Читать книгу Four Years on the Great Lakes, 1813-1816 - Don Bamford - Страница 16
ОглавлениеCHAPTER ONE JOINING THE LAKE SERVICE Arrival and Adventures on Lake Ontario
The Lake Service, from the smallness of the scale of the naval operations, created little or no public attention, during the stupendous scenes then acting throughout Europe, in which the military movements under the Duke of Wellington was the Polar Star that attracted all attention, and the navy had sunk into comparative insignificance. But now and then a gallant and daring action forces itself upon public admiration, sufficient to show that supineness was no part of the character of British seamen, but that the harvest had been reaped by the gallant heroes, whose repeated victories over our combined enemies, will be read with admiration in the pages of the history of England’s naval warriors — and the gleanings were too trifling in the public estimation to attract any particular notice from their countrymen, though if each engagement was well known it would be found equally deserving of applause with those upon a larger scale.
It is, therefore, no wonder that so little should be known of the Lake Service, or even of the true situation of the Lakes themselves with their importance in an American war. The number of years that have elapsed between the American Revolution and the last war had caused them to be viewed, both by England and America, [as] merely expansive sheets of water, and only useful as a communication and transit of merchandise between the diff erent settlements on their respective borders, as those settlements rose into some importance.
The American war had not been long commenced before a new light seemed to break upon our rulers, which set forth these lakes as necessary to be occupied by a superior naval force to what the enemy had upon them, our naval superiority being absolutely necessary to the keeping of the Upper, and a large portion of, if not the whole, of the Lower Provinces of Canada appended to the British Crown.
This necessity being made obvious, it was immediately acted upon and Sir James Lucas Yeo, with officers, and 500 able seamen was ordered upon the Service: the Americans had been unaccountably inferior in not taking naval occupation of these lakes, as from* [their more readily available] resources they might easily have done; and by so doing have put it out of the power of the British government to regain the advantage, not, at least, without a very great expenditure of blood, and treasure, as the sequel will surely prove.
The vague idea we had of the Service, and the force being commanded by so gallant an officer as Sir James Yeo, made us look back upon it as pregnant with danger; but headed by an officer of our Commodore’s known bravery, made us the more anxious to come in contact with the enemy, and the period of our sailing was most ardently desired.
The wished for day arrived on the 31st March 1813, when we sailed from Plymouth in the Woolwich store ship, all in as high spirits as the prospect of danger, attended with the hopes of speedy promotion, could make us; and after a tolerable passage we anchored about two miles below Quebec, late in the evening of the 5th May, where the Commodore’s party went on shore.1
On the return of the boat we heard that the Americans had made an attack upon York, situated on the border of Lake Ontario, and the capital of the province of Upper Canada. They had plundered it of all the public stores, and destroyed the public buildings, among which were the two Houses of Parliament, and also a ship upon the stocks, on board of which Sir James Yeo had designed to hoist his broad pendant. With this news came orders for the officers and seamen to be ready to disembark by daybreak next morning, and to be prepared with three days provisions ready cooked. Every one was now actively employed through the night in securing our chests, and bedding, and getting the provisions cooked, and the men in readiness for disembarkation, [and] before daybreak the Woolwich was surrounded by small vessels to convey us to Montreal. By 10 am we were all clear of the ship, divided on board the small craft according to their size, and giving and receiving 3 hearty cheers, sailed up the River St. Lawrence with a fair wind.
Quebec Harbour, 1834, by Russell Alexander. Wingfield arrived here May 15, 1813. The harbour and town would not have changed substantially in the period between his arrival and the drawing shown here.
Everything had taken place so suddenly, that we belonging to the Midshipmen’s mess did not think, nor indeed had time, to apportion out our provisions, which were all drawn from the purser, and cooked together in the ship’s coppers, being divided among nearly twenty vessels, so that when we aboard the sloop, I and 3 others, began to enquire for something to eat, we found there was no part of the allowance of provisions on board, though some cunning dog had taken care of the grog. One vessel had all the biscuit and another all the beef, which should have been divided among forty-two; the pork, we afterwards learned, had been left on board the Woolwich. Our shipmates on board the other vessels were without any provisions; however, the Master of our sloop happened to have plenty of eggs on board which we purchased, and did very well, laughing heartily at those who* could get nothing, when we met them on shore.
On the 8th we arrived at Montreal, but had scarce time to speak to each other, being immediately marched off to Lachine, about 9 or 10 miles higher up the river, where the batteaus lay, [these being] flat bottomed boats, peculiarly built, and adapted to the navigation of the St. Lawrence, which, in many places is shallow, and extremely rapid.
After a fatiguing march along a bad road, not being much used to walking on shore, we arrived at our destined place, a village consisting of a few straggling houses. We expected our day’s provisions delivered to us immediately, the men having taken no refreshment all day, but we had to wait a considerable time before they could be procured from the commissariat store. In the meantime the seamen had to clean out the coppers, in an old decayed barrack, where they were quartered, which had not been used for years, except casually, and were near an inch thick with filth.
The sailors had plenty of money and were desirous of purchasing some fresh provisions from the inhabitants, not relishing the salt pork issued to them, and after holding a parley amongst themselves, different parties were sent out, unknown to the officers, and in a little more than an hour returned with a plentiful supply of fresh meat, and poultry of almost every description. The salt pork, which had been put into the coppers during the absence of these purveyors, was thrown out, and meat and poultry substituted for it. The sailors paid but little attention to the cutting up of the meat properly, and for the fowls, they were skinned to save the trouble of plucking them.
A party of us Mids formed our mess at the house of an old Scotch woman, from whom we bought a calf, and the men being all employed or intoxicated, we were obliged to kill, and skin it ourselves, which was done after a manner. However, we made a hearty supper, and then lay down before a good fire, for none of us had our bedding, and, for my part I saw nothing of mine until I arrived at Kingston, three weeks after.
We had mustered the seamen into the aforesaid barrack at 8 o’clock, to prevent them from strolling about the country, and a party of soldiers were placed outside, but in the morning, we found a place at the back of the building torn down sufficiently large to admit half a dozen persons. While the sentinel thought all was safe within, Jack was moving about at his pleasure.*
Old Fort Henry, watercolour and ink over pencil by Henry Francis Ainslie, April 1839. Wingfield would not have recognized the enlarged Kingston as the same wilderness village he found “on opening Navy Bay” when approaching by water in 1813.
On the afternoon after our arrival at this place, a sufficient number of boats were collected to convey one Division, and they started up the river with that portion of the baggage, which had arrived from Montreal, at which place an officer with a party of men were stationed to forward it.
Fifty men under a Captain, Lieutenant, and other inferior officers were ordered to take two large gun boats up the river, each of them carrying a 24 pounder carronade. [With] these drawing considerable more water than the flat bottomed boats, and being very unwieldy, it proved a most fatiguing job. On the 11th [of May] about 5 pm we started, for Upper Lachine, a few miles above our halting place, but before the boat I was in joined the other, it was past midnight, as she had the advantage of a pilot well acquainted with the river, while, from our ignorance we frequently lost the eddies and were swept down the stream.
We were about a fortnight on our passage, having to drag the boats up the rapids, and in many places totally to unload them. The men [were] sometimes in the water above their middles for hours together, dragging them through a current running 8 or 9 miles an hour, — and more than once the men and boat [were] swept down the rapids, in consequence of the men not being able to hold their footing, from the foulness of the bottom. In two or three places where the rapids were very strong, the militia was obliged to turn out to assist us; this must be understood as applying only to the particular parts of the river, and well they deserved the name given them.
The Captain commanding the gunboats fell sick when we had got through the most fatiguing part of our job, and returned to England, which made room for the promotion of one Lieutenant, and one Mid, which acted as a good stimulant to others.2
On arrival at Quebec where we learned the destruction of our ship at York, which was believed to be the only one on Lake Ontario, we expected to find nothing but large gun boats, but to our surprise, on opening Navy Bay [Kingston], we saw two ships of 23 and 21 guns, a brig of 14 and two schooners of 14 and 12 guns, comprising every sort of calibre, from a 68, to a 4 pounder. But previous to the arrival of Sir James Yeo, [they were] in such a wretched state with respect to discipline and furniture, that they would have reflected disgrace upon a maritime power of the lowest possible grade. They were under the control of the Military Commandant, and officered and manned by provincials, men of no experience whatsoever in naval tactics, while the Americans were amply found in stores, and manned with picked seamen from the sea ports, so that, without this reinforcement our ships would have been unable to put to sea the whole of the* summer.
The arrival of Sir James Yeo at Kingston, with this force, raised the drooping spirits of the inhabitants of that place, and generally of the country at large, who were well aware that the fall of Kingston must necessarily involve the whole country upwards in ruin. It is more than possible that Montreal, itself must soon have fallen into the hands of the Americans, and an attack was daily expected on the former place, but it seems our arrival made them alter their plans.3
On overhauling the rigging of the different vessels, we found it very defective, with no naval stores in the place to supply the deficiency, and, nothing but the determined perseverance of Sir James Yeo, and those under his command, could have surmounted the difficulties that hourly present themselves to view. Thus, it can be no wonder that the Americans generally had the superiority upon the Lakes, when it is considered
Map 4: Kingston Harbour and Naval Installations. The position of the town site, the old Fort Frontenac, and the newly constructed (1812) Fort Henry are shown.
Kingston is situated on the border of Lake Ontario, just at the head of River St. Lawrence, and previous to the war, was a place of no great importance. But a large naval establishment being formed, and York having lost its former advantages, principally that of forming a kind of central depot for all kinds of merchandise, to supply the inland settlements, from its lying so open to the incursions of the enemy, all the trade followed to this place, and York was nearly deserted, though [remaining] the seat of government for the Upper Province. Consequently, building became the rage, and at the conclusion of the war Kingston had risen into a large town, with many handsome, and substantial houses, forming several streets. It has a commodious church, likewise a Roman Catholic chapel, but there are few of that persuasion here, also a stone gaol, and council chamber, in which causes are tried.
In Kingston bay are a few wharfs for the convenience of loading and unloading small vessels, but there is not sufficient water for large ships to enter. The harbour for the men of war, called Navy Bay, is about a quarter of a mile from the town, and is formed by a long point of land, called Navy Point, and two small islands, making good shelter, and forming a breakwater to prevent the ice from injuring the ships, when it breaks up in the spring. On Navy Point is our dockyard, none [having been] established previous to our arrival in the country. The port, selected by Sir James Yeo, was ridiculed by the old Provincial naval officers, who deemed it impracticable to lay down ways for building ships, and launching them, particularly on this spot, but those who* openly condemned the whole arrangement lived long enough to see a ship launched, pierced for 98 guns. Their confusion must not have been a little, as they considered the Wolfe of 23 guns, quite a prodigy.
The whole is commanded by a high ground, little more than a mus-quet shot off, upon which is built, since the commencement of the war, a large and strong fort, for that part of the world. It likewise commands the town, and all the outworks, and could, if required, level the whole with the ground.
[In] the latter part of November, or early in December, all navigation ceases on the Lakes, and the ships come into port for the winter, when they are dismantled to their lower masts, the rigging being placed in a loft in the dockyard built for its reception, called the rigging loft, where each ship’s furniture is carefully made up, and placed by itself. The hulls of the ships are covered over closely with planks to keep off the snow and preserve the decks; they remain in this situation till March, sometimes till the middle of April, perfectly fixed in ice, six or eight feet thick, and [protected] from the excessive rigour of the season. As no work can be done, the winter is passed in one continuous round of pleasure, which makes it fly away imperceptibly.
In the midst of the amusements, which took place during the first winter, it may be supposed that some real or imaginary offence might create duelling, if only for variety, and so it happened; two officers wishing to amuse themselves in this manner. It came to the knowledge of Sir James Yeo; he ordered two watch boxes, which are considerably larger than our sentry boxes in England, to be placed on the ice at about 80 yards distance and immediately facing each other. The belligerents were then supplied with two musquets, and 60 rounds of ball cartridges; [he] ordered them at the same time to take themselves in respective positions, and when they had amused themselves in expending their ammunition, if no mortal wound occurred, they were to send for more. It is almost needless to say that one night, and that passed in jollity with some of their brother officers, was sufficient to reconcile the parties without the loss of powder and ball, which might be applied to better purposes. It is but justice to say that neither of these gentlemen were possessed with that kind of valour which “oozes out of their finger ends” but both behaved gallantly during the war, and were promoted for their brave conduct. By the judicious conduct of Sir James Yeo, in placing duelling in so ludicrous a light, a complete stop was put on that kind of amusement during his command.
Map 5: East end of Lake Ontario, including Sackets Harbor. This area was a significant site during the activities of the War of 1812.
The ships were ready for sea by the latter part of May, and a* strong body of troops were assembled at Kingston to make an attack upon the enemy’s works at Sacketts Harbour, which, if once in our possession, would have been an end to the naval war on Lake Ontario and saved some millions of pounds, and thousands of lives, as the Americans had no other harbour along the coast fit for a naval depot. An excellent opportunity [was] likewise offered for putting the plan into execution, the [American] fleet having sailed about 100 miles up the lake to attack one of our forts on the bank of the River Niagara, and not believing that our ships could be prepared for sea so early, they had left the place nearly defenceless. In the afternoon we weighed and stood out of the harbour, anchoring about six miles off Kingston to await the troops who were embarked in batteaux and gun boats; the latter had 24 pound-ers mounted in circular platforms. The troops did not join the fleet till late in the evening, when it being quite calm, the boats were made fast to the ships.
British Attack on Sackett’s Harbour, 1813.
At daybreak a light breeze sprung up and we got under way, the boats occasionally laying on their oars to keep company. Having but light breezes and frequent calms we made but little progress. About noon, on rounding a point, we came in full view of the enemy about 10 miles distant, who, immediately they perceived us, commenced firing alarm guns to call in the surrounding militia, [and] at 2 pm we were totally becalmed within six miles of the town of Sacketts. Sir James Yeo had gone in shore in his gig some time before to reconnoitre, and perceiving several shots fired at the boat, a gun vessel was ordered to cover her retreat, if necessary. On her return we received orders to prepare for disembarking the troops, the ships [were] cleared for action, and nothing was wanting but a good breeze to take them close enough in shore to cover the landing. About 6 pm a fresh breeze sprang up dead on the land; the ships bore up and took in their small sails; the guns were prepared in the gun boats; and soldiers, who were not employed at the oars, in place of the seamen who had to fight the gun, had their musquets in their hands, and lay down at the bottom of the boat to prevent confusion. Every heart now beat high with eagerness and expectation, but when nearly within gunshot of the shore, the ships suddenly hauled their wind and stood out to sea, making a signal for the boats to follow. As soon as they got a good offing, they hove to, and the boats assembled round the Commodore’s ship, where we learned that the attack was suspended till the following morning. This order emanated from the Governor General of the two Provinces,4 who was on board the flag ship, and, of course, commander in chief. The officers being in the Provincial Service, and [its] pay, Sir James was obliged to* obey, though much against his will. This caused some altercation between the two Commanders on board, Sir James urging the expediency of an immediate attack, and the Governor alleging the decline of the day to defer it. This delay, however, put a great damp upon our spirits, as we plainly saw by our glasses several boats, well manned, enter the harbour to reinforce the garrison, and well knew they would be receiving reinforcements all the night, as they kept up an incessant firing of minute guns. Whereas, if we had made a bold dash at once, it is most probable but few, if any, guns would have been fired upon us and the troops would have been landed immediately under their batteries, and in the town, under cover of the shipping who would have run right into Sacketts Harbour. We soon after learned that the Americans were not above 300 strong when we first hove in sight, and had made every preparation for destroying the public buildings and stores, particularly a large ship upon the stocks, well knowing it would be the utmost folly to attempt standing against such a force as they must [have] perceived we had, independent of the shipping. This day’s work ended with ordering the troops on board the ships, and the boats to be made fast to their sterns, except some to row guard along shore during the night; where they captured about 150 of the enemy coming down the lake for Sackets.
When the troops were on board the ships, they made sail further off shore, as the breeze freshened and confirmed blowing dead on the land; at midnight it fell calm and left us about five miles off the town. At dawn of day the hands were turned up, the soldiers embarked the boats, and the ships stood in for the land, but having light baffling winds, they made but little progress and none came within gun shot except a schooner of 10 guns, and she did not arrive until the men had made good their landing.
After some consultation, the boats were ordered to proceed under cover of the gun boats only, but our favourable opportunity was gone; and the troops knew it as well as ourselves, for, though there was no murmuring, or attempt to disobey orders, their countenances, so different to what they were the evening before, plainly showed they did not obey the orders with that cheerfulness which confidence inspires. The enemy had nearly 24 hours notice, and had made the best use of their time by minute guns, and expresses, to receive strong reinforcements. It being daylight before the boats shoved off from the ships, our motions were definitely perceived by the Americans, who, not being awed by the shipping, had drawn great numbers of men from the town, concealing them among the bushes, behind trees, logs, and rising grounds, just above the beach, which enabled them to take deliberate aim as we approached the shore; they had likewise brought out four field pieces to annoy us.
About 3 am we formed the line, the gun boats leading the van, and commenced pulling in shore about a mile above the town in order to keep out of the range of the shot from the forts and blockhouses. The boats were heavily laden, and proceeded but slowly, while the enemy kept up an ill directed fire from their* field pieces. When within musquet shot of the beach, the gun boats pulled ahead and fired a few rounds of grape and canister shot to scour the beach, but the Yankees had anticipated us, and were so well sheltered, that I believe none were killed or wounded. The batteries and ships’ boats then advanced, and I observed to an officer of the 104th Regt, who commanded the troops in the boat under my charge, that the Americans intended to let us land unmolested, but it soon appeared I was mistaken, for when about [a] pistol shot from the beach, and we had encouraged each other with the usual salutation of three cheers, they opened [such] a well directed fire from their field pieces and rifles that almost every shot did execution, which for a moment staggered us, but [we] soon recovered from the surprise. Every boat made the best of her way to land, [and] the gun boats kept up a continued fire, but having no other mark than the smoke from the enemy’s guns, little execution was done, and in a very short time there was fifteen killed and wounded in my boat, principally picked off from, and about the gun. In passing one of the boats, which appeared in great distress, I hailed the officer, who was wounded, and had but three men who had escaped the effects of the shot of the enemy. As the military officer and myself were obliged to stand up and cheer on the men, we were too prominent a mark to remain long and I took a mental leave of the few friends I had left. The men being so deliberately picked off from the gun, the crew got in some confusion, for as the seamen were disabled, others took their place, and were relieved at the oars by the soldiers. While [we were] occupied in this double transfer, the army officer, with his glass, had discovered a body of men drawn up a short distance from the beach, who being dressed in green, the uniform of all the American foot soldiers, could scarcely be perceived among the trees and underwood. He called me and pointed them out. While [we were] so occupied, the Coxswain of the boat was struck with two balls and fell; the soldier took the tiller, while I went forward to the gun, which being loaded with grape and canister shot, I had it pointed to the spot and made a great havoc among the bushes, if not the men. By this time some of the men had made a precipitate retreat into the town.
When the soldiers were all landed, and the wounded men placed upon the beach, those gun boats, which were not disabled, rowed towards the batteries, and commenced firing, to draw off some of the attention of the enemy from the advancing party. Hence we were kept till half past seven, when we were recalled to the landing place to take on board the troops who were retreating in great haste. They were once in the town, and being dreadfully cut up from some blockhouses, and [with] a great dust seen rising from the opposite entrance, supposed to proceed from a reinforcement to the garrison, a retreat was sounded, but who* gave the orders no one knew, the Governor and his staff positively denying having done so, however, it was not the less obeyed. In a few minutes a smoke was seen rising from their dockyard, which caused an attempt to be made to rally the troops, but [it] did not succeed. Before the soldiers were all embarked it was known to a certainty that, what was supposed to be a reinforcement, was nothing else but the main body of the Americans retreating, leaving some blockhouses manned, until their new ship, and public store houses were on fire, and then [those men remaining were] to follow.
I was informed by several officers of the American army and navy, when I was [later] taken prisoner, that had the attack commenced immediately after we hove in sight the day before, so far from defending themselves, the number of men in the garrison would have scarcely been sufficient to destroy the public works.
We lost nearly 400 men killed and wounded in this disgraceful affair, in every probability the place would have been taken without the loss of a single man had things been conducted as they might. This failure caused a coolness between the Governor and Commodore, [which] at length broke out into an open rupture, in consequence of the loss of our flotilla on Lake Champlain, which, in Sir James Yeo’s public dispatches, he attributed to the misconduct of the Governor, who was soon after suspended, and a court martial called, but he died soon after his arrival in England.
The soldiers were greatly disheartened, and it was well for us that the troops at Fort George, the place the Americans had gone to attack, were better commanded, otherwise their ships would have been down upon us, and from our crowded state, most probably would have taken us all. We arrived in Navy Bay the same evening and disembarked the troops and wounded men; thus ended an expedition begun under the most favourable auspices.
I before remarked that, could we get possession of Sackets Harbour, it would have saved an immensity of blood and treasure.5
On Lake Erie we had several vessels of war under Captain Barclay, who could not face the enemy for want of seamen; others were similarly circumstanced on Lake Champlain. That the Americans should be kept in check on Lake Ontario, was of the most vital importance to the whole country above Montreal, and probably to within a few miles of Quebec; therefore, had we succeeded in this expedition, Sir James Yeo would have been enabled to send a reinforcement of officers and seamen, to each of the above named places on that lake. Or, even allowing that the enemy should have retaken Sackets they could not, in the course of the Summer, have built and equipped a force sufficient to face us, let their activity be what it might; and they are not deficient in that quality, as far as regards ship building; and the following summer we must still have kept the lead, as by that time reinforcements* of seamen and marines, with artificers, and stores, would have arrived at Kingston from England.6
It may be thought that I am somewhat premature in the destruction of the American fleet. I before observed that Sackets was the only harbour they had and without a harbour occasionally to run into, we might have selected our own time, and improved our circumstances in such a manner, that an engagement would have been a morally certain victory. The failure of this expedition may also be said to have caused the loss of our facilities on Lakes Erie and Champlain.
In the autumn of this year, Captain Barclay was forced to engage a superior number of vessels, well manned, equipped, and disciplined. With not thirty British Able Seamen on board, the remainder of his crews made up by soldiers and Canadians, with guns by no means fitted for naval warfare, some of which burst, and others [that] tore their carriages to pieces [with] the first broadside, and though fighting under every possible disadvantage, he did not strike [lower his colours in surrender] until every officer on board his own ship was killed or wounded, himself among the latter, severely; and every officer commanding a vessel in his squadron.
In the Summer of 1814, Captain George Downie lost his life, and ships, on Lake Champlain from being hurried into action by the Governor, against his own conviction, who with the troops under his command was to make a simultaneous attack on shore, but failed to do so. On the borders of Lake Ontario the troops suffered most severely, from our not being able to supply them with provisions, and co-operate with them occasionally. It will be seen from the above of what importance the capture of Sackets would have been to this country [Britain], as well as to Canada.
At Kingston we here purchased a large merchant schooner, which, with some alterations, was made to mount 8 guns. This addition to our little force gave us the superiority on the lake, and the Americans were obliged to continue in harbour till their new ship, which had sustained considerable damage from the fire, was launched and fitted out. Upon our putting to sea the gun boats were laid up and I was appointed to a hired schooner, which acted as tender to the fleet; we proceeded along the American shore, frequently landing, and harassing the enemy. Having received intelligence that a large quantity of government flour was stored at a place called Sodus, a small town standing on the bank of a river of the same name, we made sail for the place, and sending a flag of truce on shore to assure the inhabitants of the security of all private property, provided we were not molested, we proceeded to load the boats and, while performing that duty, we were treacherously fired upon by some of the inhabitants, for which amiable conduct Sir James ordered the town to be destroyed.
After the capture of Fort George by the Americans, our troops under the* command of Genl Vincent retreated towards the head of the lake closely followed by the enemy, until Genl Vincent received a reinforcement, and made a stand, still acting on the defensive. In a few days, the Americans were joined by a strong body of troops under two Generals, and ours made a rapid retreat towards Burlington Heights, when by a bold and gallant manoeuvre [the] General made a night attack upon their camp, completely surprised them, took the two Generals [Chandler and Winder], several officers, and [as] many men prisoners, as his own troops consisted of. After this he [presumably Vincent] retreated further up the country, and fortified his camp, the enemy being still nearly double his number.
Sir James received an express ordering him to return to Kingston immediately to embark troops to reinforce Genl Vincent. We accordingly returned, and took as many on board as the ships could conveniently carry, sailing direct for the head of the lake. On the morning of the 8th July at daybreak,7 one of our schooners being ahead of the fleet, and close in with the American shore, without the slightest apprehension of an enemy, when to our surprise we were saluted with several shots; and reconnoitering from the mast head, [we] saw a camp with two breastworks thrown up, and several batteries drawn up on the beach. She [the small vessel near the shore] returned the fire, but being crowded with soldiers, was called off by [a] signal from the Commodore, and the troops distributed among the ships. When she returned to the attack, and their works being but temporary, were soon demolished, the guns dismounted, and the enemy driven into the woods. [There] they were attacked by a body of Indians, who being excellently adapted for bush fighting, drove them back to the beach, where those who were fortunate enough to reach, launched the boats, and surrendered, but not before numbers of them had fallen victim to our sable allies who tomahawked them without mercy, as they neither make prisoners, or give quarter, and scalp every one they kill. The boats of [our] fleet were ordered on shore to protect them from the Indians, and parties sent into the woods to secure any prisoners that might want to surrender, which many joyfully did to save their lives. While on this duty, I perceived two American soldiers running with all speed towards the beach, followed by four or five Indians, yelling the war whoop; before our party could get near enough to save them the Indians had killed [them], and we came up just as they had finished scalping them. This operation, which is almost momentary, is performed by giving the deceased a heavy blow on the crown of the head, with the butt end of the tomahawk, and then making a circular incision with the scalping knife (which no Indian is without) about the size of the palm of the hand, they force the skin off. No scalp is considered genuine unless the skin has the hair on where it divides at the crown of the head and the greater number they can show, so much the more are they esteemed above their fellows — this man or demon, had them dripping with blood, which* he held up to me with the most savage exultation. The Indians are such excellent marksmen that they very seldom fail in bringing down their aim, and keeping themselves concealed among the bushes or underwood, the moment their gun is fired, if other objects remain, they shift their places, and keeping them constantly in view, scarce ever fail of completing the work they are upon; after a battle, or with a flying foe before him, the Indian shows himself in all his native ferocity. It is useless to beg for mercy as they are deaf to all entreaties, but stand before them with courage and resolution, and boldly encounter them, they will retreat till some treacherous advantage can be taken.
Scene on the Frontiers as Practiced by the “Humane” British and their “Worthy”
Allies, cartoon by William Charles, 1812. Wingfield suggests in his journal that the Native allies were discouraged from this compulsive habit by offering them rewards for handing over American prisoners alive. The artist and others suggested that the British were paying bounties to encourage the practice.
Those Indians who have had most intercourse with white inhabitants and traders in furs, are completely degenerated from their brethren in the interior of the country, in courage, cleanliness, and honesty.
The Governor, and different military Commanders have done all in their power to induce the Indians to leave off the abhorrent practice of scalping their prisoners by giving a reward for each [live] one that is brought to the respective headquarters; but as they act in distinct, and separate bodies, and will not submit to any control or discipline, it has but partially succeeded, even in the immediate vicinity of our troops, where it would seem, no motive could possibly prevent them from delivering up their prisoners and claiming such reward. The Americans had likewise their Indian auxiliaries, besides which each citizen is bred up from his infancy to be well acquainted with bush fighting, and also to be perfect master of his rifle.
In the evening the fleet sailed, and I was ordered to York to take in a supply of provisions for the ships, I accordingly shaped my course for that place, and anchored in the bay early next morning.
After arranging with the Commissariat Department, I took a view of the town and its immediate vicinity, but the Americans having paid it a visit as before mentioned, it exhibited but a ruinous spectacle — all the fortifications blown up, and the public buildings lying in a heap of ruins. The skeleton of our ship8 still remained on the spot where she had been laid down, but not a whole timber left in her, and all her masts and spars, which were ready cut in two and otherwise rendered useless; but the situation that had been selected for building her, showed much ignorance on the part of the managers, for it very doubtful to me, from my own observations, whether she would have been launched, as I had the curiosity to sound in the direction she must have gone off, and found the water too shallow, with a soft muddy bottom for a considerable distance into the lake, that is it is not improbable but she might have stuck fast, and remained as a monument to warn others against the like attempt.
The harbour [in York] is larger than Kingston, but useless except for small vessels in consequence of a bar running across the entrance, with but a narrow* and shallow channel.
On joining the fleet I found that the boats had captured a schooner from the enemy, and she was now fitted up with an 18 pounder upon a swivel and circular platform. I was removed on board her with orders to remain near the army, to convey troops or provisions from one military post to another, as occasion might require, and the next morning sailed for York, with 180 prisoners of war, in boats, under convoy; 9 though the latter place is 60 miles from the Falls of Niagara, justly esteemed the greatest natural curiosity in the known world, yet the spray is distinctly visible on a clear day, hovering over it with the appearance of a small white cloud.
On returning to six mile creek [Six Mile Creek], so named from being about that number of miles above the River Niagara, where the troops were encamped, I went on shore and found them busy in striking the tents, having received an express from Kingston, containing the information that the American fleet was at sea. I received an order from Sir James Yeo to sail immediately for Burlington Bay, or more properly Lake, as the communication with Lake Ontario is only by a narrow passage about 50 yards wide, and then opens into a large basin seven miles long and about four wide; over this passage is a wooden bridge, which shortens the distance from York to Niagara [by] fifteen miles. The channel leading into the bay or lake is very intricate, for NW winds, which sometimes blow up the Lake Ontario, raise the sand, so as to form a shifting bar, and this is only partially removed by the water receding from Burlington Bay. This circumstance took me up a considerable time, in sounding and buoying off the channel, which I found so shallow that it was necessary to get out the gun, all the stores, and provisions, and likewise the masts, to make the schooner as light as possible. This was scarcely accomplished when the American fleet hove in sight, coming up the lake with a fair wind, but towards evening it fortunately fell calm and the schooner being low in the water, and close under the land, we got into the lake undiscovered, and having two boats manned with soldiers from Burlington Heights to assist us, they towed us under the guns of the batteries before daylight. As soon as it was clear day I went on shore and with a glass could discern the enemy’s ships at anchor a few miles above Niagara.10
Map 6: West End of Lake Ontario, Little Lake, and Burlington Heights. (1) Location of Burlington Heights according to Pierre Berton in Flames Across the Border; and, probable location of General Vincent’s base. (2) Location of Burlington Heights Emigrant Hospital, sometimes cited as the location of Burlington Heights. (3) Most logical location of Burlington Heights, according to an old map of the Niagara Frontier, held in the West Point Museum Collection, United States Military Academy Library, West Point, New York. It is the only location of the Heights that meets the requirements of the notes and other materials by various writers of the time.
After rigging the schooner, getting the stores etc. on board we sailed, down the lake and anchored as near the bridge as we could, for the convenience of making a proper survey of the before mentioned channel, and try if it could be made available for the purposes of navigation, but the sand being risen in numerous banks, and extending a considerable distance into Lake Ontario, rendered it useless except for boats.
I remained in the lake about a month, during which time we were visited by the boats of the American fleet, which anchored at the head of Lake Ontario, with a view to cut out, or destroy the schooner, but in the attempt they found out* we were too well prepared for them, having a party of soldiers on board, besides the crew.11
I one morning went on shore early and found the troops busied in packing up, and learned from the Military Commandant, that this post was to be evacuated except by a small guard. I was also informed that there had been an engagement between the two squadrons, in which the Americans were defeated with the loss of four of their schooners, two taken, and two were capsized by carrying too heavy a press of canvas in endeavouring to escape, and every soul on board lost. In the action Sir James Yeo had but six vessels in the whole, while the enemy had thirteen; so well had our brave Commander calculated upon weight of metal, should he be favoured with a strong breeze, and enabled to close with his opponents; and there is but little doubt, if any, but the whole would have been captured, or destroyed, had they not made a precipitate retreat under the guns of Forts St. George,12 and Niagara, situated opposite each other on the banks of the River Niagara, immediately at the entrance.
A View of Fort George, 1816, drawing by Edward Walsh.
At the same time I received an order from the Commodore to join the fleet; and sailed the same morning. I had to undergo the same routine in getting into the Lake Ontario, as on leaving it, and was ready for sailing the same evening, but detained by a calm.
When a breeze sprang up next morning I proceeded to York, expecting at that place to gain some intelligence of the fleet, but could hear nothing satisfactory, and made sail for four mile creek where some of our troops lay encamped, as the most likely place, but on going on shore was equally as fortunate as at York. Shortly after, a boat came off to inform me that Sir James was hourly expected.
Having been up nearly the whole of the two last nights, I went below to lie down, but had scarcely composed myself to sleep when I was roused by the Quarter Master, with the information that a vessel was coming up the lake, and being close in with the American shore, was certain she belonged to the enemy, I took my glass and soon discovered her to be a large sloop, called a Durham boat. We immediately weighed and made sail, with a stiff breeze, right aft, quite elated with the idea of taking a prize. It being necessary to keep close in shore to cut the boat off her intended port, we were obliged to pass within half gun shot of two of the enemy’s forts at the mouth of the River Niagara, but going at the rate of nine miles an hour I knew they could do but little damage. When we had the river in full view I observed two schooners getting under weigh but [was] hoping I should be able to destroy the vessel I was in chase of, or fall in with our ships, before they could clear the river. I did not alter the course, until they were under full sail, and either of them being far superior to us, I felt little inclination to await their coming up, and shaped my course for York; one of the enemy schooners outsailing the other came up with us hand over hand, and had she prudently reserved her fire until she got alongside,* she most probably would have made a prize, but luff-ing up occasionally to fire her broadside, she gave us an opportunity of getting ahead. After being chased for about an hour, [we saw] our ships hove in sight, and the Yankees returned to Niagara.
