Читать книгу "The System," As Uncovered by the San Francisco Graft Prosecution - Franklin Hichborn - Страница 9

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Three days after the announcement of his plans, District Attorney Langdon appointed Heney to a regular deputyship. But even before Langdon had taken office, as early as December, 1905, Fremont Older, editor of the San Francisco Bulletin, had suggested to Heney that he undertake the prosecution of those responsible for conditions in San Francisco.

The Bulletin had been the most fearless and consistent of the opponents of the Schmitz-Ruef regime.[75] After Ruef’s complete triumph at the November election in 1905, he boasted that he would break the Bulletin with libel suits. With every department of government in his control, Ruef appeared to be in a position where, even though he might not be able to make good his threat, he could cause the Bulletin much annoyance if not great financial loss.

Older went on to Washington to engage Heney to defend the paper, should Ruef attempt to make his boast good. Heney gave Ruef’s threats little credence. “I would be very glad to defend you,” he told Older, “but I am afraid I’ll never get a chance to earn that fee.”[76]

Incidentally Older stated that he believed a fund could be raised to prosecute the corrupters of the San Francisco municipal government, and asked Heney if he would undertake the prosecution, if such a fund could be secured.

Heney replied that he would be glad to undertake it, but stated that at least $100,000 would be required. And even with this amount, Heney pointed out to Older, all efforts would be futile, unless the District Attorney were genuinely in sympathy with the movement to better conditions.

On Heney’s return to California early in 1906, Older brought him and Rudolph Spreckels[77] and James D. Phelan together. Heney and Spreckels met for the first time. Phelan vouched for Langdon’s[78] integrity and honesty of purpose. Indeed, Langdon was already giving evidence of his independence of the Ruef organization. Up to that time no attempt had been made to raise the funds necessary to conduct a practical investigation. Phelan stated that he would subscribe $10,000 and Spreckels agreed to give a like amount. Spreckels undertook to look the field over and expressed confidence that he could get twenty men who would subscribe $5000 each, making the $100,000 which Heney had declared to be necessary for the undertaking. The question of Heney’s fee was then raised.[79]

“If there be anything left out of the $100,000 we will talk about fee,” Heney replied. “But I don’t think there will be anything left and I will put up my time against your money.”

It was practically settled at this meeting that Heney should devote himself to the prosecution of corruptionists against whom evidence might be secured. He returned to Washington early in March to wind up his affairs there. Before he could return to San Francisco, came the earthquake and fire.

Heney got back to San Francisco April 25, one week after the disaster. He had another conference with Spreckels.[80] Spreckels told him that he wanted the investigation begun at the earliest possible moment, and that he (Spreckels) would himself guarantee the expenses which might be incurred.[81] Heney notified Burns, and as early as June[82] Burns had begun the investigation that was to result in the downfall of Ruef, and the scattering of his forces.

By the middle of the following October, Heney had so arranged his affairs as to be free to devote himself to the San Francisco investigation. His appointment as Deputy District Attorney followed.

In view of one of the principal defenses advanced by Ruef and his allies, namely, that the graft prosecution was undertaken to injure the United Railroads, these dates are important. The services for which the bribe money which got the United Railroads into difficulties was paid, were not rendered until May 21, 1906, long after final arrangements had been made for Burns to conduct the investigation and Heney to assist in the prosecution. The actual passing of the United Railroads bribe money was not completed until late in August[83] of that year. Burns was at work, and had received pay for his services before the bribe-giving for which United Railroad officials were prosecuted had taken place.[84]

Langdon’s announcement that he would appoint Heney as a Deputy District Attorney, to assist in investigating into charges of official corruption, brought upon him the condemnation of the municipal administration and of the leaders of the Union-Labor party. P. H. McCarthy and O. A. Tveitmoe, who, from opposing the Union-Labor party movement in 1901-3 had, by the time the Graft Prosecution opened, become prominent in its councils, were particularly bitter in their denunciations. At a Ruef-planned mass meeting held at the largest auditorium in the city October 31, 1906, for the purpose of organizing a league for the protection of the administration, Langdon was dubbed “traitor to his party,” a man “who has gone back on his friends,” “the Benedict Arnold of San Francisco.”

Heney was denounced as “the man from Arizona.” On the other hand Mayor Schmitz was called “the peerless champion of the people’s rights,” and Ruef, “the Mayor’s loyal, able and intrepid friend.”

Thomas Egan, one of the organizers of the Union-Labor party, stated of the graft prosecution: “This movement, led by Rudolph Spreckels and engineered by James D. Phelan, conceived in iniquity and born in shame, is for the purpose of destroying the labor organizations and again to gain control of the government of our fair city.”

Ruef, in an earnest address, insisted upon his innocence of wrongdoing. “As sure as there is a God in heaven,” he announced solemnly, “they have no proof as they claim.”[85]

Acting Mayor Gallagher issued a statement in which he took the same ground as had Egan at the Dreamland Rink mass meeting, that the prosecution was a movement on the part of the Citizens’ Alliance to disrupt the labor unions.[86]

From another angle, officials of public service corporations charged those identified with the investigation with being in league with the labor unions. In one of his statements to the public, Patrick Calhoun, president of the United Railroads, set forth that, “I confidently expect to defeat alike the machinations of Rudolph Spreckels, his private prosecutor, with his corps of hired detectives, and Mr. Cornelius, president of the Carmen’s Union, the leader of anarchy and lawlessness, and to see fairly established in this community the principles of American liberty, and the triumphs of truth and justice.”[87]

Then, too, there were points at which the two supposed extremes, corporation magnates and Labor-Union politicians, touched in their opposition to the prosecution. At a meeting held on November 2, 1906, less than two weeks after Heney’s appointment, John E. Bennett, representing the Bay Cities Water Company, read a paper in which Heney and Langdon were denounced as the agents of the Spring Valley Water Company. The Chronicle, in its issue of November 3, charged that the paper read by Mr. Bennett was type proof of a pamphlet that was to be widely distributed, and that the proof sheets had been taken to the meeting by George B. Keane, secretary of the Board of Supervisors.[88]

On the other hand, practically the entire press of the city,[89] the general public and many of the labor unions gave the prosecution unqualified endorsement, welcoming it as opportunity, in an orderly way, either to establish beyond question, or to disprove, the charges against the administration of incompetency and corruption.[90] Rudolph Spreckels’s statement, that “this is no question of capital and labor, but of dishonesty and justice,”[91] was generally accepted as true expression of the situation.

Those directly connected with allegations or suggestion of irregular practices, issued statements disclaiming any knowledge of irregularity or corruption. General Tirey L. Ford, chief counsel of the United Railroads, in a published interview,[92] stated that no political boss nor any person connected with the municipal administration had benefited financially to the extent of one dollar in the trolley permit transaction, and that had any one profited thereby, he (Ford) in his official capacity would have known of it. Those connected with the administration were as vigorous in their denials.[93] Many of them expressed satisfaction at the prospect of an investigation. Supervisor Kelly went so far as to suggest that the municipality give $5000 to assist in the inquiry. “Let us,” said Supervisor Lonergan, “get to the bottom of this thing. These cracks about graft have been made right along, and we should have them proved or disproved at once.”

But in spite of this brave front, the developments of the years of resistance of the graft prosecution show the few days following Heney’s appointment as Assistant District Attorney to have been a period of intense anxiety to Ruef and his immediate advisers. Ruef held daily consultations with Acting Mayor Gallagher, Clerk Keane, and his attorney, Henry Ach. The public knew little of these consultations, but a rumor became current that Mayor Gallagher would suspend District Attorney Langdon from office. Little credence was given this, however. Nevertheless, on the night of October 25 Acting Mayor Gallagher suspended Langdon from office, and appointed Abraham Ruef to be District Attorney to conduct the graft investigations.[94]

The following morning the San Francisco Call, under a large picture of Ruef, printed the words: “THIS MAN’S HAND GRIPS THE THROAT OF SAN FRANCISCO.”