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BREAKING AND

MAKING

TEMPORALITY

TIME AND TEMPORARY

ARCHITECTURE IN

POST-QUAKE CHRISTCHURCH

Barnaby Bennett

What makes one thing permanent and another temporary? Can objects, buildings, or landscapes be understood through other forms of temporal status? And how might these different forms affect our experience of the objects? This essay seeks to answer these questions by complicating the normally tidy division between the permanent and the temporary by articulating an ecological understanding of time that encompasses a broader range of temporal conditions.

The difference between temporary and permanent things appears self-evident: the former exists for a discrete and measurable amount of time, whilst the latter extends into the future. This is one of the binary divisions we use to understand the status of objects in the world, and we build relationships with things based on these assumptions. This essay is based on information gathered whilst living in Christchurch between 2012 and 2015. Assumptions of permanence and temporariness were particularly evident when dealing with the built environment after the earthquakes in 2010 and 2011. At 12:51 p.m. on 22 February 2011, a large earthquake shook Christchurch, New Zealand’s second largest city.

Between September 2010 and the end of 2012, over 13,000 earthquakes jolted the city of 342,000 people, but the February 2011 quake was different. The city was devastated— buildings and infrastructure were damaged and 185 people were killed.¹ A national state of emergency was declared the following day: the core of the city was shut down and cordoned off as a public exclusion zone. It would be over two years before citizens could return freely to the shattered city centre. In this context, the temporary became necessary and the permanent visions of the city a topic of controversy and debate.

In his 1997 essay ‘Trains of Thought’ Bruno Latour compares the experiences of two twins.² The first is moving slowly through the jungle. Latour says ‘She will remember it because each centimetre has been won through a complicated negotiation with other entities, branches, snakes and sticks that were proceeding in other directions and had other ends and goals.’³ A second twin is travelling on a fast TGV train from Paris to Switzerland. ‘… he will remember little else except having travelled by train instead of plane. Only the articles he read in the newspaper might be briefly recalled … No negotiation along the way, no event, hence no memory of anything worth mentioning.’⁴ Latour uses these examples to contrast experiences—to show the sweat, exertion and suffering of establishing a new path through the jungle against the ease and relaxation of sitting on a train. The infrastructure of the train—the tracks, signals, workers, tunnels and so on—enables the second twin to focus and develop thoughts away from the work being done to carry him. Hers is an experience of effort and his, ease.

Aerial photograph of Christchurch, 2013.

Photograph by Becker Fraser Photography

The experience of each twin is defined by the length of their travel and the number of entities supporting them. The twin cutting her way through the jungle has few allies—she is part of a small gathering of objects. The twin on the train has a huge array of supporters and helpers that participate in an assemblage linking large parts of Europe together. Latour uses this story to argue that a different temporality, a different type of time is being brought into being in each case. For Latour, ‘time is not a general framework but a provisional result of the connection amongst entities.’⁵ In this way, time is produced or performed by different types of assemblages and networks. In relation to designed things, temporality is a consequence of the labour involved with coordinating objects into certain assemblages and arrangements.

It follows from this that a multiplicity of temporalities can be created by different kinds of material assemblages. The two most common types of time in architecture are temporary and permanent, but a closer look at a project like Agropolis (discussed later in this essay) offers a range of other typologies.

Performing Permanence

It is almost a cliché to state that one of the dominant characteristics of architecture is the quest for permanence. Architecture is meant to persist, to be durable. The term ‘permanent architecture’ does not exist because the idea of permanence is central to its logic.

Various authors have pointed out problems with the assumption of permanence. Mohsen Mostafavi and David Leatherbarrow state the obvious but often overlooked fact that ‘No building stands forever.’⁶ Even the greatest buildings and cities will one day fall into ruin, become redundant or be replaced. Mostafavi and Leatherbarrow identify a contradiction in which ‘buildings persist in time. Yet they do not.’⁷ The language we use to describe architecture often conceals the fact that nothing, in the end, lasts forever. In this sense, permanence is an imagined ideal that we collectively sustain.

Long lifespans are only achieved through the procedures of maintenance and care. Nigel Thrift writes that repair and maintenance are the ‘means by which the constant decay of the world is held off.’⁸ The deserted and vegetative town of Varosha on the island of Cyprus and the Demilitarised Zone between North and South Korea illustrate how so-called permanent objects quickly fail when no one is present to maintain them.⁹ The famous image of a decaying Villa Savoye evidences the tension between the essence of a finished work and the deleterious effects of time and weathering. Stewart Brand writes that ‘Architecture, we imagine, is permanent. And so our buildings thwart us.’¹⁰ The status of buildings as durable objects, like the twin’s travel on the train to Switzerland, is only sustained by an array of other devices and labour that continuously care and protect. The often overlooked labour of cleaning, repair and maintenance is the invisible work that creates the effect of permanence.

Permanent buildings are a result of large assemblages of different things working together to keep them standing: foundations, windows and ceilings make buildings stable and keep the weather outside; various institutions and organisations pay cleaners, caretakers and maintenance crews to maintain and repair its different parts; financial institutions such as banks and insurance companies provide capital to upgrade, rebuild and repair as time goes by. This creates a particular experience of use, and like the twin on the train, this enables other kinds of behaviour and activity to be focused on. Permanence is a kind of performance, but it is one we benefit from participating in. The permanence of architecture is a beneficial illusion that helps to sustain the institutions and organisations we want to have as stable markers of our society—courts, houses, great landmarks, universities, commercial centres, parliaments and civic spaces.

Performing Temporariness

What then of the temporary? Temporary architecture is a minor tradition that requires naming in a way that permanent architecture does not. Temporary projects have a beginning and an end. Permanent architecture is finished when it opens—this is its final state. A temporary project is finished when it disappears and ceases to be.

After the earthquakes in Christchurch, temporary projects proliferated with hundreds spreading across the damaged city. Agropolis was one such project initiated by Jessica Halliday, director of the Festival of Transitional Architecture (FESTA) and Bailey Perryman, a local food activist. It was developed as part of a larger collaboration that included local residents, businesses, chefs and artists. Launched at FESTA in 2013, the project was located on a vacant central site, one of thousands in the central city in which 80 percent of the area was demolished.

Agropolis consisted of around 12 large planter boxes, many of which were constructed from demolished houses, a large four-part composting facility and a tool shed made of earth. The project worked with local cafés to gather their green waste for composting and growing vegetables to sell back to the shops. Agropolis was temporary, it evolved at its first site over two years and then moved to another in 2015 before integrating with a larger urban farm project in 2016.

Authors of the 2012 book The Temporary City, Peter Bishop and Lesley Williams, define temporary projects in relation to intention.¹¹ For them a project is temporary when the people that make and use it understand that it will not last. This kind of temporary use can be liberating: experiments and investigations can be made without the risk of permanent and expensive failure; different materials can be introduced and arranged into dynamic forms; members of the public and students can participate in the design and making of places with little fear of consequence; a larger and more radical variety of activities can be performed in public such as film screenings, bathing, dancing, shopping, eating and the growing of food. Examples of temporary projects internationally range from protests such as Occupy to community gardens and commercial pop-up spaces and are produced by a variety of designers, architects, retailers, activists, artists and community groups. Agropolis was an experiment in building systems of exchange and an alternative economy of food and waste based on freely given expertise and hundreds of volunteer hours.

Bringing things together—materials, organisations, people, practices—for a temporary period of time changes the relationship people have with the project or place. Experiences of provisionality, experimentation and uncertainty characterise temporary projects. Agropolis’ temporary condition produced a heightened sense of commitment and engagement. Bailey Perryman comments ‘You know every day of these projects is unique.”¹²

Agropolis during FESTA 2014

Photograph by Annelies Zwaan

An important aspect of temporary projects is that the systems and assemblages required to bring them into being are often not as well integrated into the fabric of a place. Formal organisations such as councils and contractors, and integration with complex infrastructures of power, phone and water are frequently avoided by temporary projects, and instead ad hoc, improvised solutions are preferred. Often this means a more public display of making and developing projects and systems. In this way, the things involved with making, maintaining and unmaking of the projects are foregrounded. In contrast to more permanent architectures, in temporary projects such as Agropolis, maintenance and repair were public and visible activities, and through these different practices were brought to public view. In October 2013, Agropolis was launched with an event in the garden and the public was invited to help mix the mud for the earth shed with their feet. Many events, meetings, tours, festivals and working bees took place over its lifetime to sustain the farm and to offer people experiences and new knowledge about building and planting. These were experiences of a temporary project, but other forms of temporality were also being created and experienced at the same time.

Both permanent and temporary architecture can be framed as a performance of invisible and public entities working together to produce effects that are experienced by people. This framing suggests that different types of assembling and gathering may create other types of temporal experience.

Event Times

Event time is a sharp and focused form of temporality characterised by festivals and carnivals. In the 1970s and ‘80s, Bernard Tschumi argued that architecture can only be understood through the event, that space makes no sense without considering the things that happen within it.¹³ At its broadest, this argument arranges the programme and intent of the space as being a critical part of its imagining. In relation to the Agropolis project, festivals and events brought into the site include temporary restaurants, tours, talks, construction processes and installations.

Events often produce vibrant and surprising atmospheres and because each involves a unique gathering of people, weather and materials, the atmosphere cannot be repeated—they are experienced as unique and important. Projects become platforms for events that then offer one-off experiences, but the variability of the project’s parts—weather, furniture, different audiences—affects the degree to which the event is experienced as unique or one of a series.

Rhythms and Repetitions

Regular repeating events occur in both temporary and permanent projects. This is a kind of experience created by periodic events. These are created by bringing together certain objects and people at regular intervals. Entities might include people, tools, building parts, plants, planets and tides. These different entities are often hidden in permanent projects and revealed in temporary ones.

Agropolis had one part-time employee, Annelies Zwaan, who managed the project. Site maintenance was carried out by volunteers who regularly visited to water plants and weed the planter boxes. The farm was also involved with a network of local cafés that provided green waste for composting. This material was moved by a cargo bike built by another project called RAD Bikes, which shared the site for a year in 2014–15. These kinds of daily rhythms and routines were part of its critical maintenance and ongoing activities, and had a sustaining and connecting experience that mixed human and non-human actors.

The growing of food introduced a range of entities that attended to particular rhythms. The relationship between the earth and sun gives rise to seasonal variation. Certain plants were grown at particular times of the year and this required organisation and communication. It brought seasonal changes such as day length, angle of light and temperature into the experience of the projects. Similarly, the taste and colour of food at different moments in the year helped articulate and differentiate the seasonal rhythms of time. A project like Agropolis introduced a more traditional set of entities into urban life. The rhythms of watering, planting and seasons are circular—they leave and return with a predictable rhythm, and because of this, knowledge and practices can be built from them.

Periodic time is the temporality of repetition, of habits turning into routine. Many of the temporary post-quake projects in Christchurch had repeating or periodic events. Saturday markets, rosters for watering the Agropolis urban farm, Tuesday night board games at a temporary venue called the Pallet Pavilion, open bike nights at RAD Bikes and motorbike Thursdays at a bar called Smash Palace. These became habitual and enabled the development of lifestyles and the formation of new habits. Agropolis was located in a visible central city location and these routines were experienced and witnessed not only by the groups of people that were attached to them, but also by users from the city’s surrounds. In this way, the daily rhythms of Agropolis created different kinds of syncopated, staccato and punctuated experiences of time in the city. These rhythms and patterns were created by particular relationships with other entities (plants, compost, seasons, calendars, events) and are not accounted for in the conventional temporal descriptors of permanent and temporary architectures.

Combining times – Spiral time, Percolation and Turbulence.

The final three temporalities describe how these kinds of rhythms and temporalities co-exist. They tend to describe the broader urban experiences of the city instead of individual projects. Latour talks about the experience of time as being the consequence of gathered entities. The post-quake city was awash with new kinds of assemblages, revealed networks and broken fragments of previously functioning systems and infrastructures. If we accept the notion that different configurations of actors produce different experiences of temporality, and different types of time, then it makes sense that the complexity of new broken and old post-quake systems and networks, would produce an unusual and often surprising set of temporal experiences—a clashing of different temporalities.

Pallet Pavilion by Gap Filler, Christchurch, 2013. Photograph by author

RAD Bikes by Gap Filler, Christchurch, 2013. Photograph by Erica Austin

Launch of Tunnel House Supper Club at FESTA 2014, Agropolis site. Photograph by Chloe Waretini

Installation Influx by architecture students from Unitec at FESTA 2014, Agropolis site. Photograph by Erica Austin

In 2014, Ryan Reynolds articulated this complexity and described living in a ‘post-city, the remains of a complicated, contradictory and post-colonial place’ and ‘a pre-city with three years worth of plans, consultations, ideas and designs that exist mainly as a massive set of aspirations to be enacted’.¹⁴ The time after the quakes was characterised by a range of incongruous mixtures of old and new, leading to a melding of:

–Broken things—80% of the central city was demolished over 4 years,¹⁵

–New things—this led to the design and planning of thousands of new buildings,¹⁶

–Normal things—that suddenly seemed older and more precious,¹⁷

–Provision solutions— such as the 180 temporary projects between 2010 and 2013,¹⁸

–Repaired old things—such as the city’s arts centre,¹⁹

–Demolitions of old things—such as heritage buildings,²⁰

–Demolitions of new things—including buildings designed and finished after the quakes,²¹

–The competition between new plans²² and outdated plans.²³

All these things co-existed, resulting in the mixing of objects and their temporalities. This particular urban setting is unique, but evidences the range of different types of temporal conditions that exist in any complex urban environment in which different projects, events and experiences are brought into being.

Spiral Time

As the city recovered, some of these rhythms were circular but formed as spirals. Spiral time is a circular time but with the perspective of change added to it. Political ecologist Jane Bennett writes that spiral repetition ‘is that sometimes that-which-repeats-itself also transforms itself. Because each iteration occurs in an absolutely unique context, each turn of the spiral enters into a new and distinctive assemblage— with absolutely local chirps, odours, herbs, thoughts, whirs, images, breezes, light waves, viruses, animals, machines, and minerals in its milieu.’²⁴ The change can be personal, contextual or environmental. For example, climate change has shifted the seasons from a circular predictable mode to a spiral one, in which we do not know what will come next.

Each season in Christchurch would be greeted by a different city—a place with more demolitions, new buildings and shifting temporary structures, fitting Bennett’s description of spiral time in which ‘each iteration occurs in an absolutely unique context.’²⁵

Percolation

Percolation is the combination of many times together, of the experiences of linear, circular, archaic and future all bubbling and shifting around. In a 1995 interview, Latour asked philosopher Michel Serres if he thought time passed and he responded, ‘Yes, it passes, and also it doesn’t pass. We must bring the word pass closer to passoir—sieve. Time doesn’t flow; it percolates.”²⁶ The aforementioned description of overlapping and multiple times invokes Serres’ notions of a world in which time is not linear and instead people are understood to move through different bubbles, rips and percolations. The presence of Agropolis in the city for three years and its eventual removal contributed to this sense of seasonal and repeating return but with change, and eventually this change became a bubble. For a time, it was one of the few stable things prior to becoming a remembered part of the city’s history in 2015. The planter boxes were given to another project and the earth shed was flatted back into the soil.

Turbulence

Turbulence is the temporality of apparent chaos. There may be order but it is either impossible to see or too complex to map. The fields of earthquakes are turbulent, there are statistical odds and geological patterns, but on the local level the impacts are sudden, often violent and entirely unpredictable. The turbulent is produced by the sudden presences and absences of forgotten patterns and quick returns.

Designing with Different Times

Agropolis shows how even the simplest of projects—a small urban farm—is part of a range of relationships, movements and events. Agropolis illustrated the joys of working with earth, soil, plants, waste, food, sunlight, seasons and the connections and movements shared by them and larger urban systems. This is a powerful contrast with the kinds of timeless or anti-temporal design that characterise many contemporary generic spaces such as malls, shopping centres and supermarkets, frequently designed with the intent to erase the passing of time by removing entities such as the sun, sky, shadows or time of day.

Earlier discussions explored viewing temporality as an ecology, as being constituted by experiences of permanence, temporariness, circular and repeating habits, the spirals of slow change and turbulences of uncertainty. Perhaps architecture might benefit if we gave more presence and better vocabulary to the actors—devices and humans—that do the work to sustain the things we often take for granted. In doing so, we might break away from understanding buildings as finished when constructed and towards a view of things that are both never quite finished and always being finished. An ecological approach suggests the boundaries of a project are of less importance that the movements through and over the border crossings along it. Ecologies have no final state; they exist as flows and movements and patterns of energy, nutrients and transformations. Perhaps our understanding of buildings as complex and living things increases when we give more presence to the flows, shifts, events and activities of buildings as they move through time.

This essay is a selected range of different typologies of time and described how they might mingle, overlap and interfere with one another. The usual classifications of objects as being either permanent or temporary are not false, but they do not describe the full range of experiences and activities that register within and around projects and buildings. In doing so, the tidy binary between temporary and permanent objects has been both challenged and expanded.

01Timothy Moore and Barnaby Bennett, “The Transitional City,” Volume #43 Self-Building City, (2015): 56–61.

02Bruno Latour, “Trains of Thought: Piaget, Formalism, and The Fifth Dimension,” Common Knowledge 6 (1997): 170–91.

03Ibid., 173.

04Ibid.

05Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 74.

06Mohsen Mostafavi and David Leatherbarrow, On Weathering (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993), 5.

07Ibid.

08Stephen Graham and Nigel Thrift, “Out of Order: Understanding Repair and Maintenance,” Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 3 (2007): 1–25.

09Alan Weisman, The World Without Us (Picador, 2008).

10Stewart Brand, How Buildings Learn: What Happens After They’re Built (Viking, 1994), 2.

11Peter Bishop and Lesley Williams, The Temporary City (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), 5.

12Author interview with Bailey Perryman, 2015.

13Bernard Tschumi, Event-Cities (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994).

14Ryan Reynolds, “Desire for the Gap,” in Once in a Lifetime: City-building after disaster in Christchurch, ed. Barnaby Bennett et al. (Christchurch: Freerange Press, 2014), 167.

15Georgina Stylianou, “Christchurch red zone curtain set to fall,” The Press, 27 March 2013, accessed January 24, 2017, http://www.stuff.co.nz/national/8478832/Christchurch-red-zone-curtain-set-to-fall

16Barnaby Bennett et al., eds., Once in a Lifetime: City-building after disaster in Christchurch (Christchurch: Freerange Press, 2014), 67.

17Ibid., 42.

18Barnaby Bennett, Eugenio Boidi and Irene Boles, Christchurch: the transitional city Pt IV (Christchurch: Freerange Press, 2013), 176.

19Georgina Stylianou, “Arts Centre bouncing back in 2016,” The Press, 19 Jan 2016, accessed Jan 24 2017, http://www.stuff.co.nz/the-press/business/the-rebuild/75995949/Arts-Centre-bouncing-back-in-2016

20Barnaby Bennett, Eugenio Boidi and Irene Boles, Christchurch: the transitional city Pt IV (Christchurch: Freerange Press, 2013), 176.

21Georgina Stylianou, “New CBD building to be demolished,” The Press, 30 March 2013, accessed Jan 24 2017, http://www.stuff.co.nz/business/rebuilding-christchurch/8488917/New-CBD-building-to-be-demolished

22Barnaby Bennett et al., eds., Once in a Lifetime: City-building after disaster in Christchurch (Christchurch: Freerange Press, 2014), 34.

23Ibid., 32.

24Jane Bennett, The Enchantment of Modern Life: Attachments, Crossings, and Ethics (Princeton University Press: 2001), 40.

25Ibid.

26Michel Serres and Bruno Latour, Conversations on Science, Culture and Time (New York: 1995), 59.