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The DSM continues to have a significant impact on research. Additionally, although the NIMH appears to be distancing itself from the DSM, many other research funding bodies continue to fund studies based on its diagnostic categories. This has an impact on clinical practice: in the UK, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence publishes clinical guidelines on particular ‘conditions’ which draw on research findings using ICD and DSM categories.

Mental health services are increasingly organised by diagnostic categories. The high levels of comorbidity (a medical term used to denote when two or more conditions co-occur) that arise when categories such as those of the DSM are used can create problems; to which service should a person with a diagnosis of both depression and personality disorder be referred, for instance? There is an increasing proliferation of diagnosis-specific adaptations of therapies, such as cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) for psychosis, CBT for anxiety, and so on. The use of diagnosis by health insurers and the NHS can cause a range of dilemmas. What if a clinician thinks that a person needs help but their problems do not map easily on to diagnostic categories? What if someone does not wish to receive a diagnosis? What if a professional feels that the use of diagnosis is pathologising? How can couple and family therapists record their work using a system that provides categories only for individuals?

The debate about DSM-5 has again prompted questions about how we understand mental health and the role of social norms. The reliability problem has returned, while diagnosis has expanded further into everyday life. Rates of diagnosis and medication for some problems have increased. This has led to questions being raised about the influence of the pharmaceutical industry. Diagnostic manuals such as the DSM continue to have an impact on both research and mental health services.