Читать книгу The Holy Spirit and the Reformation Legacy - Группа авторов - Страница 7

Mark A. Jumper and Mark J. Cartledge

The Protestant Reformation represented a revolution in the religious affairs of the West that reverberates to the present. The East–West Schism in Christendom (1054) between Roman Catholic and Orthodox had reflected formal actions of the bodies, Rome and Constantinople, that had long been recognized as definitive leaders of the Church. The Protestant Reformation (1517), in contrast, sprang from the soil, as it were: if not ex nihilo (progenitors included such as Huss and Wycliff, among other persons and movements), certainly not ex cathedra. The formation of two leading movements, Lutheran and Reformed, as well as Anglicans, Anabaptists, and others proceeded unplanned and piecemeal with many diversions and dispersions in the process. In the meantime, the Roman Catholic Church experienced many reformations of its own, including the forming of the innovatively modern Society of Jesus.1 Years of struggle and battle followed -theological, ecclesial, political, and military- that remade not just the face of Europe, but its religious configuration, by the time of Westfalia’s peace of 1648.

We note that the European discovery, exploration, and expropriation of the New World predated the Reformation by only twenty-five years, reaching its floodtide even as Reformation conflicts tore the explorers’ homelands. The New World’s melee of new boundaries and rulers reflected much of Europe’s conflicts, eventuating in North America generally aligning Protestant and South America, Roman Catholic. The dynamics occurring in both Europe and the New World were thus not isolated, but mutually interactive in myriads of unpredictable and sometimes unrecognized ways.

Technical, economic, and social change also claimed roles in the times’ convulsions. New technology, most notably the movable type printing press, had a primary role. The Gutenberg Bible was completed by 1455, when the future Pope Pius II spoke of it sixty-two years before Luther’s handwritten 95 Theses were posted. However, it was Luther and the Protestants who made mass pamphlet printing and distribution their trademark method of propagation and teaching. That teaching implicitly depended upon the Holy Spirit’s illumination of those lesser-trained individuals who read it in private and public. New social developments included travel, trade, infusions of New World gold, spice, and crops, and new uses of capital. These brought significant changes to a continent not so far removed from feudalism. To generalize, Protestant places tended to be more open to these changes, embracing them with enthusiasm in some contexts. Max Weber later named The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as the mutually reinforcing winners of that war.2

We also remember that Europe, after centuries of loss to Muslim conquerors from the south, had only recently put a definite close to Christendom’s near-death threat at Islam’s hands. Spain’s 700-year self-deliverance from Islamic rule, the Reconquista, was only completed in 1492, with the victorious Ferdinand and Isabella promptly sending Columbus on his momentous voyage (as well as exiling Jews who took their prosperous practices elsewhere).3 The gates of Vienna only survived the climactic Ottoman assault in 1529, finally leaving central and western Europe to stew in their internecine conflicts rather than have their weakened pieces consumed by Islam’s cumulative victories. Islam’s retreat from high tide, Spain in 1492 and Vienna in 1529, thus overlapped the Reformation’s early years, along with the New World dynamics.

Finally, we note the Renaissance as another of the Reformation’s overlays, starting as it did in the 1300s and continuing through the 1700s. This movement of academic and cultural recovery of ancient literature and philosophy combined with an energetic flowering of art and new philosophies, and the rise of humanism and science, to undermine many of the assumptions and underpinnings of Christendom’s ancien regime.

It may thus be seen that the Reformation does not stand alone in its revolutionary role. If the Renaissance weakened the ancien regime, perhaps the Reformation administered a coup de grace of sorts. However, the conjunctions of the New World’s opening horizon, Islam’s ebbtide, and paradigmatic changes in technological, social, scientific, and economic developments were certainly of momentous import. These factors, each in itself of defining consequence, joined to birth a new world that is yet with us as our formative heritage: “No Westerner can ever hope to know him- or herself, or the world he or she lives in, without first understanding this crucial turning point in history. And the same goes for any non-Westerner who wants to understand Western civilization.”4

The question then arises: as Christians who affirm the providence and sovereignty of God, do we dare to discern the role of the Holy Spirit amid such momentous events? This question lay at the root of the conference from which these chapters sprang. We should remember that while the above-mentioned movements and influences provided the context for the several reformations that occurred, the center stage of the era was religious.5 We dare to suggest that church, theology, and faith with its experience were the prime drivers of the era’s events. In other words, the living out of belief in God lay at the core of it all. It is this claimed nexus of this definitive era that gives us pause to ask how God’s Spirit, who hovered over the earth’s waters in Genesis 1:1, was active amid the Reformation’s human striving and strife.

Martin Luther linked his revolution, recognizing faith as primary over works, to the Holy Spirit:

Faith is God’s work in us, that changes us and gives new birth from God. (John 1:13). It kills the Old Adam and makes us completely different people. It changes our hearts, our spirits, our thoughts and all our powers. It brings the Holy Spirit with it. Yes, it is a living, creative, active and powerful thing, this faith.

Faith is a living, bold trust in God’s grace, so certain of God’s favor that it would risk death a thousand times trusting in it. Such confidence and knowledge of God’s grace makes you happy, joyful and bold in your relationship to God and all creatures. The Holy Spirit makes this happen through faith. Because of it, you freely, willingly and joyfully do good to everyone, serve everyone, suffer all kinds of things, love and praise the God who has shown you such grace.6

It is significant, too, that Luther emphasized this infusion of the Spirit’s presence and illumination in personal terms, rather than primarily in corporate (ecclesial) or communitarian (sacramental) terms. This emphasis on the private person’s relationship to God through the Holy Spirit became central, for good and ill, in individualized Western society, even if, in our context, we are now recovering the importance of communal approaches to theological reflection.

Calvin, too, attributed high of place to the Holy Spirit. He was even given the sobriquet, “Theologian of the Holy Spirit,” 7 by various theologians including B. B. Warfield:

In the same sense in which we may say that the doctrine of sin and grace dates from Augustine, the doctrine of satisfaction from Anselm, the doctrine of justification by faith from Luther-we must say that the doctrine of the work of the Holy Spirit is a gift from Calvin to the church.

[And] above everything else, it is the sense of the sovereign working of salvation by the almighty power of the Holy Spirit which characterizes all Calvin’s thought of God.8

Calvin went to great lengths in his Institutes to expand upon the Holy Spirit’s significant role, in both personal and theological terms:

The Scriptures obtain full authority among believers only when men regard them as having sprung from heaven, as if there the living words of God were heard . . . The testimony of the Spirit is more excellent than all reason. For as God alone is a fit witness of himself in his Word, so also the Word will not find acceptance in men’s hearts before it is sealed by the inward testimony of the Spirit . . . Those whom the Holy Spirit has inwardly taught truly rest upon Scripture, and that Scripture indeed is self-authenticated . . . Let us, then, know that the only true faith is that which the Spirit of God seals in our hearts.9

It is thus safe to say, of Calvin as well as Luther, that the Reformation represented recovery and reemphasis of the person and work of the Holy Spirit. Indeed neither would have maintained his path apart from “popery,” as Calvin called it, were he not convinced that such a drastic move was not only justified but required as a faithful act in response to the move and leading of the Holy Spirit of God.

G. W. F. Hegel later sought to explain history in terms of a (capitalized but impersonal) World Spirit10 that “consists in what is produced by man”:11

The realm of Spirit is all-comprehensive; it includes everything that ever has interested or ever will interest man. Man is active in it; whatever he does, he is the creature within which the Spirit works. Hence it is of interest, in the course of history, to learn to know spiritual nature in its existence, that is, the point where Spirit and Nature unite, namely, human nature.12

We Christians, while resonating with Hegel’s wish to learn the spiritual nature of history, take a different tack that seeks to discern the winds of the person of God’s Spirit moving through time, space, place, and people’s lives. We believe that God’s divine, personal, providential plan and presence, mediated by his Spirit’s activity through all time, ultimately achieve his will to bring about his Kingdom, ruled by Christ.

Exploring the degree to which the Reformation represented and reflected that rule is one aim of the conference that we convened on the Reformation’s 500th anniversary. We took our specific task from the conference’s title, “The Holy Spirit and the Reformation Legacy.” This title entailed three emphases that were required of each presentation as we examined but a few of the Reformation’s facets: first, the presence and role of the Holy Spirit in a given area of interest; second, awareness and placement of the Spirit’s role in the historical locus of the Reformation; and third, ways in which those Reformation beliefs and actions, regarding the Holy Spirit, left lasting legacies that still live today.

Regent University, the host of the conference through its School of Divinity’s Center for Renewal Studies, has, from its start, been part of the Holy Spirit renewal movement that swept the world from the twentieth century on. This movement includes Pentecostal, Charismatic, and Third Wave streams, as well as a vigorous stream in the Roman Catholic Church. Our Reformation 500 conference thus sought to take its distinction from other Reformation celebrations and explorations by giving primary attention to the Holy Spirit. We pray that this conference may thus make a unique contribution to the scholarship of those Reformation events that continue to echo through time.

As you consider each conference paper chapter, we also pray that you will find fresh insight, not only into what happened and what has come about but into the activity of the Holy Spirit in this earthly veil—including in your life.

It now remains to offer a brief outline of the chapters in this book. We have divided the book into three parts. The first part clusters chapters that consider the influence of Martin Luther and includes chapters 1–6. Chapter 1 by Michael M.C. Reardon discusses Luther and his influence on Melanchthon’s pneumatology in relation to the doctrines of the Trinity and justification. This legacy is then brought into conversation with the idealism of Hegel and its traces in Rahner, suggesting that Luther’s legacy has impacted a wide variety of thought beyond the confessionalism of the Lutheran tradition. Chapter 2 by Samuel W. Muindi takes a hermeneutical turn. It considers the legacy of Luther concerning biblical hermeneutics and in particular canonical criticism. It does this by analyzing Luther’s hermeneutical approach before attending to the post-Reformation trajectories from the Enlightenment. He continues by discussing the similarities of Luther’s hermeneutics with the canonical criticism of Brevard Childs before concluding with a discussion of pneumatic hermeneutics. Chapter 3 by Donald W. Kammer takes an entirely different approach as it reviews the early Pentecostal devotional literature in America and Britain from 1907 and how these early Pentecostals conceived of themselves as inheritors of the Lutheran legacy through their devotional practices. In particular, they regarded Martin Luther as a spiritual exemplar and incorporated him into their view of church history, thus adding an interesting ecumenical perspective.

Chapter 4 by Mara Lief Crabtree brings the legacy of Martin Luther into conversation with the issue of spirituality and, in particular, the nature of spiritual formation. Crabtree first discusses key elements in Luther’s spirituality before tracing his influence via the printing press, visio divina and lectio divina, and diverse theologies of the Eucharist. Then follows a description of Luther’s understanding of suffering in the Christian life, including his view on purgatory, before a brief discussion of joy and priestly formation. The chapter concludes by identifying aspects of the Reformation legacy that can be seen in spiritual “re-formation” today. Lance Bacon writes chapter 5. In this chapter, the author investigates the influence of Luther on the Pentecostal appreciation of the cross and Pentecostals’ appropriation of John Wesley’s approach to Christian perfection. Having identified the plurality of Pentecostalism, Bacon then considers Luther’s theology of the cross in some detail before bringing it into conversation with Wesley’s theology. The discussion is then brought back to how American Wesleyan Pentecostalism has appropriated both justification and sanctification in its theology. He then concludes with a discussion of pneumatology and ethics in the light of the legacy of Luther and Wesley. Chapter 6, written by Barbara Elkjer, concludes the section investigating the legacy of Luther. She takes a look at Luther’s theology of marriage and in particular, his marriage to his wife Katharina von Bora. She places this discussion within an historical context, both ancient and medieval, before considering ideas of virginity and marriage that Katharina developed during her marriage to Luther. Thus, this chapter brings an essential perspective on Luther’s legacy, often missed, which relates to the Pentecostal empowerment of women through a pneumatic spirituality.

The second part brings together chapters that discuss the legacy of John Calvin and includes chapters 7–10. Chapter 7 by Andrew Snyder investigates Calvin’s pneumatology in relation to soteriology and in particular, the believer’s union with Christ by means of the Holy Spirit. He traces the influence of Augustine on Calvin’s theology more generally before focusing on Calvin’s pneumatology and soteriology. He then considers implications of this discussion in relation to sacramental theology, especially Calvin’s eucharistic pneumatology. Chapter 8 by David M. Barbee explores the influence of Calvin’s pneumatology on Karl Barth. He begins by noting Calvin’s pneumatology and its reception by Schleiermacher and via Schleiermacher to Barth. Given this pneumatological trajectory, the author then discusses the theme of revelation in Barth before noting some similarities between Calvin and Barth and the impact of Calvin’s pneumatology on Barth. Chapter 9, by Fitzroy John Willis, is a review of Calvin’s criteria for the use of the charismata and their possible use within contemporary worship. The author begins by elucidating Calvin’s understanding of the proper employment of prophecy within a worship service before considering how contemporary theology has considered the application of these criteria to today’s worshipping communities. He discusses the relationship between prophecy and preaching and the nature and use of speaking in tongues and interpretation, as well as the issue of the cessation of the charismata. Finally, there is a discussion of charismata, gender, and the mulier taceat. Chapter 10, written by Daniel B. Gilbert, provides a second study of John Calvin and the charismata, with a particular emphasis on the gift of prophecy. He begins with a general description of Calvin’s view of the charismata before a discussion of soteriological gifts, the charismata, and the gift of prophecy. He discusses the nature of the temporary-permanent distinction before applying this understanding to its use in the church today.

Part three gathers three papers that reflect on several Reformation themes and are not as focused on a discussion of either Luther or Calvin. It contains chapters 11–13. Chapter 11 picks up the theme of cessationism and addresses it in relation to the Reformation and renewal of the Holy Spirit. It is written by Christopher J. Wilson. It begins with a short historical sketch of cessationism in the Patristic era before considering the Reformation period. He then discusses anti-supernaturalism and the rise of historical criticism. Finally, he addresses the position of David Hume in relation to the Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal movements from the twentieth century. Chapter 12, by James M. Henderson, investigates the relationship of justification to the idea of the theōsis. He begins with an analysis of justification as theōsis in recent Pentecostal theology and literature before considering whether theōsis could be understood as part of the process of justification. He then develops a discussion engaging the work of Finnish Lutheran theology in particular before considering the critique of this school of thought by German theologian, Eberhard Jüngel. Carl R. Trueman is also brought into the conversation as another critical dialogue partner with regard to the Finnish Lutheran school of thought, before a discussion of justification and transformation in the Reformed theology of Jonathan Edwards. Finally, the essay concludes by addressing the issue of how justification with transformation may be regarded as a better model than theōsis. Chapter 13 is the final chapter of the book, and it is written by Jan B. Drayer. It reviews the impact of the Reformation heritage in dialogue with the cultural change theory of James Davidson Hunter. On this account, the social change initiated by the Reformation is seen as still significant for our understanding of the contemporary religious landscape. He notes Hunter’s critique of the common understanding of culture in American society, his alternative suggestions for understanding culture, and in particular, his analysis of the Reformation, before providing an overall analysis of the Reformation, social change, and the Holy Spirit. Finally, he observes the limited role that Pentecostals have played in the field of social change, being more concerned with evangelism rather than social transformation.

Bibliography

Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Library of Christian Classics. Philadelphia: Westminster John Knox, 1960.

Eire, Carlos M. N. Reformations: The Early Modern World, 1450–1650. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016.

Hegel, G. W. F. Reason in History: A General Introduction to the Philosophy of History. Translated by Robert S. Hartman. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1997.

Irmischer, Johann, ed., trans. Robert E. Smith. Dr. Martin Luther’s Vermischte Deutsche Schriften. Vol. 63. Erlangen: Heyder & Zimmer, 1854. https://www.ligonier.org/learn/articles/martin-luthers-definition-faith/.

Johnson, Paul. A History of the Jews. New York: HarperPerennial, 1988.

Warfield, Benjamin Breckinridge. Calvin and Augustine. Edited by Samuel G. Craig. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian & Reformed, 1956.

Weber, Max, trans. Stephen Kalberg. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: The Revised 1920 Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

1. Eire, Reformations, 442, 451.

2. Weber, The Protestant Ethic, 67–75.

3. Johnson notes, “Isabella . . . boasted that, from her passionate devotion to the faith, she had caused the ruin of royal towns, emptied them of their inhabitants and desolated whole regions. Ferdinand, too, stressed the losses to the royal revenue . . .” (A History, 227).

4. Eire, Reformations, viii.

5. Eire, Reformations, x-xi.

6. Irmischer, Dr. Martin Luther’s, 124–25.

7. Evans, “John Calvin.”

8. Warfield, Calvin and Augustine, 484–87.

9. Calvin, Calvin and Augustine, I.7.1, 4, 5.

10. Hegel, Reason in History, 48.

11. Hegel, Reason in History, 20.

12. Hegel, Reason in History, 20.