Читать книгу The History of the Ancient Civilizations - Duncker Max - Страница 21

[252] Diod. 1, 90.

[253] Thus, e.g. in the Rosetta inscription the order is given that in every temple an image is to be set up to the "god Epiphanes, the avenger of Egypt," to whom the principal deity of the temple presents the arms of victory. Three times in every day the image of Epiphanes is to be worshipped, and on the great festivals the same honours are to be paid to him as to the rest of the gods. In addition, a special festival is solemnized every year to the god Epiphanes, and a special order of priests established for him. This resolution of the collected priests was ordered to be engraved on hard stone and set up in all the temples of the first, second, and third class. The full title of Epiphanes is: "Son of Ptah, Beloved of Ammon and Ra, the Child of the Sun, the Eternal."

[254] Diod. 1, 53; Plut. "De Isid." c. 6, 9; and below, p. 211 ff.

[255] Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," Suppl. Pl. 76; Champollion, "Lettres," p. 344 ff.

[256] In the inscriptions of the graves and sarcophagi of the Berlin Museum; cf. Ebers, "Ægypten," s. 300.

[257] What Synesius (Op. p. 94) tells us of the election of the kings is so astounding that it can hardly have been part of any plan of the priests; the whole history of Egypt contradicts an elective monarchy of such a kind. These supposed elections were said to have taken place on the Libyan mountains, near Thebes; the priests mentioned the names of the candidates for whom the votes were to be given. The votes of the prophets had the value of one hundred, those of the lower priests of twenty, of the servants of the temple of ten, and of the warrior class of one.

[258] Kalasiris was the name given by the Egyptians to a linen coat, with fringe round the thighs (Herod. 2, 81). The name Hermotybian has been derived from ἡμιτύβιον, a kind of apron.

[259] Herod. 2, 37.

[260] Diod. 1, 73, 74.

[261] Herod. 2, 37, 168.

[262] Genesis xlvii. 22, 26.

[263] Herod. 2, 109 supra, p. 143.

[264] Genesis xlvii. 24, 26.

[265] Herod. 2. 168.

[266] Genesis xlvii. 26.

[267] Even the land which the Pharaohs allotted to the temples with a tax of a fifth belonged to them in a certain sense. We have tolerably ancient records on papyrus, on which are given the incomes of the temples, with the names of the tax-payers, and the things given in taxation. When the Ptolemies ruled over Egypt the land which paid to the temples belonged actually to the temples as property, but as property revocable at will, and the kings on their side taxed the temples just as the Islamite princes are accustomed to tax their mosques. In the Rosetta inscription, under date March 27, 196 B.C., the prophets, upper priests, chamberlains, pastophors, and scribes, explain that the king (Ptolemy Epiphanes) had given an order that the incomes of the temples and the land-taxes paid to them yearly, and the portions reserved for the gods in the vineyards and other property, should continue to be paid. At the same time we see from the sequel of this inscription, as well as from other sources, that these incomes were not sufficient to keep the temples in good order, and the king was compelled to make additions. Yet, in any case, the Ptolemies by their state taxes withdrew from the temples a portion of their incomes. From every plot of corn-land (ἄρουρα) the temples were to pay to the king an artabe of corn, and from every plot of vineyard an amphora of wine. Besides this, they had to pay a money-tax and a certain amount of byssus cloth.

[268] Clemens ("Strom." p. 757 ff. ed. Pott) expressly says that the prophet was the overseer of the temple; on the other hand, in the inscription of Rosetta, the high priests and prophets stand side by side.

[269] Herod. 2, 37, 143; Diod. 1, 73.

[270] Diod. 1, 80; Herod. 2, 37, 81; Diog. Laert. 8, 27; Porphyr. "De abst." 4, 7.

[271] Diod. 1, 74, 92.

[272] Lepsius, "Briefe." s. 309, 310; Brugsch, "Hist. d'Egypte," p. 259.

[273] Herod. 2, 47; Aelian, "De Nat. An." 10, 16. As Herodotus tells us that the swineherds married in their own order only, it follows that the other orders married with each other. The attempt has often been made to explain the so-called divisions of the Egyptians into castes by the immigration of foreign tribes. This conception places in mechanical layers what is really an organic development. In India such an assumption has a certain historical foundation. There, there was a servile class (the Sudra) under three superior classes; the first was composed of the original inhabitants, the others of the Aryan immigrants. This kind of division is wholly wanting in Egypt, and not less so any historical or physiological foundation for the immigrations. Strabo knows three orders only in Egypt; the priests, the soldiers, and the population engaged in work or trades. Diodorus (1, 74) speaks of five orders; i.e. in addition to the first two, husbandmen, artizans, and shepherds. Plato ("Timæus," p. 21) mentions priests, soldiers, artizans, shepherds, and hunters; Herodotus mentions priests, warriors, cowherds, swineherds, merchants, interpreters, and mariners. In Plato and Diodorus we miss the merchants, who certainly were not wanting in Egypt, and in Herodotus the husbandmen and artizans. Nothing therefore remains but the natural assumption that the labouring masses were chiefly divided into shepherds, artizans, and husbandmen; and these were again broken into many divisions according to their different vocations, and each of our authorities has brought into prominence those distinctions which especially came under his notice. As Herodotus especially notices cowherds, we must suppose that those herdsmen are probably meant who derived a living from the buffalo herds, which they pastured in the swampy flats of the Delta, on the border of Egypt, and lived in huts of reeds.—Diod. 1, 43.

[274] The number of provinces in Egypt under the old kingdom appears to have been twenty-seven, according to the myth of the hewing of the body of Osiris into twenty-seven pieces, and the distribution of them to all the priests of the land for burial, which Diodorus has preserved. From this may be derived the number of twenty-seven courts in the labyrinth given by Strabo, p. 811, and twenty-five in Pliny, pp. 113, 114; as a fact the building had only twelve courts. Yet Strabo mentions thirty-six provinces (p. 787). Later coins give forty-six provinces, and Ptolemy forty-seven. Forty-four nomes, twenty-two for Upper Egypt and as many for Lower Egypt, can be established, together with their names.—Brugsch, "Hist. d'Egypte," p. 9.

[275] Diod. 1, 73, 75, 94; Herod. 2, 136; Plut. "De Isid." 10; Chabas, "Mél." 3, 10.

[276] Diod. 1, 77 ff.

[277] Herod. 2, 37, 38, 39, 65; Genesis xliii. 32.

[278] Herod. 2, 77, 85; Diod. 1, 84, 91.

[279] Lepsius, "Aelteste Texte," s. 10; Brugsch, "Grammaire démotique."

[280] Clem. Alex. "Strom." p. 758, ed. Pott; cf. Diod. 1, 49.

[281] Ebers, "Augsburger Allg. Zt." 1873. On a papyrus of a medicinal character of the period from the twentieth to the twenty-second dynasty, see Birch, "Zeitschrift für ægyptische Sprache," 1871, s. 61.

[282] Herod. 2, 84, 3, 1.

[283] Lepsius, "Götterkreis," s. 30; Bunsen, "Ægypten," 5, 1, 189 ff.

[284] Papyrus, Sallier III.

[285] De Rougé, "Recueil de Travaux," 1, 3 ff.; Chabas, "Revue Archéol." 1875.

[286] On the papyrus Sallier I.; "Revue Archéol." 1860, 2, 241.

[287] Goodwin-Chabas, loc. cit. 1861, 4, 118 ff.

[288] Loc. cit. 1860, 1, 357.

[289] De Rougé, loc. cit. 1852. On another very marvellous narrative on a papyrus in the demotic character, see Brugsch, loc. cit. 1867, 16, 161 ff. This papyrus Brugsch, on paleographical grounds, places in the third or second centuries B.C.

[290] Lauth, "Sitzungsberichte der Akademie, zu München," 1872, 347 ff, and his "Abhandlung über den papyrus Sallier II. und Anastasi III.;" ibid. p. 29 ff.; cf. Chabas, "Voyage d'un Egyptien," and Goodwin, "Saneha."

[291] Bœckh, "Manetho und die Hundsternperiode;" Lepsius, "Chronologie," s. 470 ff. and supra, p. 40.

[292] Diod. 1. 81.

[293] Brugsch, "Zeitschrift d. d. M. S." 10, 662 ff.

[294] The Egyptians then compared certain constellations in their spheres with the signs of the zodiac. The Crab they denoted by the scarabæus, the Lion by the knife, the Scales became the "sun-mountain," the Scorpion became the snake. The Kid was with them "the life," the Ram "the slain" &c.—Brugsch, loc. cit.

[295] Champollion, "Lettres," p. 239; Lepsius, "Chronologie," s. 109, 110; cf. supra, p. 58.

[296] Champollion, "Lettres," p. 196.

[297] Diod. 1, 74.

[298] Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," 3, 4.

[299] Strabo, p. 758; cf. p. 147.

[300] Supra, p. 94; Ebers, "Durch Gosen," s. 135 ff.

[301] Herod. 2, 78.

[302] Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," 2, 132.

[303] Cf. infra, Book II. cap. 3.

[304] 1 Kings x. 28, 29; 2 Chronicles i. 16, 17; ix. 28.

[305] "Od." 14, 288; 4, 225, 355; 17, 448; Movers, "Phœnizier," 2, 70.