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MS: AUL, MS 3107/6/14.
The Religion of the State
… if I cannot see reason to rely upon it, but reject it, what ever the consequences may be. To beleive is either no act of a reasonable mind at all, or it is an act of the judgment & understanding faculty. And therfore to beleive without seeing reason to bel<e>ive is to see without seeing, or understand without understanding. So that when I beleive a doctrine to be true, I see reason to rely upon the certainty of what it contains: & when I beleive it to be false, I must perceive good reason to reject & despise it. And in order to a reasonable reception or contempt of any proposition offered to my consideration all that is in my power to do is to rub up my intellect carefully & set it a canvassing the matter with all the strictness & attention I am capable of. And whatever be the effect of that it is as necessary and inevitable, as it is for mee to see green or yellow when such colours are realy presented to my sight. In one word faith must be either reasonable or unreasonable & when it is built upon no reasons it is most certainly sensless and unreasonable & there is no way to make it reasonable but by giving reason full power over it to let it out & keep it in warm it & cool it at his pleasure. Any other guide but reason & understanding must be something different from reason & understanding & consequently something that neither reasons nor understands & that of course can produce nothing that is either wise or reasonable.
This, my Freind, is the summ of the whole affair that concerns the nature of faith & the plain consequence of it is that in order to beleive with reason & judgment I must be convinced & that there is no possible way to promote any reasonable faith but by giving free reins to fair reasoning and argument <4>
So that for the magistrate to pretend to propagate any reasonable faith by cajolling its pretended admirers & affronting & persecuting those who
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neglect & despise it: Or to think that they can realy do any benefit to the reasons & judgements of men by these methods is just as wise as if they should take it in their heads to teach men merchandize & the affairs of trade by whipping & scourging them instead of excercising them to accompts & real trafeck: Or to make men see in the dark & while their eyes are shoot give right judgments of the objects around them. Men must be reasoned into opinions & whatever is not the effect of reason & judgment is not rational faith or intellectual persuasion.
And when we take a weiw of the faith or religion of the commons in any country, what is in it that deserves the name of rational? Is there any understanding or judgment connected with <it>? Are they the wiser or the more knowing for it? Or can their understandings indeed be said to be better furnished by all the Cathe<c>heticks which they have learned by rott? They are indeed early taught to hear & repeat certain awfull mysterious sounds with the profoundest reverence, and to look on others as the language of Devils & most incensing to heaven. But do they understand what they say or have they ever examined the meaning & intent of the sounds which they blindly worship? Men whose intrest lies at the stake may talk as bigly as they please of the diffusive light & knowledge which in these most illuminated times prevails even among the lowest herd of mankind by the happy dispensation <5> in which they are cheif. But there is no man that ever conversed with the Catechumans or innitiated pupills of any sect or exaimined any of the various systems of modern Theology so widely different among them selves but will clearly see that it is impossible for any of the commoner sort of mankind, who have not been tutored in metaphysical universities to understand one single article of all that from their earlyest times they have been inured to revere as most holy & divine. For my own part I have made the experiment in many instances & still it held. And it can not indeed be otherwise unless there may be knowledge & distinct perception without clear ideas; or clear ideas without the necessary means of attaining them.
The circumstances of mankind do not make slavery and misery necessary to any sort of men but the circumstances of mankind make it necessary that there be different degrees & conditions of men. And as it would be
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impossible to make distinct clearheaded scholars of several of these degrees of men especialy the lowest & labouring sort: so neither does their happiness require, but rather forbid it. And therefore I have ever thought schemes of doctrine to propagate principles of deep & abstruse divinity through all sorts of people, to say no worse of them, owing to a very unaccountable ignorance of the humane nature & the circumstances of mankind. It is true indeed the motives upon which these constitutions are framed pretend to look beyond this life & to take their rise from higher & nobler ends than any of the temporal intrests <6> of humane society. And indeed the souls of men & their eternal salvation are by far of greater moment than all the litle concerns of this brittle state: and to mind this life only would be a policy too narrow & confined considering the immortal nature of our better part. But can it be to fit us for heaven & eternal felicity, that such pains are taken to learn us our metaphysical cathechism by heart? Is it to prepare us for the society of angels & spirits of the most refined natures that we are sermonised so often with such venerable awfull overbearing mysteriousness about things tho we could understand them would neither make us wiser nor better; And that we must learn to repeat like parrots so many hard bewildring distinctions & divisions of persons properties subsistences essentialities coessentialities & the Lord knows what? If it is so we are most exceedingly beholden for this extroardinary & dissenterested charity for our souls. But we wou’d be much more so if our reverend tutors could let us see, if it be not among the things inuterable & that cannot yet be understood, how such a discipline can make us more ready for heaven & a state of happyness & perfection: Whither at our first entrance upon that hereafter life we are to be catechised by rott & to get our eternal assig<n>ments according to the strength of our memories & the darkness of our understandings; or if we are to have our chance as we have lucked upon the scheme of favourite or odious terms. Or what indeed is the rule by which we are to be tried & what connection there is between this parrot tutorage & the favour of a wise being; or happiness in a thinking or rational state. If they would but condescend thus far to <7> instruct us in the reasonableness of their soul:policy; we might all perhaps rest satisfied with their authority and become most humble & submissive pupills. But
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as for those whose misfortune it has been once to have begun to think a litle for themselves they must till these knotty questions are solved remain in a very indifferent opinion either of their design or of the heaven & Diety they have in wiew. For how any sort of constitution that never makes men the more wiser or the more knowing should be of use to recomend us to the favour & approbation of the best & wisest beings hereafter: Or why in any good and reasonable goverment persons shou’d be preferred honoured or rewarded according to any other rule than their temper disposition or ability to serve & to do good are things those will never be able to digest who have ever exercised their reasons so far as to have formed just notions of goodness & wisdom just & unjust.
Thus, my Freind, it is pretty evident that the attempting to instruct the lower herd of mankind which ever will be the greater part in dark & intricate systems of atributes, predestinations, imputations, & satisfactions is of no use either with regard to this present or any future life. And for this reason the bussiness of goverment is not to provide for that sort of catechetick and instruction: but to encourage learning & true philosophy by all proper methods & constitutions that so there may be the best means of adwancing all the fine arts & sciences, & of educating such a convenient number in all the useful parts of knowledge as may be fit to serve the publick in these spheres <8> of life which require such a preparatory institution.
It is indeed necessary to the publick happiness to have a sort of publick instructers: but then their business must be not to explain upon any particular system of speculations; but to instruct in the principles & offices of honesty & vertue. That lectures of this moral sort may be adjusted to all capacities is plain from experience which afoords many instances of a much better understanding in morals among the illiterate part of mankind than those who of late years have been tutored in universities & instructed in school philosophy as it is called. And that these lectures would be of publick use is very evident; good morals being the only necessary basis of society & the publick happiness. but as for schemes of divinity or philosophy different creeds and persuasions the nature of society does not require that the publick instructers should have any further medling with them than to recomend peace & love to all sectories, as the cheif & only thing necessary; as that which is agreeable above all things to the supreme being & that alone
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can entitle to his favour either here or hereafter. And if this was the publick religion to enculcate universal love and charity it would be the Protectrix of Philosophy liberty politeness & honest morals. Nor would any freedom that cou’d in the least promote the happiness of society or the entrests of vertue and reason be in the least restrained by it. <9>
’Tis true the beleif of a God cou’d not according to this scheme be publickly impugned & so far some may think the Philosophical licence wou’d be cramped. But what harm this confinement wou’d do I cannot see as much a lover of the reasoning liberty as I am. For if there were no other publick fetters upon philosophy than this there wou’d be sufficient place for free disquisitions of that sort in private closets. And in the mean time the belief of a principle the most reasonable as well as confortable in it self wou’d be applyed not as a meer political tool to base and mean ends; but to purposes truly worthy of it the encouragment of vertue & philosophick liberty & the repressing of a malign unsocial persecuting spirit. And thus the best of principles would be made the Patroness of the best of constitutions; & produce the most happy & beneficial fruits. But while other religious tests are framed, particular creeds pick’d out, and all nonconforming schemes marked with odium, & given over by publick authority to holy violence & fury it is impossible that ever <10> true piety or real religion can be promoted. But on the contrary a false superstitious zeal must do more mischeif to mankind than can possibly arise from any other cause.
It is needless to insist upon the horrible ravage & havock that false religion has in all ages produced. For it is plain from the nature of things<.> suppose we had no histories to look into that while the belief of Deity is not applyed to the encouragment of mercy justice gratitude love & all that is good & social; but on the contrary to inflame men’s mind<s> with a false mischevous fancy of a divine regard for whims & sounds about which men while they are men will ever differ<.> it were much better for society that there were no knowledge of Diety at all in it; but men were left to the simple workings of these natural affections with which wise providence has very aptly fur<n>ished us. Sure I am if we can have any just notions of goodness or true majesty the Diety would much rather that they never thought of him than that they should by false & corrupt conce<i>ts concerning <11> his glory or honour be made to imagine that they can please & gratify him
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in contending with violence & rage over the bowels of all that is benign or social in his nature for any speculations whatsoever. What can it be to a good & wise diety if a man cultivates the social & generous affections which make him a natural & useful member of his kind; whither he prefers the blue or the green colour; or whither he likes a flute or an organ best. And what, Prythee My Freind, are the notions miscalled religious about which sectaries have hated & persecuted one another in all ages; but meer speculations that have as litle connection with vertue & sociality. Wou’d any man that merits the caracter of wise and good put the happiness of humane society in competition with empty insignificant trifles or even with his own favourite taste and fancy?
Heus age responde, minimum est, quod scire laboro:
De Jove quid sentis? Estne ut praeponere cures
Hunc cuiquam? Cuinam? Vis Staio? An scilicet haeres?
Quis potior Judex, pueris quis aptior orbis?
Per: sat 2d1 <12>
A just conception of the Deity is certainly the most strong incitement to great & good actions: & <a> never failing source of rational comfort to an honest generous mind conscious of its own worth and integrity. And therefore it is a great pity that due care shou’d not be taken to make this motive as universal as possible in its influence. It is plain from the history of mankind that they will alwise be influenced by some religious beleif. And it is as true that this cheifly depends upon the publick leading. And for this reason the principle art in the modelling of society is to make this beleif of the best & most beneficial sort. And how ever difficult it may be to root out any religion when it is become old and has been long established & revered: And indeed I beleive nothing is more so: Yet I cannot see why in the original forming of things a good beleif might not be as easily planted & made as universal in its influence by the publick authority as a bad one. And my enquiry with you, My Freind, is about the religion of the state.
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Or what shou’d be the religious part of the constitution in a <13> weel constructed policy. A great deal of mecanical zeal there must be in every society and that just of the complexion of the publick faith whatever it be. And if the publick faith were good this mecanical zeal wou’d do as much good as now for the most part it does harm. If the beleif of the state were “That there is a God of infinite goodness who loves mankind vertue sociality and free:examination & whose favour is only to be gained by loving mankind justice and liberty” and this was duly inculcated upon us by dignities that wou’d indeed be venerable if this was their office & that with all the solemnities which now gain reverence & promote zeal for things of a very different nature. Then wou’d the publick beleif concenter with the very design of society; & all the zeal or warmth it coud produce wou’d be zeal & warmth for society & its happiness. Then wou’d the publick religion be the guardian of all the common entrests of mankind and our publick instructers faithful defenders of mankind’s best & most valuable priviledges. And this, My Freind, is the established religion I am pleading for. The only <14> useful publick leading either to religion or mankind.
But to discuss this question about the state religion a litle more formally allow me to enquire whither it be practicable to alter a constetution so far as to introduce this happy nay only happy publick religion. And then for a further illustration of our argument to glan<c>e a litle more particularly at the bad effects that flow from other establis<h>ed creeds.
“Machiavel that admirable Politician observes that even when one wou’d change the constitution of a state to bring the alteration into a likeing & the better with every ones satisfaction to maintain it he must keep the form or shaddow of the ancient customs. For thus the people who are not able to look further than the outward appearances of things seing the same officers, the same courts of justice, and other external formalities, are insensible of any innovation, and beleive themselves in possession of their old goverment tho indeed it be quite changed. The Romans knowing this necessity when first they lived free, having in place of one King created two consuls wou’d not suffer them to have more then twelve Lectors, because this was the number that attended the King. And when <15> the yearly sacrifice was made in Rome which cou’d not be done without the presence of the King that the people by the absence of a King might not find any
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deficiency in the old ceremonies; they created a head of that sacrifice whom they called the King Preist, who yet was in <a> lower degree than the high Preist. And thus the people was satisfied with that sacrifice and had no occasion by any default to miss their Kings; or wish them restored. And this rule says he they ought all to observe that wou’d cancell the old manner of living in a city and reduce it to a new & free course. All novalties some what move mens minds & therefore all reformers shou’d Endeavour to work their designed alterations as much as may be into the old mould & shape. Thus if the magistrates both in number durance & authority differ from the ancient at least they shou’d retain the same name.”2
And certainly this policy is good whither the changes be designed in the civil or the sacred constitutions of a state. And when I have reflected upon this political observation; I have frequently been tempted to think that it wou’d not be altogether impossible to make considerable changes in a publick religion, as difficult as innovations of this sort are commonly accounted, if the thing was but managed with suitable wisdom & policy. Thus let us have reverent garbs, holy places, orders, times, and all the other external forms of a Mother Church; & I cou’d almost beleive, her doctrines instead of metaphysical unintelligible cant, or pernicious inflammatory po<i>son <16> might be most agreeably metamorphosed into good plain wholesome food & the greater bulk of her zealous votaries not perceive the change. And sure I am if the disguise of the vehicle took, & it got leave to ly in the Stomach till it was weel concocted & had but once mixed with the blood, it wou’d quickly make such a sweet alteration on the temper & constitution as wou’d sufficiently recomend it afterwards; & discard for ever all the former sour corrupting stuff which they wou’d then find to have been of the most noxious & disturbing quality; and to have produced the most distructive plagues and convulsions with which their body politick has ever been tormented.
But oh! My Freind, in order to carry on this happy change how many things are necessary what a spirit of liberty & true philosophy what love
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of God & mankind what disenterestedness & publick affection must first possess & actuate the souls of those who move in the higher orbits of life! The secondary sort of mortals are but attendants to the first & higher orders and are intirely guided & influenced by their movements. Or at least they might easily be deceived by proper policy as children are by flattery & sweet meats to go to school or do any other thing their Parents and tutors think good for them. But who shall give generosity and honest boldness to those who must begin & carry on this blessed change. All I fear is reavery, My Freind. <17>
Postscript
The worthy & ingenious Mr Harrington in the second chapter of his third book of the art of law giving where he proposes prac<ti>cably the religious part of his model of goverment reasons thus for the necessity of a national religion.
“There is nothing (says he) more certain or demonstra<ble> to common sense than that the far greater part of mankind in matters of religion give themselves up to the publick leading. Now a national religion rightly established or not coercive is not any publick driveing b<ut> only the publick leading. If the publick in this case not lead such as desire to be led by a party whe<re> would be the liberty of conscience as to the state? W<hich> certainly in a well ordered common weal<t>h being the p<ublic> reason must be the publick conscience. Nay where <would> be the liberty of conscience in respect of any party wh<ich> should so proceed as to shew that without taking their libe<rty> of conscience from others they cannot have it themse<lves?> If the publick refusing liberty of conscience to a party wou’d be the cause of tumult how much more a par<ty> refusing it to the publick? And how in case of such a tumult shou’d a party defend their liberty of conscience or indeed their throats from the whole or far greater par<ty> without keeping down or tyrranizing over the whole or greater party by force of arms? These things being now understood it is no wonder that men living like men have not been found without a government or that any government has not been found without a national religion. That
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is some orderly or known way or publick leading <18> in divine things & the worship of God.<”>3 And having thus proved a national religion to be necessary he proposes. “That the national religion be excercised according to a directory in that case to be made & published by act of parliament. That the national minestry be permitted to have no other publick preferment or office in the common wealth. And that no religion being contrary to or destructive of Christianity be protected by or tolerated in the state but that all other religions be tolerated & protected by the council of religion. And that all professors of any such religion be equaly capable of all elections magistracys preferments & offices in the common wealth according to the orders of the same.”4
Mr Harrington very justly observes that in every state the greater part will always follow the publick leading in religion. And for this very reason nothing concerns the happiness of a government more than a right publick leading in religion. A publick leading there must be but then it ought to be of such a nature as is werth the following and by being followed wou’d be realy useful to the publick. And the question in politicks is to find out the publick leading in religion that would be the most advantageous and beneficial to the publick. Whatever establishments the majority are for the lesser party must needs submit
But the question about the religion of the state is, what should be the publick concience or reason. Or what publick leading in religion is wisest & fitest. Whither upon ballance of all consequences conveniencies & unconveniencies considering the nature of religion liberty truth error <tra?>de science & every thing that ought to be the care of <the> publick governours it be not the best part the state <19> can act to make liberty of examination & honest morals the only publick leading. If the goverment should endeavour after a publick following in any particular articles of faith or if it be not rather their business to promote charity and universal benevolence and for this effect to ma<i>ntain a national ministry whose work it shall be to enstruct in wholesome morals leaving it to such as have opportunity & capacity to examine into matters of faith & speculation & to
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think for themselves & borrow all the helps from others they can in their enquiries. Genuine <and> uncorrupted Christianity is indeed the best of all religions & good Christians will ever be the best & worthiest members of society. But neither the nature of the Christian institution nor the design of society allows <that> it be reduced to a parliamentary standart & made an engine or tool of state. In short the only usefull publick leading in religion <is the> care of liberty & of free examination and any other medling e<ver is> & ever must be pernicious to every thing that is valuable <to> mankind or that should be protected by society as the common rig<ht> & priveledge of reasonable creatures. The way to determine the question is to bring matters by fair count & reckoning to a just ballance of loss & gain & whoever wou’d shew that this or the other scheme of beleif should have a publick leading in any state must go to political arithmetick with it and take all things into the account which it is the design of any weel model’d society to cherish & promote. What I have attempted in this short essay is to shew that it is the entrest of society to make the publick leading the Protectrix of liberty & all honest good subjects whatever their schemes of Philosophy or faith may be and tho perhaps I have not been full enough in stating all the particulars which shou’d be brought into this account yet I have said enough to shew you, my Freind, what are my real sentiments of that affair and how I think the question ought to be managed.
