Читать книгу The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike - Elliott Coues - Страница 6

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The best Life of Pike we have had is that which was prepared by Henry Whiting and published in 1845 in Jared Sparks' Library of American Biography, vol. xv. (or new series vol. v.), pp. 217–314. This excellent memoir might be now reproduced, were it not mainly occupied with the account of those expeditions to which these volumes are devoted, and thus for the most part superfluous in the present connection. It still continues to be a main source of our information concerning the events of Pike's life before and after those exploits of 1805–7 which immortalized his name, and is particularly valuable in all that relates to his closing career, as the biographer was himself a distinguished soldier and competent military critic.[M-1]

But I have much new matter to offer, derived from a thorough examination of the archives of the War Department, which include many original and hitherto unpublished documents in Pike's case,[M-2] from diligent search among contemporaneous records of the war of 1812–15, and from various other sources.

The Pike family resided in New Jersey for several generations. One Captain John Pike acquired his military title in Indian warfare. Zebulon Pike, the father of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, had been a captain in the Revolutionary army, and had served in the levies of 1791, when he was made a captain of infantry Mar. 5th, 1792; he was assigned to the Third sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792, and to the 3d Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; he became major Mar. 21st, 1800, and was transferred to the 1st Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802; he was brevetted lieutenant-colonel July 10th, 1812, and honorably discharged June 15th, 1815. He died July 27th, 1834. His son, Zebulon Montgomery, was born at Lamberton, afterward a south part of Trenton, N. J., Jan. 5th, 1779.[M-3]

During Zebulon Montgomery's childhood his parents removed to a place in Bucks Co., Pa., near the Delaware river, and thence to Easton, Pa. Whiting says that he was remembered by some of his schoolmates who were living in 1845, "as a boy of slender form, very fair complexion, gentle and retiring disposition, but of resolute spirit. Instances are mentioned in which his combative energies were put to a test, which would reflect no discredit upon his subsequent career." He had only a common school education, which appears to have been as slight in quality as it was short in duration, though he was at one time under the tuition of a Mr. Wall, a person of local repute in mathematics. He entered the army as a raw, shy country youth, of the most slender acquirements in any direction, whose main making of a man was ambition.

The records of young Pike's earliest military service are variant in some particulars not of much consequence. In one of his letters, printed beyond, p. lxv, he says that he entered the army when he was 15 years old. This would be in or about 1794, and doubtless refers to his cadetship. According to his biographer, he entered his father's company as a cadet, date not given; was commissioned as an ensign of the 2d Infantry Mar. 3d, 1799; promoted to be a first lieutenant in the same regiment Apr. 24th, 1800, and arranged to the 1st Infantry in 1802. In Heitman's Historical Register[M-4] it appears that Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of New Jersey, was first appointed from New Jersey to be a second lieutenant of the 2d Infantry, Mar. 3d, 1799; was next promoted to be first lieutenant of the same regiment, Nov. 1st, 1799; and then transferred to the 1st Infantry, Apr. 1st, 1802. Whatever may have been the facts in the discrepant cases of the earlier dates, there is no uncertainty from April 1st, 1802, when the name and rank became First Lieutenant Z. M. Pike, 1st Regiment of U. S. Infantry. It was as such that this young officer was first detailed for detached service in the exploration of the Mississippi, by order of General James Wilkinson, dated from the Commanding General's headquarters at St. Louis, Mo., July 30th, 1805.

Pike had not before been distinguished from any other meritorious and zealous subaltern, though his qualities had already attracted favorable attention. His selection by General Wilkinson for this duty was the beginning of all his greatness. The letter in which the detail was made will be found elsewhere (vol. ii, pp. 842–844). The principal other dates of Pike's brief but brilliant military career may be conveniently given here, though in so doing I anticipate events which will come up again in their regular order: His promotion to a captaincy in his regiment occurred by routine Aug. 12th, 1806, when he was voyaging up the Osage, early in his second expedition. He became major of the 6th Infantry May 3d, 1808, in less than a year after his return from his tour in Mexico—a journey which was directly continuous with his second, or Arkansaw expedition, but one which, having been involuntarily performed, he chose to separate formally from the other, and to make known as his "third" expedition. He became the lieutenant-colonel of the 4th Infantry Dec. 31st, 1809. From Apr. 3d, 1812, to July 3d of that year, he was on duty as deputy quartermaster-general. He became the colonel of the 15th Infantry July 6th, 1812, and was appointed to be brigadier-general Mar. 12th, 1813. But before this appointment was confirmed General Pike had been killed at the head of the troops he led to the assault on York, Upper Canada, April 27th, 1813, aged 34 years, 3 months, 22 days.

I am favored by Lieutenant J. R. Williams, of the army, with the following copy of the rough draught of a hitherto unpublished letter from General John R. Williams of Detroit to Major Amos Holton, giving an interesting picture of Pike, framed in his early environment:

Detroit, May 20, 1845.

Major Amos Holton, Dear Sir,

I have recd your esteemed favor of the 14th April last, on the interesting subject of your contemplated publication of a Biographical memoir, illustrative of the Character and services of the late Brigadier Genl. Zebulon Montgomery Pike of the U. S. Army. The half Sheet of the Albany Argus which you designed to accompany your letter, and which gives an account of a night battle on the Champlain frontier, I regret to say, has not been received.

The period of my acquaintance with the subject of your contemplated memoir, is indeed distant and remote; and altho' those days are still cherished in my recollection as the halcyon and pristine days of my youth and vigor, Yet, I cannot but be truly sensible that many interesting incidents have escaped my recollection in the lapse of forty-five years.

Soon after my arrival at Camp Allegheny in the month of May 1800 I became acquainted with Lieut. Zebulon Montgomery Pike of the 2d Regt. U. S. Infy, he was shortly afterwards appointed Adjutant of the Regiment, in which Capacity he served during the Years 1800 & 1801. No officer could be more attentive prompt and efficient in the execution of the several duties of his office—nor was there any more emulous to acquire a perfect knowledge of the Military profession, nor more zealous, ardent and persevering in the pursuit of scientific improvement.

It was these qualities and disposition of mind that laid the foundation of the subsequent Character and fame of Zebulon M. Pike and would probably have introduced him had he lived, to the highest honors, at least, in the military profession under the Republic.

I then understood that his only means of Education had been such as could be obtained in Garrison under the eye of his father then Major Pike at the several posts he commanded, notwithstanding these disadvantages he was a tolerable good english scholar and wrote a good hand when I knew him and had also acquired by his own persevering industry a tolerably good knowledge of the french language—this I know from the fact of having frequently corrected, at his own request, several of his translations from Fenelon's Telemachus.

Pike was very gentlemanly in his deportment—manners agreeable & polished, rather reserved in general and somewhat taciturn except when incited to conversation on some topic in which he felt interest and considered worthy of his attention he had less levity in his character than even many of his brother officers Senior to him in Years and Rank. His appearance was military yet somewhat peculiar he generally leaned or inclined his head on one side so that the tip of his Chapeau touched his right shoulder when on parade—His Stature was about five feet eight inches tolerably square and robust for his Age which I think must have been Twenty Years in 1800. His Complexion was then Ruddy, eyes blue, light hair and good features his habits were in keeping with his character, uniformly abstemious and temperate his attention to duty unremitted. At that period the most vexatious evil and obstacle that attended the maintenance of discipline in the Army was the general and extensive use of Ardent Spirits, Whiskey among the Men which was constantly being introduced in Camp by the Men & Women attached to the service and other hangers on around the Camp—On one occasion returning to Camp from Pittsburgh about ten o'clock in the evening Pike and myself being desirous of detecting the Soldiers in their Clandestine manoeuvres in the introduction of whiskey approaching the Camp silently through the bushes and occasionally halting to listen succeeded in capturing several fellows with jugs & bottles of their favorite beverage, not however without a race after them. On another occasion while going down the Ohio river in flats—The flats always halted for the night at some convenient place furnishing good ground & conveniences for Bivouacking for the Night a guard being mounted and Sentinels placed at suitable points around the Camp. The Soldiers were then permitted to Land build fires and bivouac on shore if they thought proper to do so in preference to remaining in the flats crowded as they were—there was about 70 men detailed for the purpose of managing Ten flats containing the Provisions under my Charge. The Signal for embarking in the Morning was the Reveille at day break and the General immediately after. It being then about the 20 December the weather was Cold and a good deal of ice drifting in the River. The men generally preferred the Company boats where they had to labor less than in those of the Commissariat where they had to labor constantly to keep up in the line agreeably to the order regulating the movement of the troops. One morning they appeared to be desirous of escaping from the Commissariat boats to their respective Company boats in hopes of getting rid of the duty to which they were detailed and left the boats as fast as they were ordered to embark until Pike observing their disobedience seized and threw several fire brans at those in the Act of leaving the boats to which they had been detailed and called to me to assist him by which means the men were taught a lesson which was not required to be repeated the residue of the journey down the River.

This prompt and decided course on the part of Pike was not only well timed but very important as it prevented much disorder and Confusion which would inevitably have ensued had he taken the ordinary and regular but slow steps to punish the Mutineers, to bring them to a sense of duty. the moment of departure had arrived, the boats were unmoored, and those which had precedence were already under way floating down the rapid current of the Ohio; The Colonels boat particularly, to whom he would have had to Report was already at some distance—The alternative then, which he adopted as quick as lightning was not only judicious but necessary and indispensible under the Circumstances of the Case. It operated a Salutary and instantaneous effect upon the insubordinate Soldiery which at once brought them to a sense of duty and order. This circumstance in my opinion speaks volumes in favor of Pike. The quickness and decision which characterized the transaction furnishes an index to his character neither to be mistaken nor misunderstood.

After our arrival at a point equidistant between Fort Massac & the Confluence of the Ohio & Mississippi Rivers, about eighteen miles below Fort Massac the Army landed on the 5th January 1801 at a high Bluff on the right Bank of the River where they encamped cleared the ground which was covered with heavy timber laid out an encampment after the plan of Greenville built with log huts which was named Wilkinsonville.

Some time in the summer of 1801 he obtained a furlow to visit Cincinnati as it was believed, on a matrimonial expedition at which time he was married to his present relict Mrs. Pike.

During the period alluded to, the duties of the Adjutant were arduous and unremitting—especially during the encampment on the Allegheny in addition to guard and police duty—We had Battalion drill twice or thrice a week and Company drill every day; and Officer drill once or twice a week, thus you can perceive that our time was industriously appropriated to the acquisition of military knowledge—We had also the advantage of being drilled by officers that served under the gallant Genl. Wayne and who composed part of his Army at the memorable and decisive Battle of the 20th of August 1794 at the Miami Rapids—

Colonel John Francis Hamtramck[M-5] of the 1st Regt U. S. Infy acted as Brigadier Genl. under Genl. Wilkinson being the senior Colonel of the U. S. Army—his remains now lie within a stone's throw of my Office, near the Roman Catholic Church of St. Anne—As a Memorial of affection the principal Town above this City and within the County of Wayne bears his name Hamtramck as he was much beloved by the inhabitants of this Country.

Allow me here to make mention of the principal Officers composing the Command at Camp Allegheny. Colo. David Strong, Commandg 2d Regt Infy, Major Moses Porter with his Co. of Artillery—Major Turner Brigade Inspector Captains Graeton, Sedgwick, Shoemaker, (Visscher, stationed at fort Fayette) Grey, Lukens, Claiborne—Lieuts. Rand, Whipple, Schiras, Hook, Meriwether Lewis, Wilson—John Wilson—Z. M. Pike, Dill—& to which was added at Wilkinsonville Lieuts. Williams, Brevoort, Hughes, Hilton Many Blue & Others together with a Battalion of the 4th Regt. under Major Butler—making in the aggregate a force of about 1000 effective men.[M-6]

During the summer and autumn we were visited by Genl. Wilkinson & his staff Composed of Lieuts Walbach & Macomb & Lieut. Colo. Williams of the Engineer Corps.[M-7] about this period sickness among the troops and many deaths occurred in consequence of which the Troops were removed by order of Genl. Wilkinson to Cumberland Heights[*] a season of inactivity and a prospect unfavorable to Military life prevailing—many Officers resigned and sought to obtain a livelihood by other means than the profession of arms. These and other subsequent events are matters of history and I shall therefore close these short notes by pointing to the subsequent life and services of the lamented Zebulon M. Pike.

My opportunities of acquaintance with him arose from the Circumstance of having messed with Captain Peter Shoemaker and himself about Eight Months without intermission we three being the only members of the Mess.

In conclusion, it may not be inappropriate to remark that the period alluded to was during a state of peace. Yet, whilst the prospect lasted that the Troops might soon expect active service against the frontiers of the then possessions of Spain—The Zeal, Ardor, Enterprize and ambition of our Army could not have been surpassed; and would have sustained a comparison with the best and most glorious days of the Revolution, or of the late War with Britain, or the later achievements of our Braves against the forces of Mexico.

You are at liberty to use these notes in such manner as will meet the object you have in view.

With respectful Consideration

I am Dear Sir Your Obedt Servt

Jno. R. Williams.

Major Amos Holton

Washington City, D. C.

transmitted the foregoing by Mail Augt 26th 1846.[M-8]

[*] Mr. Jefferson having been elected President of the U. S. The policy of the Government changed instead of wresting the posts on the west bank of the Mississippi from Spain by force of Arms as was previously contemplated—They were eventually obtained by peaceable & Successful negociation. (Orig. note.)

The "matrimonial expedition" to which the foregoing letter quaintly alludes was successful, like Pike's other expeditions of later date and greater celebrity. The young lieutenant was married in 1801 (day of the month not ascertained) to Clarissa Brown, daughter of General John Brown of Kentucky. Whiting says that the issue of this connection was "three daughters and one son. Only one of these children reached the maturity of life, a daughter, who married Symmes Harrison, the son of General [William Henry] Harrison, and became a widow, many years since, with several children." Whiting continues with the following statements, embodying perhaps as much as has hitherto been published of Pike's domestic relations:

Mrs. Pike withdrew to the seclusion of a family residence [at North Bend] on the Ohio River just below Cincinnati, soon after the fall of her gallant husband, where she has since lived. It is well recollected by most of the officers who served on Lake Ontario in the early part of the campaign of 1813, that he regarded her with enthusiastic sentiments, believing her to share in all his ardent longings after distinction, and willing to make any sacrifice for their fulfilment. No doubt it was with a heart strengthened by such feelings, that she parted with him on the eve of the expedition in which he fell; though she may have felt, during her long widowhood, that the sacrifice, with all its honorable alleviations, has been at times as much as that heart could bear.

There was found an interesting memorandum on one of the blank pages of a copy of "Dodsley's Economy of Human Life,"[M-9] which General Pike habitually carried about with him. After affectionately alluding to his wife, and his son then living, he lays down two maxims, which he wishes may ever be present to the mind of his child, "as he rises from youth to manhood." "First: Preserve your honor free from blemish. Second: Be always ready to die for your country." This son was cut off too soon to exemplify the former in his life, or the latter in his death; but the father, in his life and in his death, exemplified them both.

On seeking for information in regard to General Pike's daughter and her children, I first wrote to ex-President Benjamin Harrison, by whom I was favored with prompt reply, in part as follows:

674 North Delaware Street,

Indianapolis, Ind., May 24, 1894.

My Dear Sir:

I have your letter of May 21st. My uncle, Symmes Harrison, married the daughter of General Pike and left several children; but I do not think I know of but one who survives—William Henry Harrison, who lives in the neighborhood of the old Pike homestead on the Ohio River, about two and a half miles below my grandfather's old home at North Bend. … I cannot give you the names of General Pike's children; I was too young to have any knowledge of them. Possibly my eldest sister, Mrs. Bettie H. Eaton, who is now residing at El Paso, Texas, may be able to give you some information about the Pike family.

Very truly yours,

[Signed] Benjamin Harrison.

Mrs. Bettie Harrison Eaton was kind enough to reply to my further inquiries, in a letter dated El Paso, Tex., July 2d, 1894, from which I quote in substance:

My cousin's, William Henry Harrison's, mother was a daughter of General Pike, whose maiden name was Clarissa Harlowe Pike. She was married to my uncle, John Cleves Symmes Harrison, but in what year I do not know. Indeed, I know very little about the Pike family, as I always understood that my aunt was General Pike's only child; if he had others I never heard of them. I remember her very slightly, as I was quite a little girl when she died. Her mother, Mrs. General Pike, of whom I have a better memory, was a tall, dignified, rather austere looking woman, who always dressed in deep black, wearing always a large black Canton crape shawl and a black crape turban on her head, which to my childish eyes gave her a somewhat awe-inspiring appearance. She was a highly educated and accomplished woman, and a fine French scholar. She kept for many years a diary, which was written in French. My cousin, to whom I refer you, lives on the old Pike homestead, and could probably give you the dates you wish, as he no doubt has the family Bible, and the old graveyard where the family are buried is on the place.

On applying to William Henry Harrison of North Bend, O., I received a brief note dated Sept. 10th, 1894, in which the following information is given: "My house burned some years ago, when all General Pike's private papers were lost. He had but one child, my mother Clara. His wife's maiden name was Clara Brown; she was the daughter of Captain John Brown of Revolutionary fame."

With thus much—none too complete, but all that I have in hand—concerning Pike's private life, we return to his public career. The unnumbered extant notices to which the fame that he acquired gave rise are mainly and most naturally devoted to the consideration of the Mississippian, Arkansan, and Mexican exploits which form the matter of the present volumes, but which need not occupy the present biographer, as they speak for themselves. These cover the dates of 1805–6-7; and before taking up Pike's life in 1808, we may next consider the bibliography of the books to which his expeditions gave rise.

The earliest one of these, forerunner of the regular edition of 1810, is entitled:

An Account | of a | Voyage | up the Mississippi River, from St. | Louis to its source; | made under the orders of the War De- | partment, by Lieut. Pike, of the Uni- | ted States Army, in the Years 1805 and | 1806. Compiled from Mr. Pike's Jour- | nal. |

Pamphlet, 8vo., pp. 1–68, no date, no author, no editor, no publisher, no printer, no place of publication; title, verso blank, pp. 1, 2; text, pp. 3–67, with colophon ("Finis."); p. 68 being "Extract of a letter from N. Boilvin [Nicholas Boivin] Indian agent, | to the Secretary of War, dated St. Louis, | Oct, 6, 1806. |"

This is an extremely rare tract. I have handled two copies, one of which I own, title page gone; the other being a perfect example in the Library of Congress at Washington. There is a third in the Ridgway Library of Philadelphia; and Sabin's Bibl. Amer. cites a fourth, in the library of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Mass. These are all that I know of, though of course others exist. The authorship and circumstances of publication remain unknown, to me at least. Sabin gives the date 1807; this is probably correct, certainly true within a year, but questionable. I adopt it, in view of its probability, and in the absence of conclusive evidence against it, though Whiting says 1808. But early in 1808 Pike was already arranging for the publication of his own book, which appeared in 1810. Pike does not even allude to this publication, either in his own book, or in any of the manuscripts I have seen in which the latter is mentioned. On consultation with Mr. A. R. Spofford over the general aspect and "make-up," no definite conclusion could be reached by that exceptionally well-versed librarian. It is supposed by some, not without plausibility, to have been a government publication; but Mr. Spofford's ignorance of the fact, if it be such, is against this supposition; for a publication which he cannot recognize on sight as having been issued in Washington is unlikely. The tract looks as if it formed a part of something else; witness the peculiar set of the title page, the conclusion of the Pike matter on p. 67, and the appearance on p. 68 of the Boivin letter, having no obvious connection with the rest. However all this may really have been, there is no question of the genuineness of this unauthenticated narrative. Pike never penned it—he could not write so well as the anonymous author of this tract did. But whoever wrote it had Pike's original manuscript journal or note-book before him, and followed him closely, faithfully, and accurately. Pike's case is put in the third person by the writer, who gives in narrative form a better account of the Mississippi voyage than Pike's slender literary attainments enabled him to write for himself. This "text of 1807," as I shall call it, when I have occasion to cite it in my commentary, is an invaluable check upon Pike's own itinerary; he cannot have been unaware of its existence, and the friendly hand which thus first gave to the world the best account extant of the Mississippi voyage should not have been ignored when Pike came to write out his notes for publication in the princeps edition of his several expeditions, of date 1810.[M-10]

Immediately upon his escape from his Spanish captors and hosts, and his return to his native land, Pike set about writing his book. This was finished—or at any rate so far advanced that a contract for its publication had been made—early in 1808 (see letter of May 27th, 1808, beyond, p. lxi). The original edition of his Expeditions is as follows:

[1810.]—An Account of Expeditions | to the | Sources of the Mississippi, | and through the | Western Parts of Louisiana, | to the Sources of the | Arkansaw, Kans, La Platte, and Pierre | Jaun, Rivers; | performed by order of the | Government of the United States | during the years 1805, 1806, and 1807. | And a Tour through | the | Interior Parts of New Spain, | when conducted through these Provinces, | by order of | the Captain-General, | in the Year 1807. |—— | By Major Z. M. Pike. | Illustrated by maps and charts. |—— | Philadelphia: | Published by C. and A. Conrad, Co. No. 30, Chesnut Street. Somer- | vell & Conrad, Petersburgh. Bonsal, Conrad, & Co. Norfolk, | and Fielding Lucas, Jr. Baltimore. |—— | John Binns, Printer … … 1810. | One Vol. 8vo.

Pike had more than carried out his orders to explore the sources of the great river, and did something more than give to the world the first definite and detailed information as to the upper river and its tributaries. He discovered the extent and importance of the British trade in that country, brought the foreign traders under the license and customs regulations of the United States, and broke up for all time their political influence over the Indians. He did much to restrain the unlawful sale of liquor to Indians by domestic traders, and not only inspired the Indians with respect for Americans, but also induced them to at least a temporary peace between themselves. He replaced a foreign flag by the ensign of his own country, and for the first time brought into this great territory the semblance of national authority and government.

Hon. Alva Adams of Pueblo, Col., delivered an address before the students and faculty of Colorado College, Colorado Springs, July 12th, 1894, which was published under the title: The Louisiana Purchase and its first Explorer, Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 8vo, pp. 23. This is a spirited oration, befitting the occasion and inspiring to read. It is true that Pike's book appeared in 1810, thus anticipating by four years the publication of Lewis and Clark; but can Governor Adams have forgotten who first explored the Louisiana Purchase, and returned from their expedition to the Pacific at noon of Sept. 23d, 1806? At that date Pike was at the Pawnee village on the Republican river; and on the 4th of October he had the news of Lewis and Clark's return to St. Louis. His western expedition had been in progress only since July 15th, 1806. If Governor Adams had Pike's Mississippi voyage in mind, that does not alter the case. Lewis and Clark started up the Missouri May 24th, 1804; and when Pike began to navigate the Mississippi, Aug. 9th, 1805, Lewis and Clark were on Jefferson river, in Montana. Furthermore, Pike was preceded in exploring Louisiana, from Missourian waters to those of the Rio Grande, by James Pursley, who had himself been preceded by Jean Baptiste Lalande, as we are duly informed by Pike himself; and it is probable that French traders reached Santa Fé by the same way half a century before Pike.

The Annals of Iowa, 3d series, Vol. I. No. 7, Oct., 1894, pp. 531–36, contains an article entitled: Pike's Explorations. This is anonymous, but was written by my much esteemed friend, Hon. Charles Aldrich, editor of the Annals and curator of the Iowa State Historical Department at Des Moines. The article is clear and concise; and it traces Pike's several journeys with absolute accuracy.

We return from this bibliographical excursus to resume the thread of Pike's biography—would that there had been many more years to chronicle in the gallant and patriotic, but all too brief, life of the young soldier! No longer lieutenant, but captain, since Aug. 12th, 1806, Pike was delivered out of the hands of "our friends the enemy" on the Sabine river, to which he had been escorted by his Spanish captors, June 29th, 1807; and arrived at Natchitoches about 4 p. m., July 1st. The following letter was received at the War Department Sept. 29th, 1807; it is not included in the Appendix to Pt. 3 of the book, and has probably never been published. I print verbatim from a copy of the original now on file in the office of the secretary of war:

Natchitoches 15 July. 1807.

Sir

I arrived here a few days since with part of my command only, the ballance being yet in New Spain, but expect them daily; as the Capt. General assured me they should follow me in a short period; he detaining them I presume, to put them through an examination, when he conceived they would be more easily intimidated into some equivocal expressions; which might palliate the unjustifyable conduct of the Spanish Government with respect to the expidition which I had the honor to command.

Whatever may be the sentiments of the Executive of the United States as to the conduct of the Spaniards to myself and command, I am bound to submit. Yet I am conscious that our Honor and Dignity, as a nation will not permit us to tranquilly view, the violation of our Territories; infringements of Treaties; Hostile communications to our Savages; and oppression of our Citizens; in various Instances: all of which I can make manifest.

The unreasionable Ideas of the Vice Roy, & His Excelly the Capt. Genl. (the immediate representatives of his Catholic Majesty on our Spanish Frontiers) as it respects the line of Demarkation, is such that in my humble oppinion almost precludes the possibility of a thought that they can ever be amicably adjusted.

On that subject I flatter myself I have acquired some important and interesting information.

Although the Capt. Genl. seized on (what he conceived all) my papers, I yet possess by a little strategem, the whole of my Journals; courses; and distances; and many other Geographical; Historical; and Philosophical notes; which I presume will be worthy of particular notice.

I conceive by a fortuitous event, that information has been acquired of the Spanish Kingdom of New Spain, which a foreigner never yet possessed; and which in case of a rupture between the United States, and that Govt, will be of the highest importance: but should peace still continue to bless those happy climes, will afford pleaseing subjects of contemplation, for the statesmen, the philosopher; and the Soldier.

I received from Genl. Wilkinson, some Conditional Orders on my Arrival at the place [this place—Natchitoches]; to which I have replied; but as the destination of that Gentleman, was uncertain, I thought it my duty to make a short report to you: I shall remain here waiting for my men a short time longer (as I expect some important information by their hands) when I shall march by the way of Kentucky, for the City of Washington. My papers being in such a mutilated and deranged state it will require some time to arrange them & (to which object every moment shall be devoted) likewise at Washington: I can obtain some necessary assistance as it would take one person a great length of time to make fair copies, and draughts of the plans, Journals &c &c of a tour of upwards of 4000 Miles—

The Surveys of Capns Lewis & Clark; mine of the Mississippi; Osage; upper Arkensaw; L'Platte; and Kans rivers; with Lieut. Wilkinson's, & Mr. Freemans, of the lower parts, of the Red, and Arkensaw rivers; together with the notes I intend takeing on my route from hence up the Mississippi; will I presume form a mass of matter; which will leave but three, more objects, to be desired in forming a compleate chart of Louisiana.

I am Sir with High Consideration

Your obl. Sert.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Capt.

The Honl.

Henry Dearborne

Sect. W. Dept.

While at Natchitoches, Captain Pike made it one of his first concerns to move in the matter of Captain Nolan's men, then prisoners in Mexico: see beyond, pp. 609, 657, 660, 666, 767, 811. The case is little known, and has not proved an easy one to recover. But through the kind attentions of the eminent historian, Reuben T. Durrett, LL. D., president of the Filson Club of Louisville, Ky., I am put in possession of an article which appeared in the Natchez Herald of Aug. 18th, 1807, setting forth the facts in full. This I have the pleasure of presenting, literally according to the type-written copy which Dr. Durrett transmits, Apr. 12th, 1895:

Nachitoches, July 22, 1807.

Dear Sir—Inclosed you have a statement of the situation of the companions of the deceased Philip Nolan, and a short account of the ineffectual application I made, to rescue them from the eternal slavery, which it is to be feared, is destined for them, unless our government should be pleased to interfere in their behalf. Certainly the court of Spain would be too generous to refuse liberty to a few debilitated and half-lost wretches, who have at least expiated their crime, (if any) tenfold.

As I promised on my arrival in the United States, to give their friends an account of their situation, I could conceive no more certain and expeditious a method than through the medium of your Herald, and therefore wish you to give this communication publicity; and hope the Editors of the Gazettes of the states in which the friends of those unfortunate young men may belong, will republish it, that their connections may receive the melancholy assurances of some being in existence, and that others are beyond the power of tyranny and oppression.

I am, &c.,

[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

In a late involuntary tour which I made through part of his Catholic majesty's dominions of New Spain, whilst at St. Affe [Santa Fé], the capitol of N. Mexico and Chihuahua, I met with a number of the poor unfortunate companions of the deceased Nolan. One of whom gave me the following cursory statement of their treatment, &c. since their being taken, and on their joint application, I addressed a letter to his excellency Nemeio [sic] Salcedo, in their favor, of which an extract is subjoined, with the verbal reply of the general.

"We crossed the Mississippi on the 1st day of November, 1800, at the Walnut hills [Nogales], and in January following arrived at the river Brassus [Brazos], in the provinces of Texus, and proceeded to build pens [for the capture of mustangs]. In March, 1801, we began to run wild horses, and having caught several hundreds of them we selected the handsomest and let the ballance go. On the 22 of March, we were attacked at break of day, by sixty regular troops, and two hundred and forty militia and Indians, with one field piece. Our commander, (Nolan) being killed, we capitulated in the evening, on the assurance that Nolan was killed, who only was to blame, we should be conducted to Naggadoches [Nacogdoches], from whence there was no doubt, we would have permission to return to our country, as soon as the circumstances were stated to the governor of St. Antonio. We remained there under promises and daily expectations of being released until July, when we were all put in heavy irons.

"In August we were marched, in irons, to St. Antonio [Texas]; and in December through the province of Coqquella [Coahuila] and [New] Biscay, into the vice-royalty of Mexico, to the city of St. Louis Potosi, where we remained fourteen months, ironed, and in close confinement. In February, 1803, we were dispatched to Chihuahua, where after some time, our irons were struck off. From which to the present time, we have experienced various treatment, sometimes enjoying the liberty of the town, sometimes the barracks, and for three months in irons and close confinement.

"David Fero, from near Albany, state of New York, has been alternately in irons, the guard-house, limits of the fort or procedie [presidio]—is now confined to the limits of a fort called Cayome [sic], eight leagues distant from Chihuahua—in bad health. [See beyond, pp. 660, 665, 811.]

"Simon M'Coy, of the Oppelousas, or Natchez, a carpenter by profession, has the liberty of the town of Chihuahua—in good health.

"Joseph Reed, state of Kentucky, in the province of Biscay, but in what part and how situated unknown.

"Solomon Cooley [Colly of pp. 609, 613, beyond], of the state of Connecticut, a taylor by profession, carries on his business in the town of St. Affee, which is his limits.

"William Danton, of Natchez, residence and situation unknown.

"Charles King, of Natchez, works at the carpenter's trade, is confined by night to the quartel at Chihuahua—in good health.

"Ephriam Blackburn, of Natchez, is in some of the procedios of the province of Biscay—situation unknown.

"Joel Pears, of North Carolina, deceased at Chihuahua.

"John Waters, of Winchester, Virginia, a hatter, and carries on his business at Chihuahua, has embraced the Roman Catholic faith, after betraying a well concerted plan of his companions to effect their escape, and in which it is supposed they would have succeeded: his treachery caused them a close confinement in irons, and in a loathsome prison for three months—he is hated and despised, not only by his own countrymen but by every honest Spaniard in the place.

"Ellis Bean, of Granger county, state of Tennessee, a hatter, formerly carried on his business in the city of Chihuahua, but being detected in an intrigue with the daughter of an officer, and refusing to marry her, was in close confinement at St. Jeronime [San Jeronimo], a few leagues distant, in good health.

"Thomas House, of Jefferson county, Tennessee, blacksmith, confined to the quartel at night, but at that time was at the hospital, in a very bad state of health.

"Stephen Richards, of Natchez, has inlisted in the Spanish service, was lately at Baton Rouge with his father, in the quality of a citizen—belongs to the troops at Nagadoches."

[Here follows the above-mentioned letter from Pike to his Excellency, General Salcedo, given beyond, pp. 810–812.]

This letter I presented personally, & after the general had learned its contents, through an interpreter, he observed in reply That having found those men, on his arrival from Europe, to take the command of the internal provinces of New Spain, in the dungeons of St. Louis Potosi, he had demanded them of the Vice-Roy, and brought them to Chihuahua, where their irons were struck off, and every indulgence allowed them which his responsibility would admit—that he had felt a particular desire to serve Fero, but whose haughtiness of soul would not permit him to be under any obligation to the government, further than his allowance of twenty-five cents per day. That he had reported their situation to the King, and consequently must await the orders of his majesty; that with respect to the letters, they had always been permitted to correspond through him, with their friends—but that I might use my own pleasure as to taking letters, but he thought the peculiar delicacy of my own situation, should prevent me from taking any written communication out of the country.

Thus ended the conference, and thus stands the situation of those unfortunate men at present. But as I knew some part of the general's information to be incorrect, and especially as it related to the freedom of communication with their friends, I felt no such peculiar delicacy as to prevent my bringing out letters—but brought every one intrusted to my care.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

The records I have examined do not show Captain Pike's movements for the next few months. But imagination easily forges the missing links of the return of an intrepid and successful explorer who had been a captive in foreign lands, given up by his friends as lost to them forever—a loved husband, whom domus et placens uxor awaited—a hero, whose story remained to be told to a public eager to hear of El Dorado. He was in Washington soon—most likely before the end of the year, certainly in Jan., 1808—and already in hot water. For he took a header into the political caldron, which perpetually boils there, but had been superheated for him in consequence of his supposed confidential relations with his military commander-in-chief.[M-13] His name came before Congress in a way which ruffled his plumes, and extorted the following mettlesome effusion:

Washington 22 Feby 08.

Sir

The Honorable John Rowan of the House of representatives from Kentucky; has this day made some observations before that Honarable body from which a tacit inference might be drawn that my late Tour to the Westward was founded on Views intirely unknown to the Government; and connected with the nefarious plans of Aaron Burr and his associates. Had those insinuations arisen in any other quarter I should have concieved that my early choice of the military life, the many ardious and confidential duties I have performed, with the perfect knowledge which the Goverment must have of my military and political Character; would have been a sufficient justification for me to have passed over them in silence: but comeing from so respectable a source. I feel it a duty to myself; my family; and my profession; to request of you a testimonial which may shut the mouth of Calumny—and strike dumb the voice of slander. I have therefore to request of you Sir! to Honor me with a communication which may be calculated to present to the Speaker of the House of representatives; or a Committee of their Body, who have been appointed to inquire whether any, or what, extra Compensation should be made me & my Companions; for our late Voyages of Discovery, and exploration; and that I may have permission to give publicity to this letter which I have the Honor to address you, and your answer.

I am Sir with High Consideration

Your ob^t. Ser^t. [Signed] Z. M. Pike Cap^t1^st. UStates Reg^t. Infy

The Hon.

Henry Dearborne

Sec. War. Dep^t.

On the same sheet of paper which has this letter, General Dearborn drafted a reply, with many interlineations and erasures, to be copied in a fair clerk's hand and signed by himself. In its final form, as received by Captain Pike, it was published, with other papers relating to Congressional action, as a part of Document No. 6 of the App. to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. of this work: see p. 844. Its first form is as follows:

Feb: 24. 1808, War Dept.

Sir. In answer to your letter of the 22^d Inst. I with pleasure observe that alth'o the two exploring expeditions you have performed were not previously ordered by the President of the U. S. there were frequent communications on the subject of each, between Gen^l. Wilkinson & this Department, of which the President of the U. S. was aquainted from time to time, and it will be no more than what justice requires to say, that your conduct in each of those expeditions met the approbation of the President; and that the information you obtained and communicated to the Executive in relation to the sources of the Mississippi & the natives in that quarter and the country generally as well on the uper Mississippi as that between the Arkansas & the Missouri, and on the borders of the latter extensive river to its source, and the adjacent countries, has been considered as highly interesting in a political, geographical & historical view. And you may rest assured that your services are held in high estimation by the President of the U. S.; and if opinion of my own can afford you any satisfaction I can very frankly declare that I consider the public very much indebted to you for the enterprising persevering and judicious manner in which you have performed them.

[No signature.]

To the above Pike made reply at once:

Washington City 26 Feby 08

Sir!

Suffer me to offer through you, to the president of the United States the effusions of a Heart impress'd with Gratitude for the very honarable testimonial of his approbation received by the Medium of Your Communication of the 24 Inst.

The Confidence of the Executive, and the respect of our fellow Citizens, must be the grand desiderata of every man of Honor, who wears a sword in the republican Armies of the United States; to acquire which has been the undeviateing pursuit of the earliest part of my life, & shall mark the colour of my future actions.

Suffer me to add Sir! that I feel myself deeply impressed by the Sentiments of personal respect and consideration with which you was pleased to Honor me—and shall always be proud to be considered as one who holds for your person and character Sentiments of the Sincerest Respect & Esteem

I am Sir

Your ob Sert

[Signed] Z. M. Pike Capt

The Hon^l. Hen. Dearborne Sec War Dep^t.

Meanwhile Captain Pike was panting for promotion—dear to every soldiers heart, and in his case well deserved. His majority was in sight but not in hand. There appears to have been a technical obstacle in his way. We often smile at the witticism expressed in the phrase: "the United States and New Jersey." Like most such things, it is not new. Being a Jerseyman, Captain Pike was required to establish the fact that he was not an alien to the United States—not for that reason, perhaps—still he was required to produce certain evidence of citizenship, as the following curious correspondence shows:

New-Jersey. Trenton 23^d March 1808.

It appears by the records of this State, that Cap^t. John Pike, in the Year 1666, was one of the Original purchasers of & Settlers in Woodbridge—a magistrate & member of Council under the Proprietory government.—I have been well acquainted with Major Zebulon Pike, from my Childhood and with Capt. John Brown (Lieuten^t. of Cavalry in the revolutionary War) also a Native of Woodbridge—and whose daughter Cap^t. ZM. Pike married; so that Cap^t Pike has good reason to claim New-Jersey, not only as his Native State, but as the residence of his family for near a Century & a half.

[Signed] Joseph Bloomfield

The above certificate of Governor Bloomfield was inclosed by Pike to the War Department with the following letter:

Washington City 4 Apl 1808

Sir!

Having received the enclosed document from Gov^r. Bloomfield on the 27^th Ult^o.—who has particularly interested himself in my promotion in the profession my inclination has induced me to persue; I should not have conceived it necessary to have laid it before you had I not understood that you expressed a doubt as to the place of my nativity; and whether, the state of Jersey, was that of which I had a right to claim a Citizenship. I had not conceived that it would be requisite for a native of America who had served his country in Arms for Years (And his forefathers before him) to establish the Locality of his birth right but the prevoy prevoyance of my respected friend His Excells Gov^r. Bloomfield has laid it in my power to satisfy Gen^l. Dearborne on that Subject—I hope I shall be pardoned for thus intrudeing myself on the time of the Sec^y of War, and beg leave to offer assurances of High respect & Esteem——

[Signed] Z. M. Pike

The Hon^l. Hen^ry Dearborne. Sec^y War Dep^t.

Having thus proven that he was a citizen of New Jersey and of the United States, the captain could feel that the coveted majority was his. His commission as major of the 6th Infantry, of date May 3d, 1808, was acknowledged by him in the following letter, which I have also chosen as the one to be reproduced in facsimile for the present work:

Washington 5 May. 1808

Sir

I have the Honor to acknowledge the receiipt of yours, notifying me of my appointment to a Majority in the 6th Regt. of Infantry in the Service of the United States. You will please Sir! to receive this as my acceptance of the same, and believe me to be

With High Consideration

Your Ob^t. Ser^t. [Signed] Z. M. Pike

The Hon^l. Henry Dearborne Sec. War Dep.

Among other things which had engaged Major Pike's attention was of course his book—that story of his adventures which he had fondly dreamed would immortalize his name, and respecting which his dream was realized. He had already made such progress in his literary work that he entered into official correspondence with the Secretary of War on that subject. For instance:

Washington, 14^th, April 1808.

Sir:—

[A two-page letter concluding thus:]

I shall in a day or two address an unofficial letter to the President, requesting the favour of his advice, on the Subject of the publication of my Voyages, on which, he having read them, in Manuscript, will be a Competent Judge—In this I shall speak as having the permission of your Department for the publication.—

I am Sir,

with great Consideration,

Your obt. servt.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike Captain.

The inside history of books which the world will not let die is always interesting. Here is a letter which speaks for itself:

Philadelphia 27 May. 1808.

D^r. Sir!

I have entered into an agreement with the firm of Conrad, Lucas & C^o of this place to print and publish my Tours, for which I allow them 20 pr. Cent on all the sales, and pay besides the expences of printing &c.—This, with bad debts and other Casualties will leave to myself but an extreame small profit but as a soldiers views are more Generally directed to fame than interest I hope that one object will at least be accomplished.—The Work will not exceed four dollars pr. Copy but the exact price we cannot yet ascertain but hope Gen^l. Dearborne will give it all the patronage which he may deem it entitled to; and Signify to Mess^rs. Conrad and Lucas the number of Copies you will take on ^a_c of your Department. I have taken the Liberty of encloseing under cover to you a letter addressed to Nau [the draughtsman] which the Secy can read, and if he does not wish to retain that man, in the Service of the Goverment at the present time he will be good enough to have the letter presented to him, and should the Goverment wish his services in the Autumn or after he has done my business he can return to Washington: But if he cannot be spared by the Depart^t. the letter can be distroyed look out for another person—

I beg leave to remind the Secy of War of the applications which have been made in favour of my friend Doc^r. Robinson—and hope he may yet be brought in for a Company Vice some one who did not accept.

Will Gen^l. Dearborne accept of my sincere acknowledgements for the many favours he has conferred on me and believe me to be with sincere respect and Esteem.

His ob^t Ser^t [Signed] Z M Pike

The War Department proved to be a liberal subscriber; for General Dearborn indorsed the above in his own handwriting, "We will take 50 copies."

Matters thus being satisfactorily arranged for the publication of his book, Major Pike seems to have returned at once, or very soon, to military duty in his new rank—unless he went to see his wife on leave of absence. We find him at Belle Fontaine in August of this year, as evidenced by a letter I will transcribe in part, epitomizing the rest:

Camp Belle Fontain—

18 Aug^t. 1808.

Sir!

Co^l. Hunt[M-14] deceased last night at half past 12 O. C. after an illness of some weeks—He has left a distressed widow and nine children unprovided for, and unprotected. [The letter recommends military appointments for Col. Hunt's two sons, George and Thomas; states that the command of the district has devolved on Capt. James House of the artillery; that Capt. Clemson's company of the 1st Infantry had marched 10 days before for Fire Prairie, 25 miles up the Missouri, and Capt. Pinckney's company was to march in about 10 days for the Des Moines r., which would leave only one company of artillery at Belle Fontaine; wishes to know when he shall have definite orders to join his battalion in New Jersey; expects to be at Pittsburgh next October; and continues:] which is my anxious wish as from appearances we shall again have to meet the European Invaders of our country and if I know myself, I feel anxious to have the honor of being amongst the first to rencounter their boasted phalanx's—and to evence to them that the sons are able to sustain the Independence handed down to us by our Fathers

[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Maj^r. 6^th Reg^t Inf

Before the year closed Major Pike had come East, and found his hands full, no doubt, in presenting to Congress the claims of himself and his men to the generous consideration of that body, in the little matter of an appropriation for their benefit. Those who have ever had occasion to cool their heels in the halls of greatness, till the mercury of their hopes congealed in the bulbs of their thoroughly refrigerated boots, will best appreciate Pike's plight. The novelist's realism of little Miss Flite in Chancery is out-realized in the Bleak House on Capitol Hill, which William McGarrahan haunted for a lifetime, and from which his injured ghost may not yet be freed. The following letter was written when Pike had not lost hope:

Capitol Hill, 2 Decem^r. 08.

Sir

I am informed by M^r. Montgomery that some members of the committee (on the resolutions moved in favour of my late exploreing parties) wish to have our members officially notified; and the time we were employed in each Expedition, which information you requested from General Wilkinson—Inclosed you have a return of the party on each tour and the commencement & expiration, but as all the intervening time between my return from the source of the Mississippi to our departure to the West we were employed in prepareing for the second tour; I submit to your Judgment whether the whole should not be engrossed—Also there being a number of men still in new Spain the time will necessarily be extended to them. [This matter makes chap. vi., pp. 840–855, beyond.]

The Committee meet to-morrow morning will Gen^l. Dearborne have the goodness to furnish them with the necessary information by that time—I would have waited on you personally but am this day to set on General Court Martial which convenes at 9 OC. A. M.

I am Sir with High Respect

& Esteem your ob. ser^t [Signed] Z M Pike Maj^r. 6 Reg^t Infy

The Hon^l. Henry Dearborne Sec W. Dep^t.

Nothing came of this move. Pike was less fortunate than Lewis and Clark. The difference did not all depend upon merit; simply, he had no political "pull." His expeditions originated with General Wilkinson; they were military movements with which the President had nothing to do. Jealousy is the most nearly universal of human weaknesses, in high as well as low places; besides which, Thomas Jefferson had his own opinion of James Wilkinson. Whatever Major Pike may have thought of it, he certainly lost little time in dancing attendance on Congress; he was not built for a lobbyist. In Dec., 1808, we find him on military duty at Fort McHenry, Md., as appears from various official letters of his before me, but which need not be transcribed, as they represent merely the routine correspondence of an army officer. At some period in 1809 he was transferred to the West; and he was on duty as military agent in New Orleans from Sept. 13th, 1809, to Mar. 10th, 1810, or later, by virtue of the following order:

Camp Terre au Bœuf,

Sep^t. 13^th. 1809—

Sir

The Situation of the public service and the impossibility of finding a suitable Character in private life to undertake the temporary duties of Military Agent, Obliges me to impose that Office on you. … [instructions follow.]

[Signed] J. Wilkinson

Maj^r. Z. M. Pike

During his tour of duty in New Orleans Major Pike became lieutenant-colonel of the 4th Infantry Dec. 31st, 1809. One of Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's letters shows that he did not forget "Baroney," his quondam companion in arms on the Arkansaw:

New Orleans

March 4^th. 1810

Sir

Ensign Vasquez of the 2^d Infantry who was late Interpreter on the tour of Discovery to the source of the Arkansaw &^c presented himself to me at this place. After being three years in the United States service without receiving any settlement I made a statement of his accounts and gave him an advance in Cash and a draft for the balance, in order that if the form of settlement did not meet your approbation they might be corrected. He has been absent going on four years, and begs permission to return to St. Louis to see his Aged parents, which I hope will be granted him by the Hon^l. Secretary of War. The French language is his proper one; but he speaks Spanish very well, and is beginning with the English, but very imperfectly as yet. Under those circumstances I should conceive his services would be most important on the Spanish Frontiers. As he is about to embark for the City of Washington, I shall furnish him with a duplicate of this letter, and remain Sir, with

the highest Respect & Esteem

Your Obdt. Servt.

Z. M. Pike

The Hon^l William Eustis Secretary War Department

There is little to mark Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's career in 1810–11, or until the breaking out of the war of 1812. From many letters I have seen by which he can be traced in these years, uneventful for him, I select one which shows the workings of his mind at this time, as well as his readiness to ventilate the views which he entertained. Characters such as his have visions which they may freely express without carrying conviction to others. The following communication was received at the War Department from Mississippi Territory:

Cantonment, Washington June 10, 10

Sir

Although, it may be deemed unmilitary in me (a Subordinate in Command) to address myself immediately to the War Department yet the purport of this Communication being principally of a private nature, I presume it will not, be deemed a great deviation from propriety.—I entered the Army at the early age of fifteen, and have continued to pursue my profession with enthusiasm to the present time a period upwards of Sixteen years during which I have had every practical experience which the times offered of becoming a Soldier.—Together with a Careful perusal of numerous Millitary authors in the French & English languages.—But hapily for my Country her Councils have been guided by Such Judicious Measures; That the opportunity which I have so long panted for, of Calling into Action, The Experience I possess, has never Occured.—Knowing that it must be the interest of the U.S to keep at peace with the world, and despairing of ever being Call^d Into actual service I should some time since have resign^d the sword and became a farmer, (The only proffession I can acquire) only for the unsettled state of our foreign affairs.—Fortune has at length placed me (Through the instrumentality of General Hampton) at the Head of the Compleatest body of Infantry in the US.—If this Regiment should be Consolidated and the Co^l. not join, I should be very happy to retain the Command and remain in this quarter.—If not I would hope to be ordered to join my Regiment in New England, a quarter of the Union I should be gratify^d. in spending some time in.—Should I remain here and be permitted to introduce the modern Discipline—into the Corps I would pledge my existance it would be equal to any in the U S. in one year. This is a subject of much diversity of Oppinion, as many gentlemen wish to Confine us to Stuben.[M-15]—The value of whose system no man appreciates more justly than myself. But the Battle of Jena but too fatally evinced to the Prusian Monarch that the mordern improvements in the Art of War had been such, as entirely to overturn the principles of manourvres of the Malboroughs—Eugenes and Fredericks. The Millitary Establishment of the United States can only be viewed as the nuclues of an Army in Case of War, from whence Could be drawn Staff Officers well versed in tactics and police—In the foregoing observations I mean to cast no reflections on my superior officers;—but Conceive at the same time the Ideas may not be deemed obtrusive On the Hon^l Secty of War.—Whilst makeing this unofficial Communication I think it my duty to intimate the situation in which the neighbouring province of Florida now stands. The Goverment is in a Compleat state of Lethargie.—The Citizens are forrming committees and appear to be disposed to offer their allegiance to the U S. when if it should be refused, they will Make it a tender to Great Britain this would have been done some time since had they not feared the Isle of Cuba.—That Cuba is competant to keep them in Subjection by force is extremely doubtful; But what line of Conduct the U. S will persue on the Occasion is an important question.—our views should only be turned to the effect our interferance would have abroad for we have disposible force in this territory & Orleans when joined to the Malcontents amply sufficient to secure possession of the province; But with respect to the effect this would have on Mexico is seriously to be taken into concideration Mexico including all the possessions of Spain North of Terra Firma [Tierra Firme], must constitute ere long a great and independant power of at least seven millions of souls, with more of the precious metals than any other nation in the world will it not be an object of the first Magnitude for the U S to secure the trade, friendship and alliance of this people. They never will become a maratime or manufactoring nation they are at present pastorial and On trial will prove Warlike. I hesitate not to say they Can pour forth thousans of Calvary surpass'd by none in the World. To this power We might become the Carryers and Manifactories, for which no Nation Could vie with us; which would be sources of immence Wealth.—And an Augmentation of our power.—To this very important object I humby Conceive a too early attention Cannot be paid—On this subject I have probaly intruded my oppinion on Mr. Eustis, but I could not forbear giveing those intimations which I conceived might be beneficial to my Country.—I had a brother in the Millitary Academy from whom I have not heard for some time should he merit the favour of his Country;—or if his Fathers Thirty Years service or my own claim some small indulgence for him, I hope he may be appointed an Ensign of Infantry and sufferd to join the Regiment to which I may be attached; the latter part of this request is not made from a desire that I may have it in my power to shew him any favour;—far from it—but that, I may have him near me to Restrain the Disposition which all youths evince for irregularities. And point out to him the paths of propriety and Honor, also that he may benefit [by] the few years he can appropriate to study by the use of a variety of Millitary Authors I have collected.—Such are my reasons for wishing my brother with me. I hope this may meet the approbation of the Hon^be Secr^ty.—And this letter may be attributed to its true motives, and that the Honble Secty may beleive me as I am from Duty and inclination Sincerely devoted to my Country and his obedt

Hble Sert—

[Signed] Z M Pike

The Hon^l. Wm. Eustis Secy War Dep^t—

Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's "despair of ever being called into service" was of short duration. He was soon to be called upon to lay down his life for his country on the battlefield. From April 3d, 1812, to July 3d of that year he had been deputy quartermaster-general. He was promoted to the colonelcy of the 15th Infantry July 6th, 1812. The war was upon us. Colonel Pike's qualifications for the command of a regiment may be best estimated in the terms of his military biographer, General Whiting, who says, pp. 309–311:

Probably no officer in the army, at that time, was held in higher estimation. This was not because he had seen much actual service, for he had hardly been in the presence of the enemy before the day on which he fell. It was on the promise, rather than the fulfilment, that the public mind rested his character for boldness and enterprise; and his fitness to direct and control men had been determined, to an extent that warranted much confidence, by his expeditions in the north-west and the south-west. He had there given such proofs of those qualities, as established a reputation in advance. He had exhibited, moreover, an indefatigable activity in the drill of his regiment, requiring of all under his command an unwearied devotion to duty, and an exact and prompt obedience to orders.

His regiment became an example of zeal, discipline, and aptitude in movements; his men had an unbounded belief in his capacity, and his officers looked up to him with unusual respect and affection. He inspired that confidence in all under his orders, which is almost a certain evidence that it is merited.

At the opening of the war of 1812, we were almost without any fixed guides in tactics and discipline. The standard of the latter part of the revolution, and of subsequent times, "Old Steuben," which had been approved by Washington, and had led to some of the best triumphs of the closing years of that glorious period, had become obsolete, even before any substitute was provided. Hence, when new regiments came into service by scores in 1812, nothing was prescribed for regulation or for drill. The old regiments had their forms and customs, which preserved in them the aspect of regulars. But even these presented no uniform example. Some adopted the "nineteen manœuvres" of the English; others, the ninety-and-nine manœuvres of the French; while a few adhered to old Dundas; and fewer still to older Steuben.

Nothing was laid down by the proper authority; therefore all manner of things were taken up without any authority at all. Amid this confusion, or wide latitude of choice, General Pike, though brought up in the old school, was often tempted, by his ambitious desire for improvement, to run into novelties. With a prescribed rule, he would have been the most steady and uncompromising observer of it. But, in such a competition for beneficial change, he most naturally believed himself as capable as others of changing for the better.

In this spirit of innovation, the 15th regiment underwent many changes, and exhibited, even in times when novelties and singularities were no rarities, perhaps the widest departure from common standards of any regiment in service. Adopting the French system of forming in three ranks, his third rank was armed in a manner peculiar to itself, having short guns, being the ordinary musket cut off some inches, and long pikes. It was said, by the wags of the day, that his own name suggested the manner, and the regiment was often called "Pike's regiment of pikes."

These pikes presented a formidable appearance on drill and dress parade, when the men could display their tactics with the precision of automata. They were even retained in the assault of Fort York. But at the first engagement after the fall of General Pike, the men threw them away, together with the cut-off pieces, and picked up English muskets to fight with. The experiment of putting his regiment on snow-shoes which Pike tried—doubtless remembering their serviceability to himself and his company on the upper Mississippi in the winter of 1805–6—does not seem to have proven any more lasting or decided a success.

Colonel Pike's sword was stronger than his pen, as we know; but he could sharpen either weapon on occasion, as the following spirited repulse of a newspaper attack on his regiment will show:[M-16]

Camp near Plattsburg [N. Y.], Oct. 12th, 1812.

Sir:

However incompatible it may be with the character and profession of a soldier, to enter into the party politics of the day, yet when the honor of the government, the corps he commands, and his personal fame are wantonly attacked, and attempted to be sacrificed to satiate the malignant venom of party purposes, it becomes his duty as a man, a patriot, to come forward and boldly contradict the base calumniator. The following piece "from the Connecticut Herald" and republished in the New York Herald of October 3d, is not only calculated to bring disrepute on the government, but to hold up our army as a mob wanting in discipline as well as in patriotism. The piece alluded to is as follows, viz.:

"The multiplied proof of folly, or of madness, or some worse cause, that have driven the nation into a ruinous, offensive war, are accumulating with every day's experience. Barely to enumerate the evidence would occupy columns. Two or three facts of recent occurrence, which have come to my knowledge, are in point and worthy of record. It is then a fact (for I state it on the best authority) that either the national treasury is so miserably empty, or the proper department so deficient in duty, that the army under General Dearborn, which has so long been idling away their time near Albany, was not only unpaid, but unprovided with the common necessaries of a camp; and when, a few days since, a part of these troops were ordered to the frontiers, one whole regiment (Colonel Pike's) absolutely refused, and deliberately stacked their arms, declaring they would not move until paid. In this refusal they were justified by their colonel, and an old soldier, who admitted they ought not to march unless the government would first pay the arrears due them. It fortunately happened that Mr. Secretary Gallatin was then at Albany, and on learning the state of affairs at the encampment, he borrowed $20,000 from one of the banks on his private credit, by which means the troops were paid, and cheerfully followed their commander."

In contradiction to this statement it will be sufficient to give the following facts:

[Firstly]—That the regimental paymaster had in his hands funds to pay the whole regiment up to the 31st. And [that] within three days of the period when the troops moved, three companies were paid previous to the march and the balance so soon as the troops halted a sufficient time to give the officers an opportunity to adjust the rolls and prepare the accounts of the recruits.

Secondly—That those funds were received by the regimental paymaster from the district paymaster, Mr. Eakins, who was then at Albany, and not from Mr. Gallatin whom, it is believed, did not arrive till after the regiment moved from Greenbush.

These facts can be corroborated by every officer of the 15th Infantry, who one and all deem the paragraph published in the Herald a base calumny, a direct attack on their honor as soldiers, and declare that the author, whoever he may be, has asserted gross untruths. As for myself, I have had the honor to serve in the army from the rank of volunteer to the station I now hold, during the Administration of Gen. Washington, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Madison, and can affirm that I have known some troops under the three first to have been upward of a year without a payment, and under the latter for eight months. This was owing to the dispersed state of our troops on the western frontiers. But never did I hear of a corps shewing a disposition to refuse to do their duty, because they had not received their pay; nor do I believe the American army has been disgraced by an instance of the kind since the Revolutionary War. But ask any man of consideration, what time it requires to organize an army, or a corps of new recruits—if, owing to the want of a knowledge of the officers to forms of returns, accounts, etc., it will not be some time before a new corps can be as well equipt, or appear as much like soldiers, as an old one? Every soldier will reply that it will require two years at least to teach both officers and men to reap the same benefit from the same supplies as old soldiers. And although at this time the 15th regiment has been as regularly supplied as any other corps with clothing, pay, arms, and accoutrements, even to watch coats to protect the centinel against the winter storms, yet were there an old regiment laying by their side, who had received the same supplies, they would most indubitably be better equipped and make themselves more comfortable, having the saving of two or more years' supplies on hand. But whether ill or well supplied, the soldiers and officers have too just a sense of the duty they owe their country and their own honor, ever to refuse to march against the enemy. And the colonel begs leave to assure the author of the above paragraph, that he hopes he will forbear any future attempt to injure his reputation by praising an action which, if true, must have forever tarnished the small claim he now has to a military character.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike,

Colonel 15th U. S. Infantry.

Colonel Pike seldom had occasion to make proclamations of a politico-military character. But one such which he issued while he was in command of a district may be here cited. It is not dated, in the printed form before me, but was no doubt given out in Jan., 1813, as it appears in Niles' Register for the week ending Jan. 30th, III. No. 22, p. 344:

To all whom it may concern. The state of hostility which exists between the Kingdom of Great Britain and the United States makes it necessary that the intercourse which may take place between this country and the adjacent province of Canada should be regulated on the principles which govern belligerent nations. I have had it in charge from the commanding general, Chandler [John Chandler, of New Hampshire, d. 1841] that no person should be permitted to pass in or out of Canada without his permission, or, in his absence, the permission of the commandant of the district of Champlain. This order has been communicated to the commanding officer on the lines, and will be strenuously enforced.

Some members of the community have been found so void of all sense of honor, love of country, or any other principle which has governed the virtuous of all nations and ages, as to hold correspondence with and give intelligence to our enemies. It therefore becomes my duty to put the laws in full force. The two following sections of the rules and articles of war, which are equally binding on the citizen and the soldier, are published for the information of the public, that no one may plead ignorance, as from this time henceforward they shall be enforced with the greatest severity.

"Art. 56. Whosoever shall relieve the enemy with money, victuals, or ammunition, or shall knowingly harbor or protect an enemy shall suffer death, or such other punishment as shall be ordered by the sentence of a court-martial.

"Art. 57. Whosoever shall be convicted of holding correspondence with, or giving intelligence to, the enemy, either directly or indirectly, shall suffer death, or such other punishment as shall be ordered by the sentence of a court-martial."

[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Col. 15th Regt. Inf. Commanding West Lake Champlain.

During the winter of 1812–13, when the 15th regiment was stationed on the northern frontier, in view of the operations to be undertaken against the posts of the enemy on the lakes, great confidence in this well-disciplined and zealous body of troops was felt by General Henry Dearborn, formerly secretary of war, and then the senior major-general of the army, in immediate command. As we have just seen, General Pike was in charge of a military district on Lake Champlain; his command was then of about 2,500 men. Various desultory demonstrations against the enemy had proved futile, in some cases fatuous and disgraceful. The War Department determined upon a more consistent and apparently feasible plan of concerted operations, which had in view the reduction of all the British posts on the St. Lawrence river and Lake Ontario. The capture of Kingston (site of old Fort Frontenac) was a measure of first importance. The garrison was supposed to be small, and lulled in a sense of security, owing to the rigors of the season and the numerical insignificance of our troops at Sackett's Harbor; nor was Kingston likely to be re-enforced from below, as the British forces were menaced on the Lower St. Lawrence by Pike's troops on Lake Champlain. It was proposed to transport these in sleighs to the foot of Lake Ontario with such promptitude that the movement could not be counteracted. General Dearborn also proposed to concentrate other forces at Sackett's Harbor, to which place his headquarters at Albany were to be moved at once. This was in Feb., 1813. But while these measures were pending, Sir George Prevost, Governor-General of the Canadas, prorogued the Parliament then in session, and moved to Kingston with re-enforcements for that place. According to General Dearborn's dispatches of Mar. 3d from Sackett's Harbor, this demonstration seemed so alarming that operations against Kingston were suspended in favor of others which had regard to the safety of Sackett's Harbor; though it appears in General Armstrong's History of the War that Sir George Prevost had executed a clever ruse with few troops, and "countervailed his antagonist only by dexterous and well-timed reports," Whiting's Pike, p. 290 seq.

The proposed attack on Kingston over the ice having been abandoned, the Secretary of War's alternative plan of reducing in succession the several posts on and about Lake Ontario engaged General Dearborn's attention. The Secretary indicated the order in which the successive attacks were to be made, viz.: Kingston and York on Lake Ontario; George and Erie on the Niagara river. But this sequence was not strictly regarded by General Dearborn, who determined to attack Kingston last instead of first; considering the rotation of the assaults to be of minor consequence, in view of the main features of a campaign which had for its object the reduction of all the posts named in the order of the Secretary. The general commanding, on consultation with Commodore Isaac Chauncey, concluded to make York the initial point of attack; George to come next, and then Kingston.

The prospect held out by this plan of the campaign was certainly very promising. It had all such probabilities in its favor as could be commanded by those who control only one side of the current of events. The force that could and would be brought to bear on each point of attack was ample, and left as little to hazard as prudence would suggest. The plan was founded on the best principles of strategy, and highly creditable to the generalship which dictated it. Had it been carried out with the spirit and perseverance with which it was commenced, there was every reasonable prospect of a successful issue. The causes of its failure were obvious: delays, without proper objects, after the capture of Fort George; and a change of command, wholly unnecessary and inexpedient, which led to the waste of nearly an entire season of inactivity (Whiting, p. 297).

As noted by this military critic and historian, General Dearborn was relieved from command early in July, 1813, his successor being enjoined to rest on his arms, except in the event of certain improbable contingencies which never arose, until the arrival of General Wilkinson, who did not reach Fort George until September, or resume operations until Oct. 1st; so that "nearly three months were utterly wasted by a body of 4,000 troops."

But I have digressed from the attack on Fort York, with which alone are we here concerned.

In the latter part of April, 1813, the navigation of Lake Ontario was open, and no molestation was apprehended, as it was known that Sir James Yeo's fleet was not operative. Agreeably with the plan of the campaign above briefly noted, therefore, General Dearborn embarked on board Commodore Chauncey's fleet, with about 1,700 troops, under the immediate command of Brigadier-General Pike, Apr. 25th. On the morning of the 27th the fleet reached York harbor, where it was intended to debark for the assault on Fort York. This military post defended the place which had been known as Toronto till 1793, and was then called York till 1834, when it resumed its aboriginal name.

The true signification of the Iroquois word which has settled in the form Toronto, after long fluctuation of all its vowels, is uncertain, or at any rate, is still questioned. It is now most frequently translated "trees in the water," or by some equivalent phrase, with reference to the formerly wooded, long, low spit of land which still encompasses the harbor of Ontario's metropolis. Irrespective of its etymology, the various connotations of Toronto in successive historical periods are to be carefully discriminated. If we turn to old maps, we see that the present Georgian bay of Lake Huron was Toronto bay; the present Lake Simcoe was Toronto lake; present Severn river and the Humber were each of them Toronto river. In the seventeenth century, Toronto was the official designation of a region between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian bay—the country of the Hurons, on the large peninsula which intervenes between Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. The comparatively narrow neck of this peninsula offered, by means of Humber river and certain portages, a convenient way to pass between these two great lakes—it was, in fact, an Indian thoroughfare. The mouth of the Humber consequently became an Indian rendezvous, and the name of the whole region thus became best known in connection with the locality of the present city. As the southern terminus of this highway, on Lake Ontario, offered an eligible site for a trading-post, advantage was taken of such an opportunity to cut off trade from Chouagen (Oswego) by planting the original establishment of the Whites near the mouth of the Humber. Such was the French Fort Rouillé, built in 1749, and named in compliment to Antoine Louis Rouillé, Comte de Jouy, then colonial minister. This post was destroyed in 1756, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the English. It became better known as Fort Toronto than it had been by its proper French name, and later on passed into history as Old Fort Toronto, in distinction from the two other establishments to which the name was successively bequeathed. Fort Rouillé, by whatever name called, was never lost sight of entirely. Lossing's Field Book of the War of 1812, New York, 1868, p. 593, has a cut which shows its appearance when it had been to some extent renovated in 1812–13. The exact site is now marked by a monument, lying alongside which is an inscribed stone. These memorials are pointed out to visitors, on the lake shore, in the southwest corner of the present Exposition grounds, on the western side of the city of Toronto. After the abandonment of old Fort Rouillé the region round about remained for nearly half a century a wild whose solitude may have been only relieved by the lodges of a few Misisagas—those Indians of Ojibwa affinities who had become members of the Iroquois confederation in 1746, three years before the fort was built. In 1791, Upper and Lower Canada were instituted by parliamentary measures which Pitt guided to success; the latter was practically the province of Quebec; the former became the province of Ontario, the refuge and future home of the United Empire Loyalists. For the capital of Ontario, a site was to be chosen in then unbroken wilds. The first provincial Parliament of the new province of Upper Canada was held in May, 1793, at Newark, the present town of Niagara, where the river of that name enters Lake Ontario. But this place was ineligible; the river became an international boundary; the guns of the United States Fort Niagara could be trained upon Newark; and in August of the same year the seat of government of the new province was transferred to the new site which had been surveyed to that end by Bouchette, and selected for the purpose by General and Governor John Graves Simcoe (b. Feb. 25th, 1752, d. Oct. 6th, 1806). To this place Simcoe gave the name of York, after the duke, second son of George III. The evolution of this embryo of future greatness was slow; for many years "Little York," or "Muddy York," as it was styled by some in derision, had but a few hundred inhabitants; its maintenance was mainly due to the United Loyalists already mentioned. In April, 1813, the works by which York was defended, and which General Pike carried by assault, were those called Fort York; later they were known as Fort Toronto, or "the Fort at Toronto." The town which Simcoe had christened York did not resume the original designation of the locality till 1834, when it was incorporated as the city of Toronto.

This magnificent metropolis, which so admirably illustrates the effect of American momentum upon English stability, is situated upon the north side of Lake Ontario, 39 miles northeast of Hamilton (which occupies the fond du lac) and 310 miles west-southwest of Montreal; at the observatory the position is calculated to be in latitude 43° 39´ 35´´ N. and longitude 79° 23´ 39´´ W. of the Greenwich meridian. The city extends westward from the vicinity of the Don in the direction of the Humber, across the small stream known as Garrison creek. It thus has several miles of lake front on the south, at the bay or harbor of Toronto, partly shut off from the lake by low land which was once a peninsula, and some small islands, with an entrance only from the west; but the peninsula has been artificially cut off from the mainland. At its end stood a blockhouse, in a position known as Gibraltar point; another blockhouse stood at the mouth of the Don, on the left or east bank of that river. One now drives a few blocks from any hotel in the heart of the city to "old" Fort York, at present dismantled, but very much in evidence still of the scene of General Pike's victory and mortal hurt. The visitor will be warned off the premises by the functionary who has these disjecta membra in charge, as Lossing had been before I was; but may nevertheless keep on the main street or road through the frowning earthworks, and will presently find himself on Garrison Common. This is the large level piece of ground, the middle of the lake front of which is occupied by the present barracks, or "new fort." At points included within the present garrison and parade ground were the positions of two outer defenses of old Fort York, respectively called at that time the Western and the Half Moon battery; these were the first and second obstacles for Pike to surmount in advancing upon the main defenses of York. Crossing Garrison Common in a few minutes we enter the Exposition grounds, at the further corner of which, to the left, and directly upon the lake shore, stand the Rouillé monument and inscribed cairn already mentioned, together with a historical cabin; a pier juts into the lake close by these objects. The direct distance between the Rouillé monument and old Fort York is about 6,000 feet—little over a mile by the road; the present barracks are nearly midway between those two places. Old Fort York occupies a position about the mouth of Garrison creek, between Front Street and the water's edge, at the foot of Tecumseh Street, and close to Queen's Wharf, in the midst of railroad tracks, freight houses, and depots. The magazine, which was exploded at the cost of many American and some British lives, stood in a depression at or near the mouth of the creek, with its top nearly on a level with higher ground on either hand; it is said that its existence was not suspected by the enemy. It was a comparatively large structure of its kind, solidly built of heavy stone masonry, and contained a great quantity of powder, shot, and shell. All the positions here in mention may be inspected in a leisurely drive of an hour. Those who have not been over the ground, or have not a city map at hand, will be helped to a clear understanding of the situation by the diagram given in Lossing, p. 590; together with the sketches there given of York, of Fort York, of the magazine which was blown up by General Sheaffe's order, and of the Western battery whose explosion was accidental. Of the latter, the picture represents the remains as they were in 1860.

The conflicting accounts of uninformed, unconsciously biased, or willfully mendacious writers have shrouded in obscurity the clear and intelligible relation which can be given of the battle of York. Especially have the two explosions which occurred during the assault been confounded and falsified in history. It is necessary, at the outset, to dissociate in mind these two catastrophes, namely: (1) The accidental explosion of a portable magazine at the Western battery during the advance of the Americans upon the main works. (2) The intentional explosion of the fixed magazine during the retreat of the British from the main works. The latter was somewhat premature, owing to overmuch zeal of the soldier who had been ordered to fire the train; but it was premeditated.

A diligent comparison of many different descriptions of the battle of York has satisfied me that the account in Whiting, Pike's most formal biographer, leaves much to be desired, and that Lossing's relation is decidedly preferable in most particulars. The latter gives, on the whole, the clearest and truest picture which any modern historian has painted. Lossing consulted the official reports of the commanders, both British and American; the accounts given by Thompson, Perkins, James, Auchinleck, Armstrong, Christy, Ingersoll, and others; Whiting's Biography of Pike; Hough's County histories; Roger's Canadian History; Smith's Canada; Cooper's Naval History; Niles' Register; the Portfolio; the Analectic Magazine; he had some manuscripts of actors in the scene, besides various verbal relations; and he went over the ground in person. In the following sketch I shall lean more heavily upon Lossing than upon Whiting; but for numerous particulars shall refer back of both to contemporaneous records and official reports, on both sides. I shall also adduce a certain obscure author, P. Finan, who is among those who witnessed the fight, and who describes what he saw in his little-known Journal of a Voyage to Quebec in the Year 1825, with Recollections of Canada during the late American War in the Years 1812–13, Newry, printed by Alexander Peacock, 1828. H. A. Fay's Collection of Official Documents, etc., 1 vol., 8vo, New York, 1817, gives General Dearborn's and Commodore Chauncey's reports to the Secretary of War and of the Navy, respectively, and the terms of the capitulation after the capture. Brannan's Official Letters, etc., 1 vol., 8vo, Washington, 1823, gives in full Pike's vigorous and rigorous brigade order, pp. 144–146; the reports said of Dearborn and of Chauncey; and various other items. These and many other materials are also contained in earlier form in Niles' Weekly Register, IV. Mar.-Sept., 1813. What here follows is derived mainly from the sources I have thus indicated, but also includes a certified copy of the most important one of the original Sheaffe documents in the Archives of Ontario at Ottawa.

General Pike's brigade order for the attack on York appears as follows in Niles' Register, IV. pp. 229, 230:

Sackett's Harbor, April 25, 1813.

Brigade Order. When the debarkation shall take place on the enemy's shore, Major Forsyth's light troops, formed in four platoons, shall be first landed. They will advance a small distance from the shore, and form the chain to cover the landing of the troops. They will not fire unless they discover the approach of a body of the enemy, but will make prisoners of every person who may be passing, and send them to the general. They will be followed by the regimental platoons of the first brigade, with two pieces of Brooks' artillery, one on the right and one on the left flank, covered by their musketry, and the small detachments of riflemen of the 15th and 16th Infantry. Then will be landed the three platoons of the reserve of the first brigade, under Major Swan.[M-17] Then Major Eustis, with his train of artillery, covered by his own musketry. Then Colonel M'Clure's volunteers, in four platoons, followed by the 21st regiment, in six platoons. When the troops shall move in column, either to meet the enemy or take a position, it will be in the following order, viz.: First, Forsyth's riflemen, with proper front and flank guards; the regiments of the first brigade, with their pieces; then three platoons of reserve; Major Eustis' train of artillery; volunteer corps; 21st regiment; each corps sending out proper flank guards. When the enemy shall be discovered in front, the riflemen will form the chain, and maintain their ground until they have the signal (the preparative) or receive orders to retire, at which they will retreat with the greatest velocity, and form equally on the two flanks of the regiments of the first brigade, and then renew their fire. The three reserve platoons of this line under the orders of Major Swan, 100 yards in the rear of the colors, ready to support any part which may show an unsteady countenance. Major Eustis and his train will form in the rear of this reserve, ready to act where circumstances may dictate.

The second line will be composed of the 21st Infantry in six platoons, flanked by Colonel M'Clure's volunteers, equally divided as light troops. The whole under the orders of Colonel Ripley.[M-18]

It is expected that every corps will be mindful of the honor of the American arms, and the disgraces which have recently tarnished our arms; and endeavor, by a cool and determined discharge of their duty, to support the one and wipe off the other. The riflemen in front will maintain their ground at all hazards, until ordered to retire, as will every corps of the army. With an assurance of being duly supported, should the commanding general find it prudent to withdraw the front line, he will give orders to retire by the heads of platoons, covered by the riflemen; and the second line will advance by the heads of platoons, pass the intervals, and form the line, call in the light troops, and renew the action. But the general may find it proper to bring up the second line on one or both flanks, to charge in columns, or perform a variety of manœuvres which it would be impossible to foresee. But as a general rule, whatever may be the directions of lines at the commencement of the action, the corps will form as before directed. If they then advance in line, it may be in parallel eschelons of platoons, or otherwise, as the ground or circumstances may dictate.

No man will load until ordered, except the light troops in front until within a short distance of the enemy, and then charge bayonets; thus letting the enemy see that we can meet them in their own weapons. Any man firing or quitting his post without orders, must be put to instant death, as an example may be necessary. Platoon officers will pay the greatest attention to the coolness and aim of their men in the fire; their regularity and dressing in the charge. Courage and bravery in the field do not more distinguish the soldier than humanity after victory; and whatever examples the savage allies of our enemies may have given us, the general confidently hopes that the blood of an unresisting or yielding enemy will never stain the weapons of the soldiers of his column.

The unoffending citizens of Canada are many of them our own countrymen, and the poor Canadians have been forced into the war. Their property must therefore be held sacred, and any soldier who shall so far neglect the honor of his profession as to be guilty of plundering the inhabitants, shall, if convicted, be punished with death. But the commanding general assures the troops that, should they capture a large quantity of public stores, he will use his best endeavors to procure them a reward from his government.

This order shall be read at the head of each corps and every field officer shall carry a copy, in order that he may at any moment refer to it; and give explanations to his subordinates.

All those found in arms in the enemy's country, shall be treated as enemies; but those who are peaceably following the pursuits of their various avocations, friends—and their property respected.

By order of Brigadier-general Z. M. Pike.

Charles G. Jones,[M-19] Assistant aid-de-camp.

Of quite another character than the foregoing order is the next word which reaches us from General Pike—probably from the last letter he ever wrote. It is always the soldier, but now the son and not the officer who speaks, in this letter addressed to his father. The extract is undated and unsigned, but was penned at Brownsville, near Sackett's Harbor, on the day before the expedition sailed from the latter place. I cite from Niles' Register of Saturday, July 10th, 1813, p. 304, these affecting passages:

"I embark to-morrow in the fleet at Sackett's Harbor, at the head of a column of 1,500 choice troops, on a secret expedition. If success attends my steps, honor and glory await my name—if defeat, still shall it be said we died like brave men, and conferred honor, even in death, on the American name.

"Should I be the happy mortal destined to turn the scale of war, will you not rejoice, O my father? May Heaven be propitious, and smile on the cause of my country. But if we are destined to fall, may my fall be like Wolfe's—to sleep in the arms of victory."

His aspiration was answered, for he turned the scale of war; his dream of glory came true, for he fell asleep, like Wolfe, in the arms of victory!

Commodore Isaac Chauncey's fleet, which conveyed the American troops from Sackett's Harbor to York, consisted of 14 vessels: the Madison, flagship; Oneida, Fair American, Hamilton, Governor Tompkins, Conquest, Asp, Pert, Julia, Growler, Ontario, Scourge, Lady of the Lake, and the transport Raven.

On that fateful 27th of April, 1813, about seven o'clock in the morning, when this fleet had reached York, the intention was to land the troops at old Fort Rouillé, whence the advance to the assault of Fort York would have been only about a mile, along the lake front, over the level ground of present Garrison Common. But a strong east wind drove the boats "a considerable distance" leeward, to some wooded point in the direction of the Humber. Exactly how far this was does not appear; but there is evidence that it was not more than some fraction of a mile—probably not as far west of Fort Rouillé as the latter was west of Fort York. General Dearborn says, "about a mile and a half" from Fort York, which would be about half a mile west of Fort Rouillé; and the place called Grenadier Point has been named in this connection. Doubtless the whole of the troops were not landed at precisely the same spot. General Dearborn remained with the fleet, which was to bombard York after landing the troops under the command of General Pike. The former's official report to Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War, dated Headquarters, York, Upper Canada, Apr. 28th, 1813, includes this passage (Brannan, p. 149):

I had been induced to confide the immediate command of the troops in action to General Pike, from a conviction that he fully expected it, and would be much mortified at being deprived of the honor, which he highly appreciated.

As rendered in Niles' Register, IV. p. 179, it is to the same effect, but somewhat differently worded:

To the general I had been induced to confide the immediate attack, from a knowledge that it was his wish and that he would have been mortified had it not been given to him.

We will hear from Pike himself once more before he falls. It is before any landing has been effected. Forsyth's boats are nearing the shore; they are fired upon from the woods, but have not yet answered a shot. Pike is standing on the deck of the flagship, surrounded by his staff, straining his eager eyes impatiently at the boats, which he sees have been driven beyond the intended point of debarkation. "'By God! I can't stay here any longer!' and addressing himself to his staff—'Come, jump into the boat!' which we immediately did, the commodore having reserved a boat specially for him and his suite; the little coxswain was ordered immediately to steer for the middle of the fray, and the balls whistled gloriously around; probably their number was owing to seeing so many officers in one boat; but we laughed at their clumsy efforts as we pressed forward with well-pulled oars."[M-20]

The first troops which effected a landing were Forsyth's[M-21] Rifles, conveyed in two boats. Their debarkation was promptly resisted by a choice body of light troops from Fort York, consisting of a company of Glengary Fencibles, with some Indians, under Major Givens. From an advantageous position in the woods which had been taken up, the enemy opened a galling fire as our troops left the boats. Concerning this opening engagement I cite Whiting, pp. 300–303:

The riflemen were formed on the bank as promptly as possible, when the boats returned to the fleet for other troops. In the meantime, this gallant little band, assisted by some few other troops that were thrown on shore in other boats, sustained the brunt of the combat. The numbers in this initial struggle were about equal, and it became a fair and close fight, to be turned either way as re-enforcements should happen to arrive. The British light troops were choice men, and commanded by a brave officer.

Forsyth's men were undisciplined, but had seen some desultory service on the Ogdensburg frontier, and had unbounded confidence in their leader, who was rather an extraordinary man, and regarded as a most promising partisan officer. He had peculiar notions as to the manner of training men. The common rules of discipline were looked upon by him with the utmost contempt. All he seemed to require of those under him was, that they should be good marksmen, and ready to follow him. …

At the time of this expedition, Major Forsyth was a fat man, probably weighing some 200 pounds. The uniform of his men was green, and, at the time he landed, he wore a broad-skirted coat of that color, which was unbuttoned and thrown back, displaying a white vest spread over his ample chest, that afforded a mark for an enemy equal to the chalked circle of a common infantry target. He had on his head a broad-brimmed black hat. Soon after the landing, the armorer of his regiment, a favorite of both himself and his men, was killed. The skill of this man was such as enabled him to give the rifle its most deadly character; and the efficiency of the regiment was consequently supposed, both by officers and men, to depend much upon him. When he fell, every man felt as if a deed had been perpetrated by the enemy that demanded revenge; and the whole detachment, from Major Forsyth down to the most indifferent marksman, entered into the combat with a fierce spirit of retaliation that, no doubt, contributed much to the obstinacy of the stand they made, and the unusual loss sustained by the enemy immediately opposed to them.

Taking to the woods in which the British light troops were posted, the riflemen, after their loose manner, placed themselves behind trees, and thus carried on the contest with their more concentrated, better ordered, and, therefore, more exposed opponents. It is said that Major Forsyth continued, throughout the action, to move to and fro, armed only with a light sword, immediately in the rear of his men, pointing out with an earnest solemnity that partook both of sorrow and anger, to one rifleman and another, some one of the enemy, and exclaiming that he was the man who had killed the favorite armorer. This suggestion was almost sure to be fatal to the enemy thus specially branded with the guilt of having taken off the best man of the corps. The British light troops were nearly all left on the ground they first occupied, being too strong to retreat while the landing was only partially made, and too much exposed to stand before such expertness of aim, rendered so fierce and unyielding by one of the chance shots of an opening fight.

The force under Forsyth was soon supported by Major King's[M-22] battalion of the 15th Infantry, consisting of three companies—Captain John Scott's, Captain White Youngs', and that of Captain John Lambert Hoppock, who had been mortally wounded in the boats. When General Pike had landed with the whole body of his troops, the attacking force was represented by the 6th, 15th, 16th, and 21st Infantry, Colonel Maclure's 3d regiment of New York Militia, and several pieces of artillery.

At the first sharp collision, as we have seen, the British were defeated, not without much loss on both sides. On their retreat, the bugles sounded the advance, and the troops pressed forward along the lake shore toward Fort York, which was meanwhile bombarded from the fleet. One of General Pike's staff says: "Our march was by the lake road in sections, but the route was so much intersected by streams and rivulets, the bridges over which had been destroyed by the enemy as they retreated, that we were considerably retarded in our progress. We collected logs, and by severe efforts at length contrived to pass over one field piece and a howitzer, which were placed at the head of our column, in charge of Captain Fanning[M-23] of the 3d Artillery; and thus we proceeded through a spacious wood, as we emerged from which we were saluted by a battery of 24-pounders. The general then ordered one of his aids (Fraser) and a sergeant to proceed to the right of the battery, in order to discover how many men were in the works. We did so, and reported to him the number, and that they were spiking their own guns. The general immediately ordered Captain Walworth of the 16th [sic] with his company of grenadiers to make the assault. Walworth gallantly ordered his men to trail arms and advance at the accelerated pace; but at the moment when they were ordered to recover and charge the enemy, the enemy broke in the utmost confusion, leaving several men wounded on the ground which they abandoned."

This first serious obstacle to Pike's advance was the Western battery already described, p. lxxvii, where the explosion occurred before Captain Walworth[M-24] could carry out the order to charge this work. This accident caused some loss of life to the defenders, but none to the assaulters. Lossing has, concerning it:

The wooden magazine of the battery, that had been carelessly left open, blew up, killing some of the men, and seriously damaging the defences. The dismayed enemy spiked their cannon and fled to the next, or Half Moon battery. Walworth pressed forward, when that, too, was abandoned, and he found nothing within but spiked cannon. Sheaffe and his little army, deserted by the Indians, fled to the garrison near the governor's house, and there opened fire upon the Americans. Pike ordered his troops to halt, and lie flat upon the grass, while Major Eustis,[M-25] with his artillery battery, moved to the front, and soon silenced the great guns of the enemy.

Finan is more circumstantial in describing the casualty which did so much to decide the fate of the day:

While this part of our force was contending with the enemy in the woods, an unfortunate accident occurred in the battery opposed to the fleet which proved a death blow to the little hope that might have been entertained of a successful issue to the proceedings of the day. A gun was aimed at one of the vessels, and the officers, desirous of seeing if the ball would take effect, ascended the bastion: In the meantime the artilleryman, waiting for the word of command to fire, held the match behind him, as is usual under such circumstances; and the traveling magazine, a large wooden chest, containing cartridges for the great guns, being open just at his back, he unfortunately put the match into it and the consequence, as may be supposed, was dreadful indeed! Every man in the battery was blown into the air, and the dissection of the greater part of their bodies was inconceivably shocking! The officers were thrown from the bastion by the shock, but escaped with a few bruises; the cannons were dismounted, and consequently the battery was rendered completely useless.

I was standing at the gate of the garrison when the poor soldiers who escaped the explosion with a little life remaining, were brought in to the hospital, and a more afflicting sight could scarcely be witnessed. Their faces were completely black, resembling those of the blackest Africans; their hair frizzled like theirs, and their clothes scorched and emitting an effluvia so strong as to be perceived long before they reached one. One man in particular presented an awful spectacle: he was brought in a wheelbarrow, and from his appearance I should be inclined to suppose that almost every bone in his body was broken; he was lying in a powerless heap, shaking about with every motion of the barrow, from which his legs hung dangling down, as if only connected with his body by the skin, while his cries and groans were of the most heart-rending description.

Although Spartan valour was evinced by our little party, it proved unavailing against the numbers that pressed them upon all sides; and in consequence of the loss of the battery, and the reduction that had been made in the number of our troops, their ground was no longer tenable; but after nobly and desperately withstanding their enemies for several hours, a retreat towards the garrison became inevitable, although every inch of the ground was obstinately disputed.

It is remarkable that Whiting's relation of the attack has nothing about this marked affair; it is in fact impossible to follow the course of events in his narrative, between the conclusion of the opening engagement and the final explosion of the main magazine. Lossing, having brought our troops to a halt, when they were lying upon the grass, continues with the result of Major Eustis' operations:

The firing from the garrison ceased and the Americans expected every moment to see a white flag displayed from the blockhouse in token of surrender. Lieut. Riddle[M-26] was sent forward to reconnoitre. General Pike, who had just assisted, with his own hands, in removing a wounded soldier to a comfortable place, was sitting upon a stump conversing with a huge British sergeant[M-27] who had been taken prisoner, his staff standing around him. At that moment was felt a sudden tremor of the ground, followed by a tremendous explosion near the British garrison. The enemy, despairing of holding the place, had blown up their powder magazine, situated upon the edge of the water at the mouth of a ravine, near where the buildings of the Great Western Railway stand. The effect was terrible. Fragments of timber, and huge stones of which the magazine walls were built, were scattered in every direction over a space of several hundred yards. When the smoke floated away, the scene was appalling. Fifty-two Americans lay dead, and 180 were wounded. So badly had the affair been managed that 40 of the British also lost their lives by the explosion.[M-28]

General Armstrong states, in his History of the War of 1812, that General Sheaffe said this explosion was accidental, his own soldiers having been involved in its effects. General Whiting repeats this. But both Armstrong and Whiting are clearly in error. If General Sheaffe ever said this, he said what he knew was untrue. His words—such as they may have been—may have referred to the earlier explosion at the Western battery and been mistaken to apply to the main explosion. We have his own reiterated writings, that the magazine was exploded by his order. One of these statements is made in a hurried letter, whose almost illegible handwriting betrays the state of mind to which this gentleman had been reduced. It was written while he was on his retreat to Kingston, and is addressed to his superior officer, Sir George Prevost. The published text before me reads in part as follows (italics editorial):

Haldimand, 30th April.

My Dear Sir George—I have the mortification of reporting to you that York is in the possession of the enemy, it having on the 27th inst. been attacked by a force too powerful to resist with success. Sixteen vessels of various descriptions full of men, including their new ship the Madison, formed their flotilla. The Grenadiers of the King's suffered first in the action with the enemy (in which Captain W. Neale was killed), and afterwards severely, in connection with other corps, by the accidental explosion of a battery magazine, which at the same time disabled the battery. I caused our grand magazine to be blown up. …

I am, my dear Sir George, your very faithfully devoted servant,

R. H. Sheaffe.

Another letter from General Sheaffe, dated Kingston, May 5th, when he had become more composed in mind than he seems to have been during his inglorious if not disgraceful flight, gives a more coherent account and many further details. I cite it in full, from the original MS. now in the Department of Archives at Ottawa, as kindly copied and certified for me by Mr. L. P. Sylvain of the Library of Parliament:

Kingston, 5^th May, 1813.

Sir,

I did myself the honour of writing to Your Excellency on my route from York to communicate the mortifying intelligence that the Enemy had obtained possession of that place on the 27^th of April, and I shall now enter into a fuller detail, than I was enabled to do at the date of that letter.

In the evening of the 26^th of April I received information that many Vessels had been seen from the Highlands to the Eastward of York, soon after daylight the next morning the Enemy's Vessels were discovered lying to not far from the shore of the peninsula in front of the town; they soon afterwards, sixteen in number of various descriptions, made sail with a fresh breeze from the [p. 2] eastward, led by the Ship lately built at Sackett's harbour, and anchored off the point where the french fort [Rouillé] formerly stood; many boats full of troops were soon discovered assembling near the Commander's Ship, apparently with an intention of effecting a landing on the ground off which he was anchored: our troops were ordered into the Ravine in the rear of the Government Garden and fields; Major Givens and the Indians with him were sent forward through the wood to oppose the landing of the Enemy—the Company of Glengary Light Infantry was directed to support them, and the Militia not having arrived at the Ravine, The Grenadiers of the King's Regiment and the small portion of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles belonging to the Garrison of York were moved on, led by L^t Colonel Heathcote of that corps, commanding the Garrison; this movement was directed to be made within the wood, [p. 3] parallel to the Lake-side, and only so far from it, as not to be discovered by the Enemy's Vessels, several of which were not at a great distance from the shore: Captain Eustace's company of the King's Regiment, and some Militia that were quartered at the east end of the town, and had been left there during the night, lest the Enemy might make some attempt on that flank, were ordered, with the exception of a small party of the Militia, to join these troops—which was soon effected: while these operations were going on Major General Shaw, Adjudant General of Militia led a portion of the Militia on a road at the back of the wood to watch our rear, and to act according to circumstances; by some mistake he led the Glengary company away from the direction assigned to it, to accompany this detachment, so that it came late into action, instead of being near the Indians at its commencement; the movement of the other troops was retarded [p. 4] by the difficulty of the wood, while the Enemy being aided by the wind, rapidly gained the shore under cover of a fire from the commodore's ship and other vessels, and landed in spite of a spirited opposition from major Givens and his small band of Indians; the Enemy was shortly afterwards encountered by our handful of troops, Captain McNeal of the King's Regiment was early killed while gallantly leading his Company which suffered severely: the troops fell back. I succeeded in rallying them several times, and a detachment of the King's with some Militia, whom I had placed near the edge of the wood to protect our left Flank repulsed a column of the Enemy which was advancing along the bank at the Lake side: but our troops could not maintain the contest against the greatly superior and increasing numbers of the Enemy—they retired under cover of our batteries, which were engaged with some of their Vessels, that had begun to beat up towards [p. 5] the harbour, when their troops landed, occasionally firing, and had anchored at a short distance to the westward of the line from the Barracks to Gibraltar Point; from that situation they kept up a heavy fire on our batteries, on the Block House and Barracks, and on the communications between them, some of their Guns being thirty two pounders; to return their fire, we had two complete twelve pounders, and old condemned guns without trunnions (—— eighteen—— pounders) which, after being proved had been stocked and mounted under the direction of Lieut. Ingouville of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, whom I had appointed Assistant Engineer; a twelve pounder of the same description was added during the Engagement; with these defective means the Enemy was kept at bay for some time, when, by some unfortunate accident, the traveling Magazine at the Western battery blew up and killed and wounded a considerable number of men [italics editorial]; many of them belonging to the [p. 6] Grenadier Company of the King's Regiment, the battery was crippled, the platform being torn up, and one of the eighteen pounders overturned: the Magazine was replaced and the battery restored to some order, but it was evident that our numbers and means of defence were inadequate to the task of maintaining possession of York against the vast superiority of force brought against it, though providentially little mischief had hitherto been done by the long continued cannonade of the Enemy, except to some of the buildings: the troops were withdrawn towards the town, and the grand Magazine was at the same time blown up [italics editorial], the Enemy was so near to it, that he sustained great loss, and was, for a time, driven back by the explosion; some of our own troops were not beyond the reach of fragments of the stone, though they escaped with very little injury; Captain Loring, my aide-de-camp, received a severe contusion, and [p. 7] the horse he rode was killed.

The troops were halted at a ravine not far to the westward of the ship yard, I there consulted with the Superior Officers, and it being too apparent that a further opposition would but render the result more disastrous, some of the Enemy's vessels indicating an intention to move up the harbour, in order to co-operate with their land forces, I ordered the troops of the line to retreat on the road to Kingston, which was effected without any annoyance from the Enemy; when we had proceeded some miles we met the Light Company of the King's Regiment on its march for Fort George, I had sent an express the preceding evening to hasten its movement, but it was at too great a distance to be able to join us at York.

The ship on the stocks and the naval stores were destroyed to prevent the Enemy from getting possession of them. [p. 8] An attempt to set fire to the Gloucester that was fitting out for purposes of transport, proved abortive; she was aground a mere hulk, her repairs not being half finished: I have been informed that the enemy succeeded in getting her off, and putting her into a state to be towed away; a number of shipwrights having arrived from Sackett's harbour with the expectation of employing them in a similar task on our new ship.

The accounts of the number of the Enemy landed vary from eighteen hundred and ninety to three thousand [!], our force consisted of a Bombardier and twelve Gunners of the Royal Artillery to assist whom men were drawn from other corps, two companies of the 8th or King's Regiment, one of them, the Grenadiers, being on its route for Fort George, about a company in number, of the Royal [p. 9] Newfoundland regiment, and one of the Glengary Light Infantry, and about three hundred Militia and Dock Yard men; the quality of some of these troops was of so superior a description, and their general disposition so good, that under less unfavourable circumstances we might have repulsed the Enemy in spite of his numbers, or have made him pay dearly for success; as it was, according to the reports that have reached me, his loss was much greater than ours, a return of which I have the honour of transmitting, except of that of the Militia, of which a return has not yet been received; but I believe it to have been inconsiderable: Donald McLean Esqr Clerk of the House of Assembly gallantly volunteered his services with a musket, and was killed.

[p. 10] Captain Jarvis of the Incorporated Militia, a meritorious Officer, who had a share in the successes at Detroit and Queenston, had been sent with a party of Militia in three batteaux for the Militia Clothing, which had been left on the road from Kingston, he came to me during the action to report his arrival, and soon afterwards he was severely wounded: a few of the Indians (Missasagus & Chipeways) were killed and wounded, among the latter were two chiefs.

Thinking it highly probable that the Enemy would pay an early visit to York, I had remained there long beyond the period I had originally assigned for my departure to fort George, in order to expedite the preparations which the means in my power enabled me to make for the defence of the place; Your [p. 11] Excellency knows that I had intended to place Colonel Myers, Acting Quarter Master General, in the command there, at least for a time; I afterwards learnt that Colonel Young was in movement towards me with the 8th or King's Regt. I then decided to give him the Command to avoid the inconvenience of seperating (sic) the head of a department from me, and being informed that he was to move up by himself as speedily as possible, I was for some time in daily expectation of seeing him; at length, having reason to believe that he was to accompany one of the divisions of his Regiment, I wrote to him both by the land and by the water route to come to me without delay; about the 25th of April I received certain intelligence, of what had been [p. 12] before rumoured, that he was detained at Kingston by a severe illness, and on the 26th I learnt that Colonel Myers was to leave Fort George that day for York, I therefore determined to wait for his arrival, and to leave him in the command until Colonel Young might be in a state to relieve him; it was in the evening of the same day that I heard of the approach of the Enemy: I have thought it proper to enter into this explanation, as Your Excellency may have expected that I had returned to Fort George before the period at which the attack was made on York. I propose remaining here until I shall have received Your Excellency's Commands.

I have the honour to be,

With great respect,

Your Excellency's

Most obedient

humble servant

[Signed] R. H. Sheaffe.

M. Gen. Command.

His Excellency

Sir. George Prevost. Bt

et. et. et.

Certified a true copy of the original letter in the Department of Archives, Ottawa.

[Signed] L. P. Sylvain, Assist. Libr., Nov. 2d, 1894.

Here is the clear and intelligible testimony of the British commanding general to the facts that there were two explosions, one of which was accidental and destructive to his own men, the other designed and executed by his own command. It is believed to have been a little premature, in the confusion of an evacuation that was nothing short of a rout, before the defenders were quite out of reach of its effects; but that they suffered little from what wrought such havoc with the Americans, is incontestable. The ethics of the catastrophe I leave to be discussed by professional military critics; but it seems to me that General Sheaffe was justified in inflicting the utmost possible injury upon the enemy, and that he would have been chargeable with culpable neglect of duty if he had allowed valuable munitions of war to fall into their hands.

Before resuming the main thread of this painful narration I will introduce two accounts, both by eye-witnesses.

One of these is contained in an extract of a letter from a field officer in the force which landed at York, name not given, to the War Department, as published in Niles' Register, IV. p. 193. It is explicit regarding both explosions, though loose in statement of numbers killed by each, and in some other respects:

The column of attack consisted of the 6th, 15th, 16th, and 21st regiments of infantry, and a detachment of the light and heavy artillery. Major Forsyth's corps of riflemen, and Lieut. Col. M'Clure's corps of volunteers acted on the flanks. There was a long piece of woods to go through, which offered many obstructions to our heavy ordnance. As was expected, we were there annoyed on our flanks by a part of the British and Indians, with a six-pounder and two howitzers. One of the enemies batteries [the Western] accidentally blew up, by which they lost 50 men of the 8th regiment. A part of our force was detached from our column, as it came into the open ground, who carried the second battery by storm. The troops were halted a few minutes to bring up the heavy artillery to play on the blockhouse. General Sheaffe, despairing of holding the town, ordered fire to be put to the magazine, in which there were 500 barrels of powder, many cart loads of stone, and an immense quantity of iron, shells and shot. The explosion was tremendous. The column was raked from front to rear. General Pike and his three aids, and 250 officers and men were killed or wounded in the column. Notwithstanding this calamity and the discomfiture that might be expected to follow it, the troops gave three cheers, instantly formed the column, and marched on toward the town. General Sheaffe fled and left his papers and baggage behind him.[M-29]

Finan gives a vivid picture of what he saw of the catastrophe. It must be taken with some allowance, perhaps, for the force of the impression which the terrible scene made upon him at the moment, and the subsequent insistence with which his memory dwelt upon such a spectacle; but it can hardly be much overdrawn:

The governor's house, with some smaller buildings, formed a square, at the center battery, and under it the grand magazine, containing a large quantity of powder, was situated. As there were only two or three guns at this battery, and it but a short distance from the garrison, the troops did not remain in it, but retreated to the latter. When the Americans commanded by one of their best generals, Pike, reached this small battery, instead of pressing forward, they halted, and the general sat down on one of the guns; a fatal proceeding—for, in a few minutes, his advance guard, consisting of about 300 men and himself, were blown into the air by the explosion of the grand magazine.

Some time before this horrible circumstance took place, the vessels had commenced firing upon the garrison, which obliged the females, and children, &c. to leave it; we therefore retired into the country, to the house of an officer of the militia, where we remained a short time; but feeling anxious to know the fate of the day, I left the house without the knowledge of my mother, and was proceeding toward the garrison when the explosion took place. I heard the report, and felt a tremendous motion in the earth, resembling the shock of an earthquake; and, looking towards the spot, I saw an immense cloud ascend into the air. I was not aware at the moment what it had been occasioned by, but it had an awfully grand effect; at first it was a great confused mass of smoke, timber, men, earth, &c. but as it rose, in a most majestic manner, it assumed the shape of a vast balloon. When the whole mass had ascended to a considerable height, and the force by which the timber, &c. were impelled upwards became spent, the latter fell from the cloud and spread over the surrounding plain. I stopped to observe the cloud, which preserved its round shape while it remained within my view. I then advanced towards the garrison, but had not proceeded much farther until I discovered our little party collected in a close body between the town and that place, which latter they had been obliged to evacuate.

It is said, "Death loves a shining mark." One of the missiles that hurtled down on that devoted band sought out their heroic leader with fatal effect. A piece of rock fell on General Pike's back, and "broke in upon the very springs of life," to use Whiting's words. A sadly realistic memento of the speedily fatal injury reaches us from one of his aids, who was by his side and was himself gravely wounded. Lieutenant Fraser says, in a private letter he wrote by Pike's special injunction, which appeared in the Aurora, and afterward in Niles' Register, IV. p. 225: "Without the honor of a personal acquaintance, I address you at the particular order of the late General Pike. After he had been mortally wounded, his words were exactly these: ' … I am mortally wounded—my ribs and back are stove in—write my friend D … and tell him what you know of the battle—and to comfort my. … ' Some things else he said, on which I shall again write you; and many things he said for your ear have escaped me through the severity of my own bruises."

The dying general was carried to a boat at the lake side and conveyed to the Pert, whence he was taken aboard the flagship Madison. Some recorded words of his last moments need not be scanned with critical eye. When those who bore their fallen leader reached the boat the huzza of the troops fell upon his ears. "What does it mean?" he feebly asked. "Victory!" was the reply; "the Union Jack is coming down, General—the Stars and Stripes are going up!" The dying hero's face lighted up with a smile of ecstasy. His spirit lingered a few hours. Before the end came, the British flag was brought to him. He made a sign to place it under his head; and thus he expired.[M-30]

Military history hardly furnishes a closer parallel than that between the death of Pike before York and of Wolfe before Quebec. Each led to the assault; each conquered; each fell in the arms of victory; each is said to have pillowed his head on the stricken colors of the defenders. On the other hand, no contrast could be more obtrusive than that between the fall of Brock before Queenstown Heights and the conduct of his successor, Sheaffe, at York. The latter fled on the heels of disaster across the Don and on toward Kingston; even his personal baggage and papers fell into the hands of his enemy; the very terms of the surrender of York were agreed upon by others, in the absence of its late defender. But it is needless to pursue this subject. General Sheaffe has by none been more severely criticised than by British writers.

When General Pike fell, the command devolved by seniority upon Colonel Pearce,[M-31] of the 16th Infantry, until General Dearborn arrived upon the scene. Lieutenant Riddle's detachment was so near the place of explosion that it escaped the deadly shower; but the Americans scattered in dismay at the catastrophe. They were rallied by Brigade-Major Hunt and Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell of the 3d Artillery. The column was formed again and led into the captured town without further resistance. Colonel Pearce sent a flag, demanding immediate and unconditional surrender—and surrender it was, with the single stipulation that private property should be respected. As soon as practicable General Dearborn left the fleet for York, where he was in command before night fell. His first dispatch to the Secretary of War appears as follows in the text of Fay's Collection, p. 81, and is substantially the same in Niles' Register, IV. p. 178:

Headquarters, York, Capital of U. C.

April 27, 1813—8 o'clock, P. M.

Sir—We are in full possession of this place, after a sharp conflict, in which we lost some brave officers and soldiers. General Sheaffe commanded the British troops, militia, and Indians, in person.—We shall be prepared to sail for the next object of the expedition, the first favourable wind. I have to lament the loss of the brave and active Brig. Gen. Pike.

I am, &c.

H. Dearborn.

Hon. J. Armstrong.

The official reports of General Dearborn and of Commodore Chauncey to their respective Secretaries of War and of the Navy appear in full in Niles' Register, IV. pp. 178–180; in Brannan's Official Letters, pp. 146–149, and in Fay's Collection of Official Documents, pp. 81–85. The text of Dearborn's in Niles is in greater part as follows:

Headquarters, York, Capital of Upper Canada,

April 28, 1813.

Sir:

After a detention of some days by adverse winds, we arrived at this place yesterday morning, and at eight o'clock commenced landing the troops, about three miles westward from the town, and one mile and a half from the enemy's works. The wind was high and in unfavorable direction for the boats, which prevented the landing of the troops at a clear field, the scite of the ancient French fort Toronto [Rouillé]. It prevented, also, many of the armed vessels from taking positions which would have most effectually covered our landing, but everything that could be done was effected.

The riflemen under Major Forsyth first landed, under a heavy fire from the Indians and other troops. General Sheaffe commanded in person. He had collected his whole force in the woods near the point where the wind compelled our troops to land. His force consisted of 700 regulars and militia, and 100 Indians. Major Forsyth was supported as promptly as possible; but the contest was sharp and severe for nearly half an hour, and the enemy were repulsed by a number far inferior to theirs. As soon as General Pike landed with 700 or 800 men and the remainder of the troops were pushing for the shore, the enemy retreated to their works. Our troops were now formed on the ground originally intended for their landing, advanced through a thick wood, and after carrying one [the Western] battery by assault, were moving in columns toward the main work; when within 60 rods of this, a tremendous explosion took place from a magazine previously prepared, which threw out such immense quantities of stone as most seriously to injure our troops. I have not yet been able to collect the returns of the killed and wounded; but our loss will I fear exceed 100 [see p. xci ]; and among those I have to lament the loss of that brave and excellent officer, Brigadier-General Pike, who received a concussion from a large stone, which terminated his valuable life within a few hours. His loss will be severely felt.

Previously to this explosion the enemy had retired into the town, excepting a party of regulars, to the number of 40, who did not escape the effects of the shock. …

General Sheaffe moved off with the regular troops and left the commanding officer of the militia to make the best terms he could. In the mean time all further resistance on the part of the enemy ceased, and the outlines of a capitulation were agreed on. …

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.,

[Signed] Henry Dearborn.

Hon. Gen. John Armstrong,

Secretary of War, Washington.

The "Terms of capitulation entered into on the 27th of April, 1813, for the surrender of the town of York, in Upper Canada, to the Army and Navy of the United States, under the command of Major-General Dearborn and Commodore Chauncey," appear as follows, in Niles' Register, IV. p. 180—omitting the clauses which relate to the disposition of individuals as prisoners of war:

That the troops, regular and militia, at this post, and the naval officers and seamen, shall be surrendered prisoners of war. The troops, regular and militia, to ground their arms immediately, on parade, and the naval officers and seaman to be immediately surrendered.

That all public stores, naval and military, shall be immediately given up to the commanding officers of the army and navy of the United States. That all private property shall be guaranteed to the citizens of the town of York.

That all papers belonging to the civil officers shall be retained by them. That such surgeons as may be procured to attend the wounded of the British regulars and Canadian militia shall not be considered prisoners of war.

These articles bear the signatures of: Lieutenant-Colonel G. E. Mitchell,[M-32] 3d U. S. Artillery; Major S. S. Conner,[M-33] aid-de-camp to General Dearborn; Major William King, 15th U. S. Infantry; Lieutenant Jesse D. Elliott, U. S. Navy; Lieutenant-Colonel W. Chewitt, commanding 3d regiment of York Militia; Major W. Allen (or Allan), of the same; and F. Gaurreau, "lieut. M. Dpt."—the last name perhaps misprinted.

General Pike's body was prepared at York and conveyed to Sackett's Harbor for interment. It was first buried at Fort Tompkins, at a little distance from the shiphouse, together with that of his aid-de-camp, Captain Nicholson,[M-34] who had been mortally wounded by his side. Among the defenses of Sackett's Harbor was one named Fort Pike, which stood on Black River bay. A view of this work, as it was in 1855, is given by Lossing. Madison Barracks was built close by Fort Pike, soon after the war, and in the burying-ground there were deposited the remains of several officers, to whose memories a simple wooden monument was erected in 1819. Lossing figures this, p. 617, as it was when he examined it in July, 1855, "more leaning than the Pisa tower." In 1860 it was rapidly crumbling into dust; the urn which had surmounted it was gone, and the inscription was illegible. A part of the legend on the west panel, copied by Lossing at his previous visit, had been: "In memory of Brigadier General Z. M. Pike, killed at York, U. C. 27th April, 1813."

A tablet to the memory of General Pike has for many years been set in St. Michael's church, at Trenton, N. J. For a description of this object and a copy of the inscription I am indebted to the courteous attentions of the rector, Rev. O. S. Bunting. It consists of a marble slab, about 36 inches high by 20 inches wide, inserted in the outer wall of the church on the east side, the base being about two feet from the ground. On this slab is carved in relief an urn, which occupies the whole surface, as nearly as the shape of an urn can fill a rectangle; and on the urn is engraven the following inscription:

Sacred

to the memory of

GEN. Z. M. PIKE,

of the U. S. Army,

who fell in defence

of his country

on the 27th April

AD 1813,

at York

Upper Canada.

On the base is inscribed: "This small tribute of respect is erected by his friend, Z. R." The stone is in a good state of preservation, and its position affords considerable security. Mr. Bunting has no particulars of the erection of the tablet, and does not identify "Z. R."

Upon the fall of York, the press of the whole country teemed with jubilant notices of the auspicious event—the first signal success of our arms after a period of defeat, doubt, and almost despair. The death of Pike was on every tongue, in terms of affection for the man and honor to his name, coupled with expressions of horror and detestation of the manner in which he and so many of his companions had met their fate. The feeling in the latter regard was spontaneous and natural under the circumstances—it appears differently in the cold gray light of history. Among uncounted tributes to Pike's memory, a few may be selected for reproduction in the present biography.

The editor of Niles' Register was in the habit of dedicating a completed volume. The fourth volume, from Mar. to Sept., 1813, is inscribed: "In Testimony of Respect to the Memory of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Brigadier-General: who fell gloriously before York, in Upper Canada. And James Lawrence, Captain in the Navy: Killed on board the Chesapeake frigate, fighting the Shannon. This volume of the Weekly Register, is dedicated. The former happily expired on the conquered flag of the foe, the latter died exclaiming, 'Don't give up the ship.'"

The same volume prints the following tribute in No. 14, for the week ending June 5th, 1813, pp. 228, 229:

It has been the lot of few men, unassisted by many adventitious circumstances to acquire and possess that high confidence and respect of all classes of his fellow-citizens, the late General Pike so happily enjoyed. Without the splendor of achievement that surrounds the fortunate hero, and commands the applause of the populace, the lamented man forced his way into the public affection by the power of his virtues and strength of his talents alone. Careless of popularity, a great and good name was "buckled on him" by a discriminating people. He was an ægis of the army; and the soldiery looked upon him with admiration and reverence; love, mixed with the fear of offending his nice ideas of right, governing them all. He was a severe disciplinarian; but had the felicity to make his soldiers assured that his strictness had for its object their glory—their ease—their preservation and safety. With a mind conscious of its own rectitude, he was not easily diverted from his purpose; and difficulty only invigorated exertion. To all the sweetness of a familiar friend, he added a strength of remark and pungency of observation, that delighted all around him. Though the camp was his delight, he was fitted for any company; and could make himself agreeable on every proper occasion. His courage was invincible, for it was the result of his reason; and his death is a proof of it. The pride of his countrymen in arms, the pattern for a military life, he fell, at the moment of victory, on the first opportunity that had been afforded to reduce to practice the perfection of his theory—"but he fell like a man." His transcendent qualities were opening to the view; but they were nipped in the bud by the base stratagem of a beaten foe.[M-35] His name is unperishable; and will descend to posterity with the Warrens, Montgomerys and Woosters, of the other war. Though dead, he shall yet speak to the army of the United States. His scheme of tactics and practice of discipline shall be the criterion of the soldier's worth. He has left behind him many accomplished scholars, who, "while memory holds her seat," shall teach his rules to others, and sacredly preserve them as landmarks whereby to govern themselves. The labors of the illustrious dead are not lost. His body has descended to the tomb, and the gallant spirit taken its flight to Him that gave it—but his virtues shall live, and be with us, many generations.

Mr. Niles' eulogy concludes with a dramatic incident which commends itself for insertion here, in further illustration of the strong hold General Pike acquired upon public sentiment:

It may not be amiss, perhaps, to notice a humble mark of respect offered by the managers of the Baltimore theatre, a few evenings ago, to the memory of the general. The house was crowded in consequence of several spectacles designed in honor of the day (the review of the Baltimore brigade). Between the second and third acts of the play the curtain slowly, but unexpectedly, rose to solemn music, and exhibited a lofty obelisk on which was inscribed "Z. M. Pike, Brigadier General—Fell gloriously before York—March [April] 27, 1813." On the left hand of the monument was that elegant actress, Mrs. Green, in character as Columbia, armed, kneeling on one knee, and pensively pointing with her spear to the name of the hero. Her dress was uncommonly splendid and very appropriate to the idea [she] designed to sustain. On the other side was a lady, an elegant figure, dressed in the deepest mourning, gracefully leaning against the pedestal, immovably fixed, "in all the solemn majesty of woe." The curtain being fairly raised, a death-like silence for a considerable time reigned in the house, the music excepted; which did not interrupt the pleasing melancholy by any ill-timed boisterousness: but soon the feelings of the people burst forth in one unanimous expression of applause, such has been rarely witnessed, certainly never surpassed in any country, on a similar occasion.

In the House of Representatives of the national Congress, on Tuesday, July 27th, 1813, the following resolution was submitted by Mr. Nelson:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to examine and report on the propriety of conferring public honors on the memory of James Lawrence, late of the U. States frigate Chesapeake, and of Zebulon M. Pike, late a brigadier-general in the armies of the U. States, whose distinguished deaths in the service of their country add lustre to the character of the American nation; the propriety of adopting, as the peculiar children of the Republic, the sons of those distinguished heroes; and the propriety of making provision for the support and comfort of the families of these deceased officers.

Among the many measures which were adopted to honor General Pike's name and fame, there is perhaps none more marked than the action of the officers of the regiment of which he was the colonel. We have a glimpse of the hearts that still beat for him in the proceedings recorded in the Register of May 14th, 1814, VI. p. 176:

Burlington, April 29, 1814.

At a meeting of the Board of Honor of the 15th, or Pike's regiment held on the 24th inst., it was resolved, that the following articles of the constitution governing said Board be carried into effect.—"Article 2d. Each succeeding 27th April, the day on which the immortal Pike fell; the standard will be dressed in mourning; each officer to wear crape, and all unnecessary duties dispensed with during the day, as a token of respect for our departed friend and commander," and that captain Vandalsem, captain Barton, and lieutenant Goodwin be a committee of arrangement for the day.[M-36]

Agreeably to the above resolution, the regiment formed at eleven o'clock a. m. on the grand parade, and proceeded in funeral order through town, to the court house square, and from thence through Pearl street, to the cantonment, where by the request of the commanding officer, lieutenant Goodwin delivered the following pertinent address:

Fellow soldiers—Thus far have we solemnized this day in commemoration of the immortal father of our regiment, our beloved Pike. When our political horizon was darkened by the confusion that pervaded the whole world, he was among the first that advanced to meet our barbarous and unjust enemy. Stimulated by a love of country, and a thirst for glory, he solicited with ardor, the honor of facing the enemy's batteries on all occasions, he panted to invade in the just cause of his country, and lived with the lively hope of perpetuating our freedom and handing it down unpolluted to future generations.

As an officer, the remotest corners of our country are filled with his fame. Let the learned record his deeds, and let us improve the principles he has left imprinted in our minds, and like him live but "for honor and happiness in this life, and fame after death." Nor let us confound him with the list of ordinary heroes. He will compare with [Joseph] Warren and [Richard] Montgomery, for like them he fell at the head of his column, bravely fighting in his country's cause.

With body shattered by an inhuman and unequalled explosion, he smiled in death, while our flag waved triumphant in his sight, and expired without regret, on a pillow purchased with his life.

May the omnipotent hand which directs all things, cause his spirit to hover around our councils in the field, and at all times be with his beloved regiment.

After which the regiment fired three vollies and retired to their quarters.

White Youngs,[M-37] capt 15th inf. President of the Board, pro tem. Danl. E. Burch,[M-38] lt. 15th inf. Secretary of the Board, pro tem.

Within some months, probably, of General Pike's death, a man-of-war was named in his honor. The Register for Aug. 7th, 1813, p. 374, describes it: "The General Pike is a strong, stout, and well built vessel. Length on deck 140 feet, beam 37 feet, burthen about 900 tons—has 14 ports on a side, and carries on the main deck long 24's—has also long 24's on the forecastle and poop, (one each), moving on a circle, and four guns on her top gallant forecastle; in all 34 guns." General A. W. Greely, who interested himself to procure the information, tells me that this frigate, a twin ship with the Madison, was built in 63 days and launched on Lake Ontario, at Sackett's Harbor, where she barely escaped destruction by fire, owing to the mistaken zeal of an officer who applied the torch, supposing the American victory to be a defeat; and that it does not appear that the vessel was ever brought into action.

I have already alluded to the Fort Pike on Lake Ontario. There was another Fort Pike, the name of which still finds place in current gazetteers. This was a military post on Petites Coquilles island, in Orleans parish, Louisiana, 35 miles E. N. E. of New Orleans. While it is not probable that all the counties, towns, etc., called "Pike" were named for our hero, certainly most of them bear his own name, alone or in combination or composition. There is a Pike county in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. There are about 20 Pike townships in different counties of Indiana, Kansas, Missouri, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Pike is the name of several small places in Illinois, New York, North Carolina, and Ohio. Pike City is a village in Sierra Co., Cal. Pike Creek is a township of Shannon Co., Mo., and another township, of Morrison Co., Minn., besides designating the stream itself which flows through the latter: see beyond, pp. 104, 123, 316. Pike Five Corners is a hamlet of Wyoming Co., N. Y. Pikeland is a station on the Pickering Valley R. R., in Chester Co., Pa. Pike Mills is a hamlet in Pike township, Potter Co., Pa. Pike rapids are those in the Mississippi, otherwise Knife rapids: see pp. 100, 104, 122. Pike's bay is the gulf at the southern part of Cass lake: see pp. 157, 158, 324. Pike's fork of the Arkansaw river, is present Grape creek: see pp. 463, 482. Pike's island, in the Mississippi at the mouth of the Minnesota river, is historic: see pp. 76, 197, 239. Pike's mountain is the range of bluffs opposite Prairie du Chien: see p. 37. Pike's Peak is not only the famous mountain so called, but a hamlet in Brown Co., Ind., a hamlet in Wayne Co., Mich., and a mining-camp in Deer Lodge Co., Mont. Pike Station is a village in Wayne Co., O. Piketon is a hamlet in Stoddard Co., Mo., and a village in Pike Co., O. Piketon or Pikeville is the capital of Pike Co., Ky. Pikesville or Pikeville is a village in Baltimore Co., Md.; a hamlet in Pike township, Berks Co., Pa.; the capital of Marion Co., Ala.; a post-office of Pike Co., Ind.; a hamlet in Pikeville township, Wayne Co., N. C.; a village in Darke Co., O.; and the capital of Bledsoe Co., Tenn. Some of these places are no doubt named for other persons of the same surname; some are called for the pike, a fish, as is the case with several Pike rivers, creeks, or ponds not included in the above list; and some may refer to a turnpike road, or have yet another implication.

To those of the foregoing geographical and political names which commemorate our hero is to be added the designation of "Pikes" as an epithet of the "Forty-niners" and later emigrants who navigated the great plains with their "prairie schooners." Thus Mr. Prentis, in the address already cited, says, pp. 193, 194:

To these people thus described, and to all who bore to them a family resemblance, and who in 1849 and in subsequent years crossed the Plains to California, came to be applied, by whom I know not, the general name of "Pikes." Various explanations have been given of the origin of the name. The most reasonable one is, that, there are in Missouri and Illinois two large counties named Pike, and separated from each other by the Mississippi river. In 1849 an immense emigration set in from these counties to California. In consequence, the traveler bound for the States, meeting teams, and asking the usual question, "Where are you from?" was answered frequently with, "Pike county" meaning in some cases one Pike county, in some cases the other. This led to the general impression that everybody on the road was from Pike county, or that the inhabitants of Pike had all taken the road. Hence the general name of "Pikes," as applied to emigrants, especially to those traveling from Missouri, and, generally, those migrating from southern Illinois and southern Indiana. Thus the popular song—the only poetry I ever heard of applied to this class of "movers," commences:

"My name it is Joe Bowers,

I've got a brother Ike;

I'm bound for Californy,

And I'm all the way from Pike."

Pike County, Ill., and Pike County, Mo., are certainly both named for the general, and I have no doubt that Mr. Prentis' explanation of "Pikes" is correct. With the above doggerel compare the slang phrase noted beyond, p. 454, and duly legended as the head-line of p. 457.

Another curious word, to which Pike has given rise indirectly, is "Peaker," as a designation of persons who came to the vicinity of Pike's Peak. Thus, we read in Colonel Meline's book, p. 89: "Most of the people who have settled on these farms [between Colorado Springs and Denver] were disappointed 'Peakers'—either those who had thrown down the shovel to take up the plough, or those who, with exhausted means, found a long mountain journey still before them after they had reached the Peak."

There is a sameness about the many published portraits of Pike which shows that they were probably all taken from one original painting. Lossing's cut looks a little different from the rest, as it faces the other way, but it is the same picture reversed in copying, no doubt with the camera lucida. There is no mistaking the extremely long, large nose, above the full compressed lips, denoting the forceful character which Pike displayed conspicuously throughout his career, whether in leading a handful of men through an unbroken wilderness, or in heading the columns which assaulted an intrenched foe. The same uniform coat, with its epaulets, its high standing, embroidered collar, unbuttoned across the breast and the flap turned down on one side, appears in all these likenesses. Such are inserted in some of the editions of Pike's work; one of the reproductions forms the frontispiece of an early popular history of the war, and is called "a striking likeness" on the title page. They are all doubtless traceable to the painting which has long hung and still hangs in the historical gallery of Independence Hall at Philadelphia, alongside the portraits of Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, and many other noble men who loved and lived for their country. The painting which hangs in one of the rooms of the Minnesota Historical Society at St. Paul is believed to be a copy of this, though it differs in the introduction of a spirit hand, extended from an invisible arm, holding a wreath over the head—an attempt at symbolism in which the unknown artist has not been very successful. This portrait is dim and much cracked. I am informed by Mr. William M. Maguire of Denver, that a prominent citizen of Colorado has recently executed a bronze bust of Pike, to be placed in Manitou. Facsimiles of Pike's signature are seldom seen in print; Lossing gives one with the portrait on p. 586 of his Field Book. I am not aware that any facsimile of a letter in Pike's handwriting has hitherto been published. That one which is given in the present volume was selected from among many I have examined in the archives of the War Department, both for its intrinsic historical interest, and for the unusually well-formed signature it bears—that of one who died, as he had lived, for his country—of one whose fame that country will never permit to perish.