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2. 3.1. Primary perception of a new territory

The frame of perception of East Prussia as a territory with its own history and unique features was determined during the war. «Public opinion» of the Soviet people, mentioned in 1943160, was formed gradually as it evidenced by the rhetoric of official propaganda. The main medium of «public opinion» had to come from soldiers and officers of the Red Army, as they were the first who physically confronted with a new cultural and historical landscape. These people had to be important reporters of the official discourse.

Crossing the border of East Prussia, the Red Army were able visually to perceive negative information, which had accompanied them all the way to Königsberg. There were posters with similar content near the border pillars: «Warriors of the Red Army! You stand in front of the lair of the fascist beast!» Apart from Königsberg, no other German city was perceived as the concentration of aggressive and revanchist spirit. The first published literature explained in simple language the image of East Prussia161.

The newspaper «Pravda», as official media of the Communist Party, almost immediately after the assault on Königsberg voiced an official point of view in the article «The Fall of Königsberg»: «The history of Königsberg is a history of crime of Germany. Entire history of the city was full of plunder, and another life was unknown»162. This ideological axiom was supposed to be some sort of code for the perception of history and culture of the province.

The war was the auspicious background for the perception of such propaganda. Therefore, it was relative easy task to establish the corresponding mood among participants of hostilities, who have seen the enemy face to face.

A special «semi-closed» status of the Kaliningrad Oblast played role of positive background for official propaganda. On 29 June 1946, almost simultaneously with the decision to establish the Kaliningrad Oblast, a secret decree of the Soviet government was issued. This decree classified the entire territory of the Oblast as «closed border zone». The access to the area was allowed only with permission issued by the militia163.

Conservation of negative perception of the area among newly arrived migrants was a more complicated task. It required the establishing of direct and consistent association between the «enemy» and the space, which was inhabited, built, and developed by migrants. Therefore, stereotypes that arose under military conflict should save their strength and actuality even after the war. First flows of migrants were relatively convenient material and a springboard for the training of such sentiments. It was a relatively easy task, as most of them did not have any insight into the territory to which they migrated.

The Kaliningrad Oblast is an unusual social and historical phenomenon. On the one hand, the previous population completely left the region, on the other hand, new residents who have never been there, arrived to the region. As a result, in a short span of time the population was completely replaced.

Migrants from the Soviet Union found themselves under new conditions of life. People felt themselves «abroad»; they knew only that before here lived «strangers». Settlers frankly said that they «come to Germany», «in Prussia». Such expectations raised a feeling of great interest to the new place. Conducting of meaningful social activities required comprehension of this land, its traditions, centuries-old ways of economic management, and social infrastructure164.

According to Hoppe, shortly after the end of the war the city was in a state of stagnation – «Kaliningrad is not a German city, but has not yet become a Soviet»165. First settlers arrived in this vacuum.

2.3.2. Process of cognition: «Complex of temporality» or «outpost in the West»?

Feeling of «other landscape» and depressive emotions led to the perception of residence in the area as temporary. Many settlers claimed that they did not think to stay here for a long time. As a result, many people obtained complex of ’temporary worker’ («vremenshchik»), which was based on the absence of ties to the new ground.

Psychological emptiness in addition to economic reasons has led to a significant flow of return migration to other more familiar parts of the Soviet Union. On the other hand, among the specialists, who worked in Oblast, was popular ’rotational’ («vahtovij») approach to professional career. Systematic and significant financial investment in social infrastructure substantially solved this problem until the end of 1960.

Settlers remember: «The relatives scolded us – why are you leaving your home? We did not expect to live here for a long time – we wanted back to Russia… We did not know what would go on»166. It was a common emotional mood accompanying many settlers. Party authorities understood the need to reverse migrant’s sentiments in a sense that they live at home, but not on a hostile foreign land. Therefore, the cognition of reality was required, but in the particular framework: regional authorities stayed faithful to ideological orientation of total negation of region’s history. Frameworks of knowledge had specific physical boundaries. On 5 September 1946, a secret order was issued that required «improving border security in order to include the entire territory of the Kaliningrad region in the restricted border zone». In practice, this decision meant that the access to the area was permitted only at presence of the passes issued by the relevant authorities. Consequently, the freedom of movement was restricted. Mobility of residents within the area was allowed with a special stamp in passports only. Local authorities acted in a fair way. The Kaliningrad Regional Committee of the Communist Party on 15 August 1947 addressed the Central Committee with a request to «make Kaliningrad a fortress of the Soviet Union in the West’ and, therefore, to tighten control to prevent the infiltration of ’undesirable elements»167. On the other hand, Kaliningrad was to be the «socialist sample, an example for democratic Europe», as claimed by the agitation programme of Stalin’s time168.

Therefore, in a short period the population of the entire region changed completely. However, not only people but also the commonality of people as the subject of cultural and creative activities, medium of traditions, and customs left the area of their habitat.

Meanwhile, the meaning of a cultural context includes not only the world of «cultivated» individuals and ordered groups of people, but «cultivated» habitat – cultural landscape and natural space, which has been utilized semantically and symbolically by people, where a pragmatic is inseparable from notional169. However, artefacts of the former culture are not just a background, against which occurs the development of «Russian culture», but even one of the conditions for development of «Russia culture’ in the region. Artefacts are intermediaries in cross-cultural interaction, translation and generation of new cultural meanings. Nonetheless, the set of cultural values did not have a receiver in the face of new residents. The landscape of the historical and cultural values has been violated, or even ceased to exist, not having found a new owner.

The history of East Prussia and the experience of the people were denied, no matter whether it was a constructive and practical applicable for development of Soviet economy. The centuries-old local traditions were described as unsuitable for implementation in Soviet reality. Aside from the obvious political and ideological frameworks, which did not allow perceiving the cultural landscape of Eastern Prussia, existed quite natural and social preconditions. The immigrants who arrived in Kaliningrad shortly after the war found the cultural and historical landscape quite confusing. People tried ascribe most of strange and unclear things to alien and unnecessary.

The circumstances of everyday life made it impossible to grasp the essence of reality entirely. It was not enough time to adapt you to local cultural heritage. At the new place of residence, much was destroyed. They could only clear the site of the remnants of the past and commit to build a bright future. However, in practice the new territory harboured many unknowns, so finding of unexpected discoveries became commonplace.

The first victims of adjusting to a ’new life’ were objects of infrastructure. Their characteristic feature was that they complement and enhance the favourable side of the natural landscape. This feature minimizes conflict with the natural landscape. The irrigation and drainage system can serve as a notable example that has an important function to ensure the fertility of soil and to protect communities. These systems were quickly lost because they were not exploited.

Here is how it happened: «The plough pulled out of soil some clay pipes of different diameters. They were collected and buried in the paved ditches along the borders, which had been mistakenly taken for military trenches: Due to ignorance, the progressive melioration network was destroyed170.

It was almost a comic fact, but it actually took place. In post-war Kaliningrad, roofs of many buildings were destroyed and had to be rebuilt. According to Soviet construction norms, slope angle could be in the range of 30—45°. Considering the specific problem, the chief architect of the city, Dmitry Navalikhin, said: «We must not restore Königsberg, but Kaliningrad and we, therefore, should reconsider the slope of the roof»171. In fact, it was not only a technical as well as a political issue. Large tiled roofs slope of 45° for Königsberg houses were required due to the climatic conditions of the Kaliningrad region. This requires the construction of the roof slope and gives the buildings a distinctive look. Small slope, as it turned out, leading to leakage of roofs and rotting of wooden structures172. Finally, a compromise was reached between ideology and pragmatism: The slope of roofs was brought into conformity with building norms, but closer to the pre-war standards.

Pre-war architecture played a role of «witness» and medium of history; therefore, it was a source of difficulties in the process of ’cultural education’ of Kaliningradians. «The Russian—Soviet city cannot be restored according to the original pre-war image,» insisted the chief architect of the city of Kaliningrad173.

New residents constantly «faced» with many manifestations of the past, which were embodied in material values: buildings, monuments, tools, household items. Those people who not only wanted to «face», but also ’perceive’ these manifestations did not have that opportunity. It was not too interested in the meaning and origin of those material values.

The feeling of foreignness led to the suspicious and cautious attitude to these artefacts along with the activities of Soviet propaganda, even to the denial of the so-called «bourgeois remnants». The list of «bourgeois remnants» contained many achievements of urban infrastructure and agricultural practices. Therefore, in the early post-war years the attitude of the population to destroying of remnants of architectural heritage and infrastructure was mostly indifferent. The position of the Kaliningrad region as ’an outpost of the Soviet Union in the far west’ imposed certain restrictions on the cognition, and on ways of obtaining knowledge. The state authorities have seen Kaliningradians, who has knowledge of the region, as «find for spies» («nachodka dlya shpiona»). Figuratively speaking, the state monopolized the «alien» cultural space and guarded it as a top secret. The lack of knowledge led to the emergence and spread of all sorts of rumours and speculation among the inhabitants, even establishing mystical local folklore.

2.3.3. Attempts to control perception

However, the desire to ignore the architectural and cultural heritage was associated not only with the desire to destroy the alien past, but also to deprive the first settlers of the possibility to compare the standards of living. It may be aligned to the contemporary situation: Kaliningradians compare the standard of living and way of life not with the rest of Russia, but with neighbouring Eastern and Central Europe. Such memories were typical of many who arrived in Kaliningrad in the late 1940s: «When approaching the city, I was struck by houses with a slate roof: It was beautiful. I immediately felt that there lived other people. Neat brick or stone village houses, asphalted roads lined with trees»174. It is noteworthy that districts of the city that were prestigious and attractive in Königsberg remained attractive for life now.

In contradiction with above-mentioned perception, the authorities cared about making their «mythology» of region. In the second half of the 1940s was designed a short course on the history of East Prussia, which was used for lectures at enterprises and educational institutions of the region. The history begins with a description of prosperity of ancestors of Slavs. For a description of their way of life used such expressions: «bountiful land», «cultivated fields», and «hard-working people». With the arrival of the Crusaders is a radical change of scenery and expressions took place: «The trouble came from the west – invaders, German knights». They «turned the country into a desert», «looted assets», and «massacred or enslaved the population». Then some information about Königsberg: «The knights choose providently a place for their nest of robbery. Connection to the sea by the channel made it possible to get necessary manpower and weapons and send the loot to German states»175. One can see that there is a dichotomy within the West, and Königsberg is represented as the hotbed of most negative features.

However, negative information about the history of the region has been available for a short time. Shortly after the beginning of the Kaliningrad resettlement, any mentions about East Prussia and people who inhabited it were erased from the printed historical materials. All mentions about Germany were removed from print media and publications. Phrases such as «on land reclaimed from the Germans» or «restore factory» were undesirable, because it is impossible to restore something that does not exist. It seems to be created anew, which means that the first Kaliningradians became «pioneers» of the new region.

Another important aspect of perception has been associated with the war. Immigrants is often seen a region as a trophy. On the one hand, the trophy can be seen as a gift that is easy to obtain and thus easy to lose. On the other, if take in account material and human losses incurred by the Soviet Union during World War II, the trophy has acquired a symbolic value. These two features led to perception of new habitat as an area filled with the symbolism of the official ideology. However, it was the interim habitat. Nobody knew how long would continue this interim phase: neither ordinary people, nor regional party authorities.

Under these circumstances, the construction of the collective memory of new residents becomes an important part of the official Soviet propaganda. The core element of the official discourse – which was the basis of this propaganda – is World War II as an initial point of reference to the history of the region. The long history of this area was deliberately suppressed. Artefacts of the past were destroyed, or simply not recovered.

It should be noted that this ideological politics was only partly successful. New residents – who found themselves surrounded by an alien cultural landscape – were forced to interact with material manifestations (artefacts): it was simply inevitable. Ideologues and representatives of the party apparatus themselves interacted with these material manifestations. Their interaction was understandably even closer than interaction of ordinary Soviet citizens.

Interest to the cultural and historical heritage of the past existed among professional historians and researchers, as well as among a range of local history enthusiasts who have always been. Their interest was permissible, but only within certain limits: for example, the study of ethnic or historical ties between East Prussia and Russia; search of lost Amber Room; but it is obvious that they have acquired knowledge extended far beyond that limits. In archives of party’s authorities were accumulated a lot of rare sources, which were analysed by party officials. Information about sources by word-of-mouth mechanism was passed to ordinary people.

Relation to the heritage of the past was inconsistent. On the one hand, dislike and nihilism that based on fabrications of propaganda; on the other, thrill and interest to something incomprehensible and unknown. It feels like you experience the mystery that you want, but at the same time, you are afraid to know. Therefore, the person has lost him/herself how better to proceed.

2.3.4. «Suitcase mood’

There was unequivocal official position of the Soviet authorities, which was based on the post-war agreements reached in Potsdam in August 1945, that the Kaliningrad region is an integral part of the Soviet Union. However, there were concerns among circles of the regional authorities and population, that their presence on this territory has a temporary nature. «Suitcase mood»176 was in the air, and particularly felt in the urban environment.

It is interesting to remember a phrase of Stalin, who, in conversation with Churchill at the Tehran Conference about the reasons for the transfer of part of East Prussia to the Soviet Union, noted that «historically this is native Slavic land»177. Churchill was not confused by this argument. Nevertheless, the ordinary Soviet citizens who were in the Kaliningrad region after the war could notice the striking difference between unfamiliar territory and the places where they had lived before. Therefore, there was a need to explain somehow the thesis of Stalin, whose statements were usually considered as axiomatic.

Professional scholars of the metropolitan universities and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR have been busy with scientific substantiation of this statement. Firstly, in July 1945, a group of archivists from the Main Archival Office was sent to Königsberg to survey the surviving archival collections. The people of Kaliningrad were regularly informed about the results of the excavation. «Many of these antiquities», wrote the regional newspaper, «convict German scientists in the falsification of history, utterly smash their pseudoscientific assertions that ancient population of East Prussia is not Slavs, but Goths»178. Propaganda literature was met with frankly ludicrous assertion: «In hoary antiquity lived on these lands ancestors of the Soviet people»179.

This statement was repeated in the «Large Soviet Encyclopaedia» in the article concerning Kaliningrad Oblast: «…on the ancient ancestral lands of the Baltic Slavs…»180

Therefore, the present of Kaliningrad was to be firmly embedded in the general Soviet context, not least in order to allay the fears of a possible return of territory to Germany. The urgent need to improve the living conditions was formally encoded in the pathos of altruistic work for the benefit of the Soviet Union181. Daily life in Kaliningrad should be based on the recovery of the region and its function as part of the Soviet Union.

Despite the active ideological rhetoric in the early years of post-war time seemed clear that «Soviet government had not concept of development of the city, because authorities were not sure which role the region will play in the future»182.

Given the lack of interest to Kaliningrad by the central authorities, «the regional authorities with their identity politics have gone further – the enemy was supposed to be a verifier of this policy. Constant assurances of authorities that the region would be Soviet „forever“ were reflected in relation to the pre-war history. Kaliningrad was the westernmost territory of the Soviet Union, the geographical edge of the Cold War, and regional authorities fully tried to use this fact in their propaganda»183.

The territory had an unusual landscape, architecture, and environment in eyes of first immigrants. In order to «make the region closer to the immigrants, authorities have started to use the idea of the relationship of this land to Slavic culture, history; they presented its accession to the USSR as a return to basics»184.

The development of Kaliningrad was the subject of identity politics. Forbidden history could not perform an instrumental role. The importance of Kaliningrad for the Soviet Union had to explain multivariate. However, in core was the idea that «Kaliningrad plays the role of the western Soviet outpost populated by «homo sovieticus kaliningradensis»185.

2.3.5. Turn of the ’60—70s: The initial mastering of the cultural landscape

After the Stalin era, regional authorities sought to build regional identity politics on economic criteria. Kaliningrad ought to be «the epitome of Soviet progressivity»186. However, despite this, the landscape of Oblast and the city changed just a little until the end of 1960. In other areas of the Soviet Union, books and brochures about the achievements of the national economy were published after every five-year period. The Kaliningrad edition, which tells about the first achievements of Oblast, was published in the late 1950s only187.

Twenty years after the war the city looked as if hostilities ended a few months ago. The central part of the city was an available ground for architectural experimentation that began only in the 1970s (with the exception of the limited urban development by «Khrushchevki»). Worry about it showed not only the residents of the area, but also authorities. The reasons for the city standing in ruins for a long time and being not fully built were not only economic. First, the bricks of the destroyed houses were sent to the Baltic republics for the restoration of towns. Besides, there was not enough money for the first full implementation of urban plans, which were developed in the mid-1950s, because the area was funded by the Union’s budget as a residual. Reasons of a political nature remained relevant for a long time. Assurance of Nikita Chrushchev in 1956 – during a visit to the Kaliningrad Oblast on the way to the Great Britain – that the region «will be forever a socialistic» was the culmination of formal encouragement of Kaliningrad by the top leadership of the country188. This statement was reflected in many publications of the time. Only then were published first guidebooks dedicated to the Kaliningrad region; was weakened border control in the Oblast, and it has become more attractive for Soviet tourist. In particular, the guide of Kaliningrad of the end of 1950s said, «Kaliningradians will always remember the words of the first secretary».

The political background has changed gradually. In 1957, was signed the border agreement between Poland and the Soviet Union. However, fundamental changes occurred only at the turn of 1960—70s. They were associated with the results of the policy of «Détente» and «Ostpolitik» of Willy Brandt.

The highlight of the «Ostpolitik» was the conclusion on 12 August 1970 on the agreement between the Soviet Union and the BRD. The states agreed not to use force to resolve disputes and, therefore, recognized the inviolability of existing borders. In addition, the agreement contained a commitment of Germany to recognize Poland’s western border along the Oder and Neisse.

Later, in 1975, the Declaration of Helsinki was adopted, which once again strengthened the territorial results of World War II and the principle of the inviolability of borders in Europe. The essence of the Final Act, signed by all the members at the meeting on 1 August 1975, was the «Declaration of principles which will be considered by the states in their mutual relations». Out of the 10 principles, the principle of the inviolability of borders was promoted. In the chapter «inviolability of borders» stated: «The participating states are considering as inviolable border of each other and the boundaries of all states in Europe and, therefore, they will refrain now and in the future from assaulting on these boundaries»189.

These global political decisions immediately reflected in the image of the city and the character of its development. Kaliningrad was able to breathe easily, and it was an indirect confirmation of the fact that official attempts to make the identity politics as «Herstellung von Selbstverständlichkeit» practically failed over the past 25 years190. Only now, at the turn of 1960—70s began to change the relation of Kaliningradians to the territory they inhabited.

Nation states seek to produce isomorphism between people, cultures, and places, and they do this by means of history: «In Kaliningrad, the expansion of space and the making of a „new“ place proceeded in a different direction of the three elements in which time usually conceived – past, present, and future. Only two were associated in Soviet Kaliningrad with place and the people through the state’s work of representation and categorization. Strong futuristic orientation has been characteristic for state work»191.

The younger second-generation Kaliningradians who were born in Kaliningrad already considered themselves as indigenous inhabitants and treated the region as a place of permanent residence. Accordingly, the cultural and historical landscape did not seem as alien as before, but it was perceived as native. The borders between the German (Prussian) and Soviet (Russian) is gradually beginning to flatten in the perception of Kaliningradians. The population has realized that presence on this land becomes a permanent and inalienable. People began to feel themselves masters of this land. This feeling has led to «thrifty attitude» to the tangibles. This set of those causes and effects has led to the formation among Kaliningradians of the first signs of «regional ethno-cultural identity». Then began the first attempts to find self-identification with the region, and arose considerable interest to the pre-war culture, history, traditions and to people who inhabited this land.

The second-generation Kaliningradians claimed to have been socialized and affected by the Prusso – German elements in the city’s milieu192: It was a first step towards changing the cultural paradigm. Residents began to relate to the heritage as to their own. Newly created and introduced tangible assets have been seen as a continuation of the pre-war artefacts, as a new layer that is based on the past «fund of values». This approach is largely inconsistent, not fit into the ideological paradigm of the Soviet era. However, this approach proved to be much more constructive and promising than the one that took place in the 1940s and 1950s. Perception of the pre-war and post-war culture as a single organism has become a priority for young Kaliningradians who were born in the region. Nevertheless, do not say that this perception comes only to the young generation of Kaliningradians. This consciousness penetrates the minds of many residents: it was the basis and the foundation for a new phase – the phase of preservation and maintenance of historical and cultural heritage. It becomes the base and motor for younger generation, which was born in the region and entered into adulthood in the early 1970s.

An important impulse for the beginning of this phase was the public movement for the preservation of the Royal Castle (Königsberger Schloss) in the mid-1960s. In this regard, the public of Kaliningrad dared to express publicly their point of view. The purpose of this step was to preserve the remnants of the Royal Castle and restore it later. It was the first example of self-organization of social circles, intellectuals, and students around the problem, which they regarded as common.

It makes sense to remember the letter of four hundred students from the Kaliningrad region, which was published in the «Literary newspaper» («Literaturnaja gazeta») in 1965. The letter insisted the preservation of the ruins as a reminder to future generations about the consequences of the war. First time a public opinion was initiated from the ’bottom’ and announced on the pages of national newspaper: «Since five years the public of Kaliningrad stands up for the preservation of the architectural and historical monument – former Royal Castle…»193 In this regard it could be remembered Keiser-Wilhelm-Gedächtnis-Kirche in Berlin, which was conserved as a symbol for edification of future generations.

As if spied the example of Berlin, the new chief-architect of Kaliningrad, Vladimir Khodakovsky expressed his vision on the pages of newspaper: «It would make sense with simple resources to transform the ruins to the monument against the destructive war… a giant silhouette against the background of the ruins of the castle could create expressive architectural and artistic image»194.

Besides defenders of the castle, who were presented by academic community of Kaliningrad, veterans’ organizations and political authorities were in favour of the demolition of ruins. Already in the mid-1960s, it means 20 years after the war, there is a polarization of views on the architectural heritage of the city195. The remains of the castle were eventually torn down, and the chief-architect of Kaliningrad, Vladimir Khodakovsky resigned in protest to this decision, but the authorities for the first time experienced the collective «voice» of intellectuals who openly called for respect of the memory of the past, regardless of whether is it the Soviet past or not196.

The next phase is inheritance and recovery, as well as studying. This fundamentally new phase was based on the comprehension of 1970s, when took place the first preservation of old buildings and timid restoration work. Inhabitants of the region began to try on the role of the successors of culture of the past. This happened already meaningfully and purposefully. The process was followed by the overcoming of alienation and formation the relationship of belonging, then followed by the theoretical inclusion of heritage into universal cultural wealth. The inclusion of heritage into universal cultural wealth was a decisive step on the path to comprehension by residents their place in the history and culture of this area.

According to historian Eckhard Matthes, «communication with the region has acquired existential significance for the individual»197.

The theoretical basis for active perception was needed and quickly came into conflict with the official ideology. The process of rethinking the place and role of Soviet residents in Kaliningrad totally did not fit into ideological frames. Official propaganda does not take into account the changes in the perception and continued to be based on the «classical» approaches of 1940—50s. Authorities have been faced with the question how to ’submit’ the interpretation of Kaliningrad to the younger generation: myths need to be updated198.

The «new consciousness» has penetrated even in the milieu of the official Soviet authorities and party elite («nomenklatura»). At first, this process was latent and invisible, but slowly being translated into real actions. A prime example of this trend is the activities of Viktor Denisov, one of the Soviet leaders, who on his «own risk» and under his own responsibility «lobbied» in the party organizations the restoration of monuments, and the allocation of financial resources to do so. Viktor Denisov was elected to the chair of the city executive committee (mayor) of Kaliningrad in August 1972. During his office, a lot of attention was paid to housing, development of social and transport infrastructure, planning and organization of public services199. Thanks to his efforts, more social infrastructure was constructed in Kaliningrad than during the previous post-war period. Nevertheless, most importantly, firstly in post-war time from the «top» began the restoration and preservation of historical and architectural monuments. His name is associated with preservation or restoration of a number of historical monuments, which are now «visit cards» of the city and attract many tourists200.

Measures of official propaganda for objective reasons have operated more efficiently on elder people, those who fought at war itself or remember its consequences. Younger generation with the passage of time became less susceptible to the official Soviet interpretation of history of the Kaliningrad region.

Nevertheless, the nature of propaganda was changed, despite the invariance of the official ideology. The propaganda becomes less aggressive and had ’inertial’ character. It was understood by ideologues themselves. It is important to note that even before the ’perestroika’ took place a ’liberalization’ of mass consciousness: firstly, among a limited range of people.

In the first half of the 1980s even before the beginning of «perestroika», were taken first attempts of professional historians to look into the pre-war history of the region. As a result, were published first scientific and publicist editions. Certain changes occur in the minds of the youth subculture that existed in parallel to the official one.

The process of formation of the youth «underground» is proceeds in different parts of the country, as a protest against the official ideology and culture. However, this protest in Kaliningrad is closely linked with the history of the region, and it manifests itself in the lexicon. Increasingly it was possible to hear in everyday speech, «Koenig» instead of «Kaliningrad», «Shpandin»201, and «Dvoryanskoe gnezdo»202. Gradually, these local place names become public to use in Kaliningrad among different social groups. In the late 80’s newspaper «Kaliningradskij Komsomolets» even published an informal map of Kaliningrad, which contained these names203.

Today it is not especially controversial to recognize the multicultural past of the Kaliningrad region. Actually, an informal group of intellectuals was formed already in the early 1980s, calling itself the «Prussian Club». They aimed to recall the memory of Prussia by referring to the old names of the streets in the city, adopt Prussian names and perform sketches dressed in Prussian clothes204. It has become fashionable to be interested in the history of the region. This fashion has reached its peak after the «perestroika».

Time passed, and Kaliningradians felt themselves as an integral part of the territory where they live. This is what is written by those who came to Kaliningrad in the distant 1940—50s, who by their own eyes saw the area changed.

Nadezhda Makushina: «I consider this land as my homeland. I have never been to those places where I came from. I love Kaliningrad, because I have built this city».

Anna Boyko: «At first, the attitude to this territory was like to a foreign land. However, people get used to anything. We built similar houses unlike dissimilar German buildings. We have brought our culture here and destroyed the culture of the true masters. We have lived our Soviet life. It is difficult to talk about mistakes now – times were different. In any case, what is the use of talking about mistakes now? We must try to save what is still the best we have. Especially because I live in the Kaliningrad region almost during all my life, I cannot treat this area other than my homeland»205.

Territories passed from hands to hands at all times with or without inhabitants. In the latter case, the world of knowledge that has been accumulated by centuries almost vanished. In this sense, settlers started with a blank space. New land was for them in all respects as a «terra incognita». However, to live on the land without knowledge about it is impossible. However, mastering of the land was not only meant as a mechanical recovery of material structures, but also as the cognition as an everyday practice. New residents of the Kaliningrad region created their own «world of presence» instead of alien; was create a new and comprehensive knowledge of the world.

Settler was the «learning person» (homo scientis), who has extracted knowledge and shared it. The history of the development of a new cultural space is a history of its cognition. Kaliningrad was established not only politically and technologically, but was opened mentally. This is the basis for the emotional vision206.

Texts, images, rituals, and monuments generate shared memory and general knowledge, as «anything can be a sign to encode the community». Everyday experiences, traditions, and memories of communities can be described as the «core of collective identity207». They form a «formative Text», which give answers to the question: «Who are we?»