed, despite it having been neither his own money, nor his counsel to spread any funds thinner.

Such a political target was folly to Trent. But Yoland ignored any protestations. He could shepherd her, outside her realisation, down avenues less embarrassing, but his efforts in this instance would be in vain. There were many opportunities to turn the boat around in this early stage, but Trent grew tired of trying to mitigate her worst interests. It was tiring to feel embarrassed and prevent embarrassment. He was not a public relations director.

The presidency was by no means beyond the pale to either suggest, or try to influence, to Trent's mind. And often it could have successful results. But Trent always felt it so short-sighted to look only as far a presidential candidate. Not to mention the Oval Office had multitudes of limitations and competing attentions. He geared his career toward the judiciary with sound reason.

“Forget it,” Trent demurred. He was able to muffle his contempt for Yoland’s view, soaked in stereotype of seeking out the top of the executive.

“Take this off the table,” Trent implored once more.

As Yoland held the charge of authority via the purse-strings, Trent ceded. As much to draw the myopia to a quick close, and move on with the rest of their agreed agenda.

Trent inhaled, casting his eyes around the room for a strategy to meet Yoland’s brief, beginning his line of logic aloud.

“Well, we’re two elections away from the next presidential election - one mid-term between. That’s good in a way. It would allow us to build name recognition. There’s room for a fresh face to win the nomination for either party.

“Someone who hasn’t held office of any form is outside my ken. You're welcome to take that path, but will be on your own. I’m inclined to suggest members of our own legal society here, above all others. So, I must emphasise, either we’re on the same page on this sticking point, or I can no longer be of use.”

Yoland nodded her assent, with no significant reservation.

“I’ll be forthcoming,” betrayed Trent. “I’m thinking left-field here, so you’ll have to forgive me. I should be transparent, I’m not on-board with the tack you're wanting to pursue. So, it’s difficult for my being to wholesale get behind a candidate I’d consider electable in a general election.”

Yoland was not in sympathy of such misgivings, or paying enough attention to the crux of what Trent had said. Yoland nodded to him to continue with his train of thought.

Trent hesitated to ensure she had understood, then went ahead forthwith, scratching his head, wincing as he thought again aloud.

“Any officeholder we’d be looking at must straddle two issues, which I’ll phrase as ‘one for you, one for the electorate'. They ought to be able to tap into an issue - or issues plural - you want action on. Yet I’d offer there needs to be something folks in the national electorate can grasp on to.

“You may not have any sympathy whatsoever with what such a candidate may stand for. No singular candidate is ever full to the liking of their financial backers. There are personal traits you’ll need to live with. You won’t be getting into this for a romance to bloom; you’re in it for targeted outcomes.

“I’ll caution also, they may hold certain policy positions to your dislike. Unrelated to the targeted outcomes I mentioned. You must ignore those, or at least learn to live with them. No candidate is perfect to its contributors. There are so many competing interests.

“Let's imagine either of us in this room stood for office. Our own biases and weaknesses could prevail over our own stated policy aims. If your instincts are that strong, I’d suggest not getting into bed with them at all. But once you’ve backed a candidate, it’ll pay off to stick with them, as they’ll reward you.

“Remember, this is pragmatic, not personal. It’s not worthwhile to think of this person as your friend. They are useful to you - no more. There are no guarantees. Shit sometimes, and often, happens in this business. But money hedges the bets against it happening.

“You invest wise, do your research, and make decisions based on the information before you.”

“Ok, so what are we dealing with then?” enquired Yoland.

Trent stared in to Yoland for a beat, then went for it, gritting his teeth.

“Front of mind is a Congressman in Illinois - it’s 1st district. Illinois’ 1st district straddles the South Side of Chicago, which is very urban. High concentration of African Americans, high violent crime rate, unfortunately. But then the same district bleeds into rural Illinois.

“Sparsely populated prairie, which has a different makeup, despite its proximity to Chicago. The Congressman representing this district has before served a term as Chicago’s mayor.

"I’d say serving a federal Congressman holds a bit less prestige than the mayoralty of the Second City, but the former mayor had some difficulties which hindered him. Chicago doesn’t place term limits on the office of mayor. This individual was quite popular with segments of the electorate, especially on the South Side, with African-American folk.”

“So, what was the issue?”

“An obstacle stood in the way of Lee. That’s the former mayor’s name, Lee Adams. The obstacle needn’t have hindered him from seeking the seat for the 1st congressional district. But his fellow councillors opposed his agenda, hindering him with any initiative proposed.”

Trent stretched his arms across the table, palms down. “What I’m suggesting - or rather, offering as a possible avenue - would entail two steps.”

“One,” he iterated by raising his right palm from the tabletop. “A House of Reps seat isn’t enough for presidential consideration. I would advocate a Senate run in the next midterms. In Illinois, there’s a path, as a sitting senator's retiring. Lee may already have considered it, I’m not sure.”

“Why a Senate run first?” scrutinised Yoland.

“Doesn’t two elections raise the odds of defeat?” parried Yoland to Trent.

“First of all,” Trent directed to Yoland, “none of this - let me emphasise, none of it - is risk-free. A clear path to the presidency is ludicrous. OK? That’s not directed at you, that’s fact.

“About the Senate run. Former House Representatives have gone on to the presidency. But only after later serving in the Senate or a governorship."

Trent stared at the ceiling, drawing on his memory. “From recollection, I can only think of two presidents whose highest office was the House.”

Exhaling, he admitted, “It’s good company, to be fair. I imagine there’s more than the two I can remember. Yet, one is Abe Lincoln. A representative from the state of Illinois no less. And an advocate for its agricultural development, which we’ll be chasing. The other,” Trent took a breath, “is the gentleman over your right shoulder.”

Yoland turned behind her to the oil painting. The powdered wig suggested a Founding Father. She felt embarrassed to not be able to know the subject, turning back to Trent.

Trent grinned. “James Madison. Fourth US President, father of the Constitution, and co-author of the Federalist Papers.”

He leaned back, clasping his hands behind his head, smiling, cheeks beaming.

“You got me there," Trent continued. "Yet...I do insist on a Senate run. Let’s be frank. If the horse you’re backing can’t win a Senate seat, a presidential run’s too much. Take both of those examples - Lincoln and Madison. I could offer justification why their respective circumstances made them exceptions. In Madison’s instance, so early in the founding of the republic. Not to mention helping craft the republic itself. And in Lincoln’s case, the advent of the Civil War.”

“Lincoln lost his Senate race,” Yoland interjected.

Trent smiled in her direction. “That is true. Yet the balance of history shows a higher office would serve your aims best. A vice presidency or Cabinet position would be ideal. But I can’t think of anyone suitable in the current administration. And I need to cast my mind back to think of past Cabinet secretaries who could be suitable. In any regard, this far into their careers, they're well in the pockets of whomever else. A governorship wouldn’t hurt either. Or there’s a swath of choice I’d be happy with, yet would they meet your aims?

“For transparency’s sake, I hope you can understand, I often have this same conversation, in this same office, many times a month. So I have many horses in this race. My incentive is to promote the agenda of our legal society - filling court vacancies to our liking.”

“I understand.” He was not sure she had, but he wanted to draw a line between further dissent, to defer to himself for their remaining time.

Trent pushed forward. “I’m going to coordinate a meet-and-greet with yourselves and Mr. Adams of the 1st Illinois district.

“Far above any considerations of the presidency, I suggest a targeted campaign in the state legislatures. We could find seats whereby candidates may be willing to endorse your agenda in exchange for funding. If they're successful in reaching office, they follow through in implementing your policies. It’d offer an apt practice run to trial this model, and your ability to conduct the groundwork mobilising. Who knows what talent you might unearth along the way also?”

Trent suggested creating a tax-exempt political action committee, or PAC. “Pick a meaningless, amorphous, catchall name. ‘Liberty for America’, or something benign. If possible, using words which almost seem meaningless because of their cliché, like ‘Citizens for Freedom'. Not the ‘Foundation to Advance the Interest of Pud Over the Public Interest.’

“This PAC and its kitty of funds could finance campaigns to draft and pass bills. The PAC could advocate for policies and regulatory rollbacks as well.”

Trent framed it as a bargain, suggesting a state legislature seat may only cost $150,000, well within Yoland’s total budget of $5 million. Much cheaper than the campaign budget for president, which crossed the billion-dollar threshold. Trent also promoted the power of state legislatures for tangible change.

“If you manage to elect candidates to office, immediate reciprocity isn’t implied. But the training, resources, and funding lend favourability to your PAC. And when your PAC calls a favour, a quid pro quo becomes reality.

“It could be a favour in the form of a task, an endorsement, information on an officeholder or candidate. It means obscuring one’s own ties to your PAC upon questioning.

“A successful PAC can develop a private political machine nonpareil. Rivalling the National Committees of the major parties themselves. Control of state houses gives one hands on the levers of gerrymandering districts for generations.

Trent turned to foreign policy. “Let’s talk foreign suppliers, foreign markets. What are we looking at here? Who are your majors? What are the primary sectors at the centre of your focus? What are the main inputs of your products? I’m not talking value-added - I mean primary industries.”

“Easy,” Yoland volleyed. “Corn and rice - corn refined to high fructose corn, and rice is self-explanatory.”

“What are the biggest production countries for those respective commodities?”

“US of A for corn, India for rice.”

“The second-biggest producers for each?”

“China for both. I should mention Indian rice is no good for our production’s purposes. It’s jasmine variety, while we need different cultivars.”

“What are the US states figuring largest in corn production?”

“Iowa and Illinois.”

“Neighbouring states. Do you get your corn Stateside?”

“No. We import our rice and corn from China.”

“Do you do this for price reasons?”

“Correct.”

“Does the federal government subsidise corn production here in the US?”

“They do, but on the scale of our purchases, importing from China's still far more helpful.”

“Would there be a price point at which US production would again be competitive?”

“Yes,” responded Yoland. “It’s not that far off. The main obstacle is the competition to access those subsidised grains.”

“If you were you to access American corn, do the respective farms set the price, or a commodity market?”

“The latter - prices are set at the Chicago Board of Trade.”

“When you buy rice from China, how’s the price set there? Does their government set it?”

“The price itself is international. The rice we import from China's already milled, which changes the price somewhat.”

“Do the Chinese government have any influence on the milled rice export prices?”

“I imagine the Chinese government could influence anything they want from within.”

“Do you have any contacts within the Chinese government?”

“No. For a long time we’ve used an export-import agency as an intermediary. I don’t know whether they have Chinese government contacts.”

“Where are the export points?”

“Guangzhou.”

“Does any rice cultivation exist in the US at scale?”

“There’s a rice belt of sorts. National production’s not to the scale of corn. But from Arkansas southward, along the Mississippi basin, there’s a rice belt. In California too, within the Sacramento Valley.”

“None of your inputs are coming from domestic rice either?”

“No, for the same reason as corn. There are subsidies, but competition to access subsidised rice is high. It’s possible, but there’s less jockeying to access Chinese rice."

“You don’t have in-house legal counsel on salary to lobby on this issue?”

“No, we do of course. But getting access to the subsidised production requires a lobbying legion ongoing. It’s not as if we haven’t tried in the past. I’m sure you can understand, when there’s an easy market available in the form of China, although it requires export from a foreign country’s shipping time and costs, it’s simply easier. The Chinese are very pliant with business. The quality, if I’m truthful, is inferior, but I’m not certain the average consumer we target can discern. My guess is they’d be oblivious where we make our product.”

“You don’t do market research on such things?”

“Our marketing team may. It doesn’t make its way up to me at the executive level. Our products have been a staple of American households for decades. Sales don’t downturn, unless alongside the broader economy, and even then, not as much as you’d think. Even in a recession, people still need what they consider to be staples.”

“But your products aren't staples. A staple food would be bread, rice, or corn.”

“Customers gravitate to what they’ve trusted their whole lives. It'd surprise you how sturdy a branded food they’ve been familiar with since infancy gives solace.”

“What if you brought to bear political leverage on the states able to produce corn or rice? Or the foreign policy upon producing countries? Could you expand your business’ influence?”

“Yes, if targeted.”

“Then that’s where we’re geared toward in this instance. We have the broadest stroke, now we must articulate that into concrete action."

Trent rolled the notion around in his head. “I can connect you with someone central to commodity trading in the Chicago Board of Trade. I also have a contact whose focus is Chinese trade, particularly exports from Iowa to China. This is something we can get a jump on at once. OK, we have a starting point at least here to point the way. I’ll at once engage the necessary contacts.’

Yoland rose, outstretching her hand, which Trent returned. “Very good. I’m pleased with this. We’ll be in touch.”

Back home from D.C., Yoland looked out upon Pittsburgh’s three rivers. It represented an almost elemental representation of Puderia franchises pockmarked upon the landscape. The Ohio River basin flowed west from western Pennsylvania, forming the boundary of the neighbouring states of Ohio and West Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois, before joining the Mississippi. This swath constituted the footprint of the national Puderia franchise locations.

The Allegheny was a tributary of the Ohio, meandering alongside the western border of Pennsylvania into the southwest corner of New York state. The river and its namesake mountains gave the city of Pittsburgh its county name, Allegheny County. The Allegheny mountains form part of the larger Appalachian range, Alleghenia once interchangeable with Appalachia.

The culture of Appalachia best characterised the network of Puderia franchises. In the 21st century, the well-worn stereotypes remained true, of mountain people living in relative poverty, now compounded by an opioid epidemic, and increasing death rates of despair.

Yoland aspired for Puderia’s to be the ‘Starbucks of rice pudding,’ a tone difficult to set when staff oscillated between methadone and less-prescribed opiates.

As with any fast-food restaurant, it naturally became a ‘Third Place’, but not in a cosy, caramel syrup-scented way - more for teenagers resting between delinquency, and folk who’ve nowhere better to be.

The Rust Belt, characterised by deindustrialisation and heavy industry, followed the basin of the Ohio River and its source, the Allegheny River.

Writer Washington Irving proposed renaming America to ‘Alleghenia’, or ‘Appalachia.’

This made deep sense to Yoland. Why couple the United States with the forty-odd countries in the hemisphere? Pittsburgh was ground zero for America’s modern industrialisation. What better fashion to celebrate such natural bounties? Edgar Allen Poe had taken up Irving’s suggestion also in promotion of a renaming.

Yoland’s premise was to make use of the Pud franchisees throughout the Rust Belt, Appalachia and the Ohio River Basin, to nominate as candidates for their respective state houses.

She would create a political action committee under which she would organise. Its name was to be the United States of Alleghenia. Each candidate, to tap into $150,000 funding per state legislative seat from the PAC, would be required to take a pledge, to an agenda of 6 goals. Yoland assumed the six points would be in alignment with the franchisee-cum-candidates' self-interest.

Tracing the Ohio and Allegheny, the state legislatures targeted would be the Pennsylvania General Assembly, the Ohio General Assembly, the West Virginia Legislature, the Kentucky General Assembly, the Indiana General Assembly and Illinois General Assembly.

The six goals each candidate pledged to were:

1 Promote the interests of the food processing and commodities trading industry

2 Promotion of corn refiners trade association for increased production of HFCS

3 Promotion of agricultural subsidies for corn production

4 Promotion of subsidies for the expansion of the Rice Belt to rival the Midwest’s Corn Belt

5 Promotion of processed food exports to China

6 Promotion of federal tariffs against imports of Chinese corn and rice