Читать книгу Samurai Weapons - Don Cunningham - Страница 10

Оглавление
1
Japanese Martial Arts Culture

The samurai were Japan’s warrior class for more than seven centuries. The word comes from the Japanese verb saburau, meaning “service to a noble.” Samurai were primarily military retainers who attended and guarded clan leaders. The samurai eventually emerged as military aristocrats and then as military rulers. The samurai were also known as bushi, or “warriors.”

Medieval samurai were generally illiterate, rural landowners who farmed between battles. With an economy based almost solely on agriculture, small farming villages were the core of early Japanese society. Area landowners and farmers also served as militia forces, either in the defense of their own lands or as private armies seeking to expand and gain new territories. As hereditary warriors, though, they were governed by a code of ethics— bushidō, meaning the “way of the warrior”—that defined service and conduct appropriate to their status as elite members of Japanese society. Even though the samurai’s role changed from farmers and soldiers to government bureaucrats and administrators during the latter years of relative peace, the samurai were still bound by the tenets of bushidō and their warrior heritage.

Japan was theoretically ruled by the emperor, considered a direct descendant of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu Omikami. An extensive hereditary aristocracy of nobles formed the Imperial Court, although the emperor and his nobles have held no real governing power for many centuries. Their position was mostly symbolic. Their principal function was to conduct and take part in various religious rituals.

An abbreviation of seitaishōgun, the title of shōgun first appeared during the Nara period (710–794) and means “great general to conquer barbarians.” Initially a temporary designation, the shōgun were authorized to recruit soldiers to subdue the Ainu, an ethnic tribal group indigenous to the northern islands of Japan. Later the title of shōgun came to designate a supreme chief of samurai. During the Kamakura period (1185–1333), the title became permanent and was used until the late nineteenth century.

The shōgunate was first referred to as bakufu, a Chinese term designating the headquarters of a general in expedition. The term literally means “office under tent.” After Minamoto no Yoritomo became shōgun and officially established the Kamakura bakufu, virtually replacing the prerogative of the Imperial Court, though, the term shōgunate was used to designate the military government. There were three successive shōgunate or military governments in Japan—Kamakura shōgunate (1185–1333), Muromachi shōgunate (1336–1573), and Edo shōgunate (1603–1868)—each designating the periods administered by the respective shōgun.

A dispute over shōgunal succession combined with harsh economic times eventually led to the Onin no ran (Onin war) in 1467, embroiling Japan in more than one hundred years of successive military disputes referred to as the Sengoku period. Many battles were fought constantly throughout Japan during this era, also referred to as the Warring States period. The introduction of guns to Japan by the Portuguese in 1543 served to intensify battlefield tactics and conflicts over territory.

A brilliant military strategist and son of a warlord, Oda Nobunaga (1534–1582) conquered most of Japan and declared shōgun in 1568 after entering the capital city of Kyōto. When Nobunaga was assassinated by Akechi Mitsuhide in 1582, one of his generals, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, avenged the murder and eventually unified Japan. Despite uncommon military and political talents, Hideyoshi was unable to assume the title of shōgun because of his family’s modest background.

Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616) was born into the family of a local warlord in the west of Aichi Prefecture. Located between two powerful clans, Imagawa in the east and Oda in the west, Ieyasu spent his youth as a hostage of those respective families. Ieyasu changed his name from Matsudaira to Tokugawa in 1566 although the sub-branches of the family were always called Matsudaira. After the death of Hideyoshi in 1598, Ieyasu established himself as Japan’s shōgun after the decisive defeat of Ishida Mitsunari in the Battle at Sekigahara in 1600. For nearly three centuries (approximately 1603 to 1868), Japan existed as a feudal society under a relatively tranquil rule of the Tokugawa shōgunate. This Edo-based shōgunate lasted two hundred sixty-five years and is officially referred to as the Edo period.

During the Edo period, Japan was divided into roughly three hundred regional domains, inheritable lands or revenue-producing properties, called han. All but a few of the smaller han were governed by a daimyō (feudal lord) who swore loyalty to the Tokugawa shōgunate. Although the Tokugawa shōgunate closely monitored the military activities of each han, the daimyō were granted independence in their other domestic and economic policies. The daimyō held total power over their individual domains, answering only to the shōgunate. Each daimyōwas also given complete power and authority to administer operations within his own han. This right often extended to jurisdiction over the samurai of the han even when serving outside their respective territories.

Among the daimyō, there were various ranks, mostly related to whether their clan had directly supported Ieyasu and his forces during the Battle at Sekigahara. Within each domain, the individual daimyō ruled over a varying number of direct retainers, which often included a very complicated hierarchy within their own samurai ranks resulting in various status levels. The Tokugawa clan’s own direct retainers, called hatamoto or literally “banner men,” also held many significant positions within the shōgunate, many equal in rank to the daimyo.

One method the Tokugawa shōgunate used to control the various daimyō was to impose heavy financial burdens through taxation and other means. Unable to support the high cost of a strong military, the daimyō were no longer able to wage clan wars with their severely reduced armies. Since there was often no more need for their military skills during this time of peace and the daimyō faced mounting expenses, the samurai as a class were transformed into military bureaucrats and required to master administrative skills as well as military arts. Some developed the necessary skills for bureaucratic service, but others did not.

Whether due their inability to master other skills or the abolishment of their respective han, many samurai were forced to become unemployed wanderers known as rōnin, a term literally meaning “wave man.” Without a daimyō to serve and no steady source of income, they were generally at the mercy of circumstances, like men tossed about by waves in the ocean.

From the turn of the eighteenth century, the Japanese economy surged. For the first time, Japanese merchants became wealthy and powerful, despite their lower-class status in Japanese society. In the new affluent bourgeois culture, poor samurai frequently turned to opening bujutsu (military arts) schools as a way of making a living. Eventually many of these samurai began teaching their martial art skills to the more prosperous chōnin (townsmen).

As the Japanese economy evolved, there was also a great increase in criminal activities. Criminal elements such as the yakuza, or underworld gangs, first appeared during the Edo period in the Kanto area, where farmers found other employment due to the development of money-based economy. The yakuza became progressively more powerful and widespread during this period. Thus unarmed fighting techniques often proved to be quite popular with the townsmen, who were banned from carrying weapons other than short swords or knives due to their social status. Many townsmen and farmers also studied swordsmanship in the hope of distinguishing themselves and being raised to samurai status.

After the 1868 revolution in Japan, the Tokugawa shōgunate was overthrown and a constitutional monarchy, such as in England, was born. Many professional martial arts instructors who had served the shōgun and the many feudal lords by teaching their warriors suddenly lost their positions. Since samurai were now also prohibited from openly carrying swords, unarmed fighting skills were now often the only available means of self-defense or protection.

The Soul of the Samurai

The Japanese sword, admired for its artistic value as well as for its practical merits, is often considered an emblem of the samurai’s power and skill. It was venerated by the bushi, or “warrior class,” and the daishō, or set of two swords, was worn as a badge of a samurai’s status. Daishō literally translates as “big-little” and refers to a pair of swords, consisting of one daitō (long sword) and a shōtō (short sword). Either sword was referred to as katana, although the short sword was sometimes called wakizashi. The sword was “the soul of a samurai,” and no self-respecting bushi would be seen outside his home without his daishō prominently displayed.

During wartime, swordsmanship was essential for survival on the battlefield. However, the possession of suitable side arms was considered a samurai’s responsibility even after the end of the Warring States period. As bureaucrats, the samurai had little actual need for arms, yet they were required to wear the daishō as a symbol of their status and their place in society. Under the Tokugawa shōgunate, extensive martial arts training and individual expertise with weapons declined significantly within the samurai class in general as their responsibilities shifted toward administration and management.

Despite popular literature and the images portrayed in samurai films, bushidō the warrior’s code of ethics and the samurai’s moral precepts—did not allow for indiscriminate use of the sword. As bushidō stressed the proper use of the sword, it also detested its misuse. The samurai who drew his sword for unjustifiable reasons or at improper occasions was regarded as ill-mannered and crude.

Japanese swordsmiths would fast and undergo ritual purification before making a new blade. While working at their anvils, they wore white robes like Shintō priests. By the thirteenth century, Japanese swords were recognized as far superior to those made anywhere else in the world. No one could challenge the quality of the steel forged by these Japanese swordsmiths.

To hold a sharp edge, steel needed to be hard. However, hard steel is also brittle and could break in battle. Soft steel was more flexible and wouldn’t break as easily, but soft steel would not hold a sharp edge, quickly dulling through use. The Japanese swordsmiths solved this problem by hammering layers of steel of varying hardness together. Then they reheated the metal layers, folded the metal back on itself, and hammered it out thin again and again. After a dozen times, the steel consisted of thousands of paper-thin laminations of hard and soft metal. When it was ground to a sharp edge, the hard metal stood out and resisted dulling, while the soft steel kept the sword from breaking.

Finally, the master swordsmith covered the roughly finished blade with a thick layer of clay, leaving the edge exposed. The blade was then heated until the glowing metal reached the proper shade of color, then it was quickly submerged into cool water. The exposed edge cooled instantly while the rest of the blade, protected by the clay, cooled slowly and remained comparatively soft.

The final result was a flexible sword blade of soft non-brittle metal enclosed in a thin layer of hard steel. The edge, though, consisted of tempered hardened steel which would hold its razor sharpness despite repeated use.

The development of the samurai sword is based in Japanese mythology. According to legend, the Sun Goddess Amaterasu Omikami gave the first sword to her grandson, Ninigi-no Mikoto, to use as he ruled over Japan. The early warriors thought their swords had astonishing power and even their own individual personalities. There are many stories about the spiritual powers and sharpness of exceptional blades. One legend is about the products of two famous swordsmiths, Muramasa and Masume. Two warlords, who each owned a different craftsman’s sword, often argued about which one of the swordsmiths was the most skilled. Finally they decided on a test.

The first held his blade, an excellent katana made by Muramasa, in a swift running stream. A dead leaf drifted against the edge of the sword and was cut cleanly in half. The other put his sword made by Masume in the stream. Instead of being cut, though, the floating leaves passed on either side. They decided that the second blade was superior because the maker had endowed his blade with a spirit which caused the leaves to avoid its edge.

This legend speaks volumes in explaining the true nature of Japanese morals and ethics. The skill to create a blade so sharp that it was capable of cutting through even a leaf floating in the stream was obviously highly regarded. However, the blade endowed with a spirit to avoid cutting when unnecessary was even more valued.

It is clear that the Japanese admired those who avoided the use of the sword if other means were available to resolve their problems. Admiration for the spiritual and moral values of humanity and compassion despite the harsh times and lifestyles are found in many of the stories and records concerning everyday Japanese life during the feudal period.

There are many other reasons a feudal era samurai might be reluctant to use his sword. Many of the Japanese swords were family heirlooms, passed down from generation to generation. Even a basic katana represented a major investment for samurai of any class. As such, it would have been unwise to draw and risk damaging such an expensive blade just to settle a minor altercation.

It was not uncommon for many samurai to firmly tie the tsuba (handguard) of their sword to the saya (scabbard). They would frequently use a twisted piece of paper or thin twine for this purpose. The reason was to prevent the sword from inadvertently falling from the scabbard and possibly being damaged. Obviously, this also prevented them from rapidly drawing the sword as well. As a badge of samurai class, the daishō was important for samurai to wear in public to identify themselves. During an extended period of peace such as the Edo period, though, it is apparent that many samurai had no intention of using their swords in haste.

Unarmed Fighting

Various techniques of unarmed fighting have developed in almost all cultures, but these skills received special attention in Japan. The use of jūjutsu, or unarmed fighting techniques, can be traced back to Japan’s mythological age. The Japanese gods Kashima and Kadori were said to have first used jūjutsu techniques to punish the lawless inhabitants of the eastern provinces.

Early traces of the Japanese appreciation for unarmed fighting traditions can also be found in written records. For example, documents dated nearly two thousand years ago record that Emperor Suinin ordered two men, Nomi-no-Sukune and Taima-no-Kuehaya, to a wrestling contest. After a lengthy match apparently consisting mainly of kicking, Nomi-no-Sukune gained the advantage over Taima-no-Kuehaya, knocking his opponent to the ground and trampling him to death.

During the Sengoku period, Japan was the scene of many lengthy civil wars and continuous strife. It was on these bloody and violent battlefields that the art of kumiuchi, a form of wrestling while both participants are wearing armor, originated and developed. Eventually, the art of kumiuchi advanced to the point that it was not unusual for a weaker opponent to gain victory over a stronger foe, thus encouraging many aspiring warriors to train themselves in this unique fighting style.

As the art of kumiuchi gained popularity, various schools of unarmed fighting sprang up in Japan. The various unarmed fighting styles were known by other names such as jūjutsu, taijutsu, yawara, wajutsu, toride, kogusoku, kempo, hakuda, shuhaku, jūdo, and many others, each slightly different applications of nearly identical principles. Although such schools focused on unarmed fighting techniques, many styles incorporated common everyday implements as improvised weapons or developed specialized weapons and trained in special skills for their use.

These styles quickly became so intermingled with each other that is virtually impossible to distinguish them from one another now. However, the purpose of toride and kogusoku was primarily to restrain and arrest persons, while the intent of jūjutsu and jūdo was to throw or kill one’s opponent; and kempo and hakuda emphasized the use of kicks or strikes against opponents. In general, all of these styles may be described as unarmed fighting techniques for use against an armed or an unarmed opponent. Frequently the various styles might also include the use of common everyday implements or small specialized weapons to defeat an enemy armed with a larger weapon.

In most traditional Japanese fighting arts, training is centered on kata, or the repeated practice of fixed, formal training exercises. Each technique is performed by two persons acting in predefined roles and in carefully rendered steps. The person applying the offensive or defensive technique is commonly referred to as tori, while the person receiving the technique is called uke. Some styles use shitachi when tori is armed with a sword and shite when unarmed or armed with other weapons. Likewise, uke is often called uchitachi when armed with a sword, uchite when armed with other weapons, and ukete when unarmed.

Both tori and uke execute specific patterns or steps in a controlled, ritualized manner. Each kata includes vital elements for either offense or defense. However, the concept of kata is often misunderstood. Although various techniques are executed, kata should not be considered a catalog of designated responses to specific dangerous situations. Rather, kata is a method of transmitting core principles and tactics.

Each individual ryūha, or school, typically incorporated different movements, usually fixed in historical tradition and classical conventions, within its respective kata practice. The stylistic performance of these steps often varied between schools, with different forms for entering the kata and acknowledging each other, as well as for concluding techniques and finishing the kata. What remains is the essence of the technique, from initiation of an attack to the resolution whereby tori ultimately disarms and defeats uke, either by restraint or by more lethal methods.

Unarmed fighting styles branched into many different schools. Many have little if any reliable records, even regarding their founders, thus making it very difficult to identify the origins. Some accounts credit the development of unarmed fighting styles to techniques imported from China. Based on reliable records, though, other scholars believe that the development of unarmed fighting styles is indigenous to Japan and not based on foreign influences. That debate aside, the following are some descriptions of just a few of the more well-known schools which started during this period.

Takenouchi-ryū

Takenouchi-ryū was founded by Takenouchi Hisamori, a native of Haga village in the province of Mimasaka. During a period of meditation at Sannomiya Shrine in June 1532, he fell asleep after an intensive solitary training session. According to the tradition, a yamabushi, a member of a religious class which frequently traveled throughout Japan, appeared and taught several techniques for disarming and restraining opponents to Takenouchi. The yamabushi also convinced him of the advantages of small arms over larger weapons. Takenouchi named this style kogusoku, and the art still exists today after many generations of successors.

Kito-ryū

Kito-ryū was founded by Terada Kanyemon, a retainer of Kyogoku Tango-no-Kami. He first learned unarmed fighting skills from Terada Heizayemon, who was a teacher of Fukuno-ryu, a school originated by Fukuno Shichiroyemon. (Fukuno Shichiroyemon, along with Miura Yojiyemon and Isogai Jirozayemon, initially studied kempo under Chin Gempin, a Chinese who traveled to Kokushoji Temple at Azabu in Edo during the latter part of the seventeenth century. The three rōnin each founded their own jūjutsu schools.) After mastering jūjutsu skills, Terada Kanyemon founded his own school which he called Kito-ryū. Throwing skills are very prominent in this style, a characteristic especially noted in the stylized forms used to teach and demonstrate the techniques of Kito-ryū.

Shibukawa-ryū

The founder of Shibukawa-ryū, Shibukawa Bangoro trained in unarmed fighting skills under Sekiguchi Hachirozaemon, the son of Sekiguchi Jushin. After developing great proficiency, he opened his own school in Edo. During the peace of the Edo period, Shibukawaryū was noted for developing the arts of tessen-jutsu and jutte-jutsu. (See Chapter Four for more information on tessen-jutsu and Chapter Five for more information about jutte-jutsu.)

Yoshin-ryū

There are two different accounts of the Yoshin-ryū source. The first states the founder as Miura Yoshin, a physician in Nagasaki. Convinced that physical illness was the result of an imbalance between the use of mind and body, he developed a number of techniques for disarming and restraining an opponent by utilizing his principles for resolving this imbalance. After his death, two of his first followers established their own schools, respectively called Miura-ryū and Yoshin-ryū after the family and given names of the originator.

A second account claims Akiyama Shirobei Yoshitoki, also a physician from Nagasaki, to be the founder. While studying medicine in China, he also learned several te, or “fighting tricks,” as well as many different kappo (resuscitation techniques). Upon his return to Japan, Akiyama began teaching his fighting style, but was dissatisfied with the limited number of techniques. Determined to improve his fighting proficiency and develop a wider range of techniques, he retired to the Temmangu temple at Tsukushi for several months to meditate and seek inspiration.

It was a harsh winter, and Akiyama watched as the snow fell on the temple grounds. He noticed the sturdy branches of the surrounding trees often broke and were crushed under the weight of accumulated snow. However, the weaker willow-tree was able to escape this fate due to the suppleness of its branches. The flexible branches bent and gave way as the weight increased, thus allowing them to throw off the snow and spring back after releasing their burden. Akiyama was so impressed, he based his new fighting techniques on this concept, giving his sect the name Yoshin-ryū, which means “willow-heart school.”

Kushin-ryū

Kushin-ryū was founded by Inouye Nagakatsu. However, his grandson, Inouye Nagayasu (generally known as Gumbei), was so adept in jūjutsu that he is often credited as being the originator. This style closely resembles the Kito-ryū style, especially in the emphasis on throwing skills. It is stated that Inouye Nagayasu trained for some time under Takino, a former student of Kito-ryū.

Tenjin-shinyo-ryū

Tenjin-shinyo-ryū was founded by Iso Matayemon, a retainer of the Kii clan. A native of the Matsuzaka in Ise province, he studied under Hitosuyanagi Oribe, a master of Yoshin-ryū. Following the death of his teacher, he later studied under Homma Joyemon, an adept in Shin-no-Shintō-ryū. Convinced from his actual fighting experiences that victory required the skillful application of atemi, the art of striking the vital and vulnerable points of an opponent’s body, Iso Matayemon emphasized atemi in the founding of his own style. He called his new style Tenjin-shinyo-ryū, deriving the name partially from both Yoshin-ryū and Shin-no-Shinto-ryū.

Shintō Musō-ryū

Although primarily concerned with the arts of the sword and staff, Shintō Musō-ryū has also incorporated many other auxiliary arts since its inception. Shintō Musō-ryū was founded by Muso Gonnosuke Katsuyoshi during the early part of the Edo period. The third successor of the Shintō Musō-ryū, Matsuzaki Kinueumon Tsunekatsu added Ittatsu-ryū hojo-jutsu (rope binding) from Ittatsuryu and jutte-jutsu (truncheon art) from Ikkaku-ryū, to the Shintō Musō-ryū curriculum

In more recent years, the Japanese police modified many of the same Ikkaku-ryū jutte-jutsu techniques from the Shintō Musō-ryū curriculum for their keisatsu keibo-jutsu (police baton art) training. Although the basic techniques are similar, the targets and applications of keisatsu keibo-jutsu techniques have been modified slightly to enable police officers to more effectively control a suspect with minimum injury, rather than to put the individual down at any cost.

Disarming the Populace

Prior to the end of the Sengoku period, most able-bodied subjects were armed with various weapons to some degree. As Japan became unified, though, a heavily armed populace was considered a significant threat to the new government. To discourage uprisings and revolt, Hideyoshi Toyotomi initiated a series of legislative social reforms. These edicts strictly defined social classes and drastically restricted social mobility.

In 1588 Hideyoshi issued the Taiko no katanagari (sword hunt), a decree prohibiting the possession of swords and guns by all but the noble classes. Claiming that the possession of weapons by peasants “makes difficult the collection of taxes and tends to foment uprisings,” the mandate prohibited farmers from possessing long or short swords, bows, spears, muskets, or any other form of weapon. Local daimyō, official agents, and deputies were ordered to collect all such weapons within their jurisdictions and deliver them to be melted down to supply materials for construction of a temple containing a massive Buddha.

The proposal for creating a Buddhist image from destroyed weapons was meant to placate pious warrior monks as well as religiously devout commoners. This edict also met with widespread daimyō approval. Local rulers realized that disarming peasants also effectively restricted their neighbors from quickly raising a militia should any potential territorial disputes arise. Once the weapons were collected, though, Hideyoshi ordered them melted down and used to build a statue in his own likeness.

As a result of the sword hunt edict, only members of the warrior class were permitted to wear the daishō, thus differentiating samurai from the rest of the population. Three years later, Hideyoshi issued another edict clearly segregating the population into four major social castes—warrior, farmer, craftsman, and merchant. It further isolated and restricted interaction between different classes and denied any changes in social status.

Below the samurai or bushi class were the nōmin (farmers). The nōmin were considered second in class only to the samurai because they provided the crops and livestock necessary to feed the population. The creation of mutually exclusive farming and military social castes was calculated to prevent formation of alliances. Although they represented by far the largest segment of the population, the unarmed nōmin were weak and relatively helpless against military forces. And while the samurai were armed and trained in battlefield tactics, their overall numbers were comparatively small, representing less than one-tenth of the total populace at any one time. Yet Hideyoshi recognized the potential threat facing the new administration should nōmin and samurai join forces for revolution. To prevent this, the samurai were forced to move away from their villages and farms and to live within garrison towns.

The next lower classes lived in towns and were called chōnin (townsmen). These craftsmen and artisans formed the third tier of the feudal Japanese caste system. They were held in nominal favor since they produced the tools and utensils needed by the farmers and the weapons and associated decorations required by the bushi.

The fourth tier consisted of merchants, who were looked down upon because they essentially created nothing while basically living off the produce of others. Although they were considered fairly low in the social structure, the merchant class owned most of the actual property by the nineteenth century. Many became bankers, not only financing other merchant ventures, but also lending money to the members of the samurai class. As the richest members of the society, they frequently bought titles or married into samurai families to improve their status.

Members of the samurai class had for many years considered financial issues as beneath their dignity and even disdained the handling of money. This extended to having their servants actually pay for all necessities to avoid contact with coins. Physically touching money was considered unclean, and most samurai would wrap their coins in paper before presenting them for payment to another.

As a result, many samurai were not very adept at dealing with fiscal issues and so now often found themselves in serious financial straits. Ironically, many of their rights and power, including the carrying of weapons, were often circumscribed by the bankers and money lenders from the merchant class.

The lowest class consisted of the hinan (outcasts) or eta who were basically considered to be non-humans. The term eta literally means “filth,” and the eta were ostracized by the rest of Edo period society. The eta often performed the tasks believed to be spiritually unclean, such as dealing with the dead. For example, they often worked in trades associated with tanning leather or disposing of animal and human carcasses. As a result, eta were the target of tremendous social prejudices. Even within this group existed a varied ranking system, from those who were temporarily classed as outcasts due to their circumstances, such as convicted petty criminals, to those who were hereditary and permanent pariahs in the rigid feudal Japanese social order.

In the last of his social reform efforts, Hideyoshi commissioned a land census, establishing a uniform tax system and further restricting physical movement between the various provinces, or han, under his rule. Each individual was required to register his name, along with his status and his number of houses. All registered individuals were then prohibited from moving to any other province, or han, without prior government approval.

Following the death of Hideyoshi and the establishment of the Tokugawa shōgunate in 1603, these social policies were further enforced with even more government proclamations. Barrier stations, or seki, were established on all major highways, and travelers were searched for any contraband or defiance of rules regarding physical movement. The Tokugawa shōgunate was known for the policy to prevent Irideppo ni deonna (incoming firearms and fleeing women), which prohibited transport of arms and restricted women, especially daimyō family members held as potential hostages, from leaving the city.

Although samurai openly carried razor-sharp swords, chōnin and nōmin during the Edo period usually were not allowed such overt displays of weaponry. Restricted by government decrees, they often resorted to hibuki (hidden or concealed weapons) for personal protection.

While katana were prohibited, chōnin and nōmin were still allowed to carry tantō (daggers) as well as short swords known as wakizashi. Commoners did not always abide by the laws prohibiting swords. One reason was that the actual measurements used to define katana, wakizashi, and tantō were confusing and often inconsistently applied in many of these laws. Thus during the early part of the Edo period (early 1600s), some chōnin, and especially yakuza, or criminal gang members, openly carried long wakizashi that were virtually equivalent to prohibited katana.

The Japanese historic measure of length, called the kanejaku (square), originated in China and is a common measurement system used for centuries in countries surrounding the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea. Designated Japan’s official measure in 701 by the Taiho Code, the length is made up of units called bu, sun, shaku, and ken. One bu is equal to 0.1193 inches (0.303 centimeters). Ten bu equal one sun, or 1.193 inches (3.03 centimeters). Ten sun equal one shaku, or 11.93 inches (30.3 centimeters). And six shaku equal one ken, or 71.58 inches (181.8 centimeters).

In an effort to restore peace and order to their society, the Tokugawa shōgunate issued various orders prohibiting chōnin from carrying long swords. One such government order was the Daishō katana no sumpō oyobi touhatsu futsumōno sei (the order regarding daishō katana and hair style), issued in July 1645. This law specified the maximum blade length of katana as 2 shaku 8 or 9 sun, or roughly 34 inches (86 centimeters). The blade length of wakizashi was restricted to 1 shaku 8 or 9 sun or about 22 inches (56 centimeters).

In March 1668, the Tokugawa shōgunate once again issued Mutorei (no sword order), an executive directive firmly prohibiting the chōnin class from carrying any swords longer than ko-wakizashi, a very short sword, without specific government permission. According to the edict, the ko-wakizashi blade length was defined as being no longer than 1 shaku 5 sun or approximately 17 inches (45 centimeters). The feudal government later revised this executive order, adding some specific exceptions to this prohibition, including the right for chōnin to carry regular-length wakizashi when traveling or during fires.

Commoners were allowed to carry a wakizashi on trips to protect themselves and their valuables from brigands who often preyed on travelers. Since fires in the densely populated city of Edo occurred with such frequency, most chōnin would take their household possessions into the streets with them when evacuating their neighborhood. The government decree thus allowed them to arm themselves and protect their personal possessions during such chaotic events.

Although not specifically prohibited from carrying ko-wakizashi, law-abiding chōnin during the Edo period typically did not wear any swords while conducting their day-to-day business within the city. Because of the risks of encountering bandits or worse, though, it was quite common for chōnin to openly wear a legal-length ko-wakizashi when traveling any significant distance from their homes.

Kirisutegomen

Popular fiction has often portrayed the samurai as extremely violent and quick to cut someone down at the slightest provocation. With a rigidly enforced and unquestioned social hierarchy, some samurai did tend to be rather dismissive, even arrogant and abusive toward the lower classes. It is a popular misconception, though, that most samurai swaggered about the streets of Edo or rural highways indiscriminately killing one another or some unfortunate chōnin and nōmin out of anger over the slightest perceived offense. Although this type of incident is a widespread occurrence in historical dramas and novels, the truth is actually much more mundane.

It is true that the convention of kirisutegomen (“killing and going away”) was formally recognized under the Tokugawa shōgunate. According to this custom, samurai basically had the legally recognized right to kill any member of the common classes acting other than as expected. Unexpected behavior included surliness, discourtesy, and inappropriate conduct. This occasionally fostered the practice of tsuji-giri, testing a sword blade by cutting down a commoner.

Any samurai involved in such a killing, however, would certainly have been held by officials while an investigation was conducted. The Tokugawa shōgunate published a series of guidelines, such as the Kujikata osadamegaki, that established strict penal codes and judicial procedures. Any samurai found guilty of inappropriate behavior was often subjected to severe penalties. The metsuke (watchers) served as the overseers and inspectors for retainers in the service of the various daimyō. Unemployed samurai or rōnin were considered under the jurisdiction of the respective machi-bugyō (town magistrate), though, and subject to many of the same penal codes as any chōnin.

Wasteful actions such as kirisutegomen, and especially tsuji-giri, were generally frowned upon by all clan and government officials. Although it may have been allowed legally, such behavior was definitely considered intolerable according to commonly accepted religious, moral, and ethical values. The government, realizing it was dependent upon the common people for both produce and taxes, would not risk further alienation by allowing such excesses. Even if an investigation did fail to find any infraction of these guidelines, no samurai could afford a reputation for such needless killings.

According to common law of this period, any citizen, regardless of class, was also allowed to defend himself from unprovoked attacks. Thus, a commoner was allowed to kill a samurai if assaulted. If successful, he was likely to be released from any murder charges by authorities if the killing was committed in self-defense. Obviously, samurai were not as prone to indulge in practices such as kirisutegomen and tsuji-giri when commoners were armed and capable of offering resistance.

Fukushū and Ada-uchi

Killing another samurai, even a lower-ranking bushi, might easily spark a fukushū (blood feud) with another clan, resulting in many other members of either house being killed. No self-respecting bushi would dare put his fellow clan members in such a dangerous position without considering these possible consequences.

Slaying any individual, regardless of class, might also initiate an ada-uchi, a legal vendetta, by members of the victim’s family. (The colloquial term kataki-uchi is a less formal, common reference for such a quarrel.) According to the strict rules of ada-uchi, retaliation could be directed only against the murderer and then only by a person of equal or lower social status. An ada-uchi required registration with local officials. Once a permit was issued, the right or wrong of the original death was considered irrelevant. Anyone killing another without a properly registered ada-uchi, though, was subject to punishment for murder.

Yamamoto Tsunetomo (1658–1719), a Buddhist priest and former retainer of Nabeshima Mitsushige, third daimyō of Saga, shared a series of anecdotes over several years with Tashiro Tsuramoto, a samurai from the Nabeshima fief in Kyushu. Recorded by the younger samurai and published as Hagakure [Hidden Leaves], these offer many insights into daily life and attitudes of his era. The following example illustrates how a samurai might be expected to commit seppuku (ritual suicide) to atone for brawling and murder:

A certain son of Mori Monbei got into a fight and returned home wounded. Asked by Monbei, “What did you do to your opponent?” his son replied, “I cut him down.”

When Monbei asked, “Did you deliver the coup de grace?” his son replied, “Indeed I did.” [This coup de grace was called todome and typically consisted of stabbing the wounded man through the neck.]

Then Monbei said, “You have certainly done well, and there is nothing to regret. Now, even if you fled you would have to commit seppuku anyway. When your mood improves, commit seppuku, and rather than die by another’s hand, you can die by your father’s.” And soon after he performed kaishaku for his son. [The kaishaku serves as a second during seppuku. After the initial incisions are made in the abdomen, the kaishaku is expected to decapitate the subject with one swift sword stroke, thus sparing him from further suffering.]

The Forty-seven Rōnin Incident

It was such an impetuous and foolhardy act that resulted in one of the most famous of Japanese legends. The Forty-seven Rōnin incident is a story reflecting many of the ideals of Japan’s samurai. In 1701, Lord Asano Nagamori, a brash young daimyō from Ako, was ordered to commit seppuku and his clan was abolished, thus setting the stage for the bloodiest vendetta in Japan’s history. Asano’s offense was drawing his short sword and attacking the shōgun’s chief of protocol, Kira Yoshinaka, during preparations for an official reception of an imperial envoy from Kyōto.

Various reasons are given for the shōgun’s harsh sentencing of Lord Asano. Most historians agree that it was for drawing his short sword and wounding Yoshinaka, although one account also records that after the initial attack failed, Lord Asano threw his wakizashi at the chief of protocol, damaging a lacquered screen. Ultimately, though, it was Lord Asano’s obvious disregard for prohibitions against drawing one’s sword within the palace grounds that sealed his fate.

The shōgun’s failure to have Kira share in the responsibility angered Asano’s retainers, who felt that Kira’s improper actions were ignored and Asano’s punishment was too harsh. When a daimyō committed seppuku, his castle was confiscated by the shōgun, his family disinherited, and his samurai retainers ordered to disband, thus becoming rōnin. Oishi Kuranosuke, Asano’s chief councilor, had a plan, though, to avenge Asano’s disgrace by killing Kira, who had brought their clan to such a tragic end.

The men split up to conceal their plans from Kira, who naturally suspected that Asano’s retainers would seek revenge. Oishi went to Yamashina, a suburb of Kyoto, where he earned a reputation as a drunken gambler, a ruse that successfully deceived the shōgun’s many spies. For nearly two years, the rōnin waited, disguised as merchants, street vendors, and even drunks. When suspicions were finally relaxed, Oishi and the other rōnin decided that their time had come. One by one, Oishi and his men infiltrated Edo, and on the snowy winter night of December 14, 1702, the Forty-seven Rōnin attacked Kira’s mansion while he was hosting a tea party.

After killing Kira, the rōnin took his head to Asano’s grave at Sengaku-ji temple. For their actions, the shōgun ordered the rōnin to commit seppuku. After their deaths, the Forty-seven Rōnin were buried next to their master at Sengaku-ji temple. Today, the Forty-seven Rōnin are memorialized in a play called Chusingura which celebrates the theme of their sacrifice in the name of loyalty. Each year thousands of Japanese visit the gravesites at Sengaku-ji temple to pay homage to the honor and loyalty of the Forty-seven Rōnin and their dedication to the code of bushidō. Although their loyalty has become legendary, the fact remains that the Asano family and their clan were destroyed by Lord Asano’s one moment of rage and his inopportune use of his sword.

Samurai Weapons

Подняться наверх