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The Book of Jesus Sirach (Greek tradition) or Ben Sira (rabbinic tradition) is a wisdom writing consisting of numerous individual proverbs.³⁴ It contains statements on all areas of everyday life as well as reflections on wisdom, fear of God, theodicy, and salvation history. According to its own testimony, the book aims to teach wisdom and guide a young audience into right conduct of life.

The full text is extant only in a Greek translation, which was handed down in two different text forms from an early date. The Sirach fragments from the Cairo Genizah and from the Judean desert comprise around 68% of its total volume. In the prologue to the Greek translation of the book, the unnamed grandson of Sirach, who belonged to the upper echelons in Jerusalem (cf. 38:24; 39:4, 10f.), says he came to Egypt from Palestine in the 38^th year of the reign of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes (170–116 BCE). If this calculation is made from the co-regency of the Ptolemaic king, the date corresponds to the year 132 BCE; if the date refers to the beginning of his sole-rule, then the year is 107 BCE. The Hebrew original was written by the translator’s grandfather, so probably in Jerusalem in the first quarter of the second century.

The book is structured as a thematically arranged collection of wisdom proverbs which admonish the reader to a godly life (chs. 1–23), wisdom teachings concerning life in public (chs. 24–42), a praise of God in creation, history, and the present (chs. 42–50), as well as a hymn to Wisdom (ch. 51). There is a striking variety of forms of speech (proverb, didactic lecture, didactic poem, autobiographical notes, prayers of petition, hymnic sections, historical portraits); the individual verse units are shaped by alliteration, rhyme, chiasms, and inclusions. On one hand the work warns against the dangers of the Hellenistic lifestyle (9:1–9; 32:1–8), while on the other it reveals an unashamed acceptance of Greek culture (31:12–32:13).

The book of Sirach is the only non-canonical book that the rabbis ever treated as though it were a canonical book (cf. t. Yad. 2.13; b. Hag. 13a). The high esteem in which it was held is evident in part in the fact that the sages quoted it using the same introductory formulas as for the authoritative holy scriptures. But in y. Sanh. 28a, 17, R. Aqiba includes it among the »outside« books, readers of which have no share in the world to come.

The Wisdom of Solomon³⁵ is seen (especially in chs. 7–9) as a eulogy to King Solomon (cf. 1 Kgs 3:12; 5:12f.; 10:6). This work, originally written in Greek and initially transmitted as anonymous, is a product of Hellenistic Diaspora Judaism which grew in a collective literary process, being ascribed to Solomon only at a later stage. It was not embraced by the rabbis and has been preserved only in manuscripts handed down in the Christian tradition.

Although there are no direct indications of its date, its use of the Septuagint as well as apocalyptic literature suggests that the earliest the Wisdom of Solomon can have emerged is the third century BCE. Its widespread use by Christian writers points to a terminus ad quem in the second century CE. The linguistic and thematic contacts between the book and the work of Philo of Alexandria suggest that both come from the same environment and not far from each other. The most probable time of composition for the book is around the turn of the eras. Support for its emergence in the capital city of Egypt, besides its use of the Septuagint, comes from its references to the problems of the Exodus (e.g. 16:1–19:17), its polemic against Egyptian religion (e.g. 11:15; 12:27), as well as the broad philosophical education of the writer (e.g. 9:15).

Three main parts of the hortatory wisdom may be distinguished: a fictional admonition by Solomon of old, which speaks of a righteous and godly way of life in an ungodly world (1:1–6:21), an extensive eulogy to Wisdom, which makes use—among other things—of motifs from Hellenized Egyptian Isis worship (6:22–9:17), and a song of praise to the saving power of God (9:18–19:22). The similarities between these three parts in terms of vocabulary, structure, stylistic devices, and basic theological ideas show that the Wisdom of Solomon is a cohesive work. Numerous references to biblical tradition (e.g. 11:5–8) and influences from Hellenistic culture and philosophical education (e.g. 4:2; 13:2; 17:5, 11), especially Stoic (e.g. 7:27) and Middle-Platonic (e.g. 9:15), are discernible in the text.

The Wisdom of Solomon aimed to guide its Hellenistic-Jewish addressees in the Egyptian Diaspora to a pious, just, and godly life, characterized by grateful recognition of the God of Israel as Lord of the world and the Torah as an expression of his wisdom. It brings the comforting message that with the help of this wisdom, a both pious and rational lifestyle is possible—one which promises eternal fellowship with God.

As the solution to theodicy and the acts-and-consequence connection, the Wisdom of Solomon is the first text to mention the idea of a post-mortem judgment, which rewards the righteous, the poor, and the persecuted and punishes the unrighteous and the ungodly.

The pseudepigraphal Book of Baruch,³⁶ compiled from separate parts, contains a prayer of repentance by the deportees within a narrative context, a didactic wisdom poem, as well as laments and songs of consolation for Jerusalem. These are handed down together in Greek, under the name of the scribe of the prophet Jeremiah (cf. Jer 36; 45). In Christian editions of the Septuagint, the book comes immediately after Jeremiah. The compendium, rich in scribal expertise, probably represents –in part (1:15–3:8)—a translation from the Hebrew. Its component parts reflect the needs of a Jewish community in late second-century BCE Syro-Palestine for self-assurance and comfort, and for the coming of a God-sent savior figure (4:22).

The Epistle of Jeremiah,³⁷ transmitted in the Septuagint as a separate writing and linked in the Vulgate with the book of Baruch (Bar 6), is concerned with the rejection of a caricatured (vv. 69f.) and pointless idolatry. The narrative setting of this letter, originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic (cf. 7Q2) but preserved only in translations, is the beginning of the Babylonian Exile. In its polemics against the Babylonian deities, in its warning to the exiles not to worship them, and in its demand for exclusive worship of the God of Israel is a reflection of the Jewish author’s resistance to the pressure of assimilation on the part of the mostly non-Jewish environment in the eastern Diaspora of the third century BCE.

The Fourth Book of Maccabees³⁸ is in formal respect a speech, in genre respect a tragic-pathetic historiography. It proves to be a synthesis of Jewish piety and Hellenistic popular philosophy, the aim of which is religious education. Using historical examples, it seeks to show that pious judgment is sovereign over the passions. Written in Greek, the book was falsely ascribed by Eusebius (Hist Eccl III 10:6) to Flavius Josephus; it has been handed down in numerous Christian manuscripts of the Septuagint. The rabbis, however, did not acknowledge it.

Suggested dates range from ca. 20 CE to 120 CE. A pre-70 CE composition draws support from the description of worship at the Temple (4:20; 14:9) and the official titles in use (4:2). Alongside linguistic pointers, the detailed reports of martyrdom and the quick Christian acceptance of the writing indicate that it emerged during or shortly after the Tumultus Judaicus (115–117 CE). The form and content of the book reflect its emergence in a Hellenistic metropolis in Egypt (Alexandria) or Syria (Antioch), where its linguistically sophisticated and rhetorically trained Jewish author was able to draw upon a broad contemporary repository of education.

The book is divided into four sections. An introductory section (1:1–12) indicating the subject and its treatment is followed by the first main section, which defines and justifies the work’s central philosophical thesis (1:13–3:18). The second main section (3:19–17:6) uses 2 Macc 3–7 to give an account of the martyrdoms of Eleazar and the seven brothers and their mother. The concluding section (17:7–18:24) provides a summary and a doxology.

The Fourth Book of Maccabees tries on the one hand to reconcile the biblical law with Greek life ideals by making Jewish life in compliance with the commandments of the Torah seem rationally justifiable. On the other hand, by means of its dramatic martyrdom portrayals it shows that the approval of the neighboring world cannot be gained by assimilation but only through steadfast perseverance and faithfulness to the commandments of God.

The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs³⁹ consists of twelve pseudepigraphal farewell speeches by the twelve sons of Jacob (cf. Gen 49). They contain stories from their lives that embellish or add to the biblical text, as well as ethical teachings and eschatological prophecies.

In its present form the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is a Christian writing and has been handed down only in church tradition (in some cases as an appendix to the Septuagint). With regard to older stages of tradition, different positions are held, which, given the lack of references to sabbath observance, circumcision or food laws, either view it as originally a Christian work⁴⁰ or, given its specifically Hellenistic-Jewish language, style, motifs, and its wisdom characteristics, see it as going back to an underlying Jewish foundation.⁴¹

The historical allusions (Naphtali 5:8; Lev 14) point to the second century BCE as the time when such a Jewish base text came into being. With the exception of the Testament of Asher (the content of which stands alone in terms of its dealings with sinners) the writing as a whole was penned by a single hand. The original language is probably Greek, as may be indicated by linguistic borrowings from Greek translations of the Bible and the use of Hellenistic terms.

The twelve discourses have a uniform structure. Its opening biographical section begins with the patriarch’s reference to his impending death and the assembling of his relatives. The farewell discourses proper link haggadic expansions and accounts of events from the life of the son of Jacob with warnings against temptations and vices, ethical admonitions and recommendations (e.g. chastity, mercy, truthfulness, maintenance of the order of creation). These lead to an outlook on the future and the eschatological wellbeing of the tribe in question, of Israel, or of humanity. Each text concludes with a note of the death and burial of the patriarch.

The sons of Jacob are regarded as exemplary models and the personification of piety and virtue. The course of history is determined by the antagonism between God and his adversary Beliar. At its end stand God’s victorious intervention in world events and the resurrection of the righteous. As leaders of the people during the end-times there appear two messiah figures, from the priestly tribe (Levi 18) and the royal tribe (Judah 24).

The aim of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is ethical instruction and warning of its addressees, to not fall away from the laws of God. Only their pious lifestyle can be the basis for receiving the promises of salvation in the end-times.

The Testament of Job⁴² is a continuation of the biblical book of Job, which can be both ascribed to Jewish testamentary literature, and interpreted as narrative midrash. The originally Greek work has been transmitted only in the Christian tradition in Greek, Old Church Slavonic, and Coptic manuscripts. A key to determination of the terminus a quo (1^st cent. BCE) is provided by a re-Hebraizing form of Job in the Septuagint. The reception of the Testament of Job by early Christian authors in the second century CE is the terminus ad quem. It is not possible to determine the exact place of origin (Egypt? cf. 28:7f.). The writing emerged within ancient Judaism, as suggested by the parenesis and the hymns, in particular the emphasis on genealogy, the warning against mixed marriages, and the Merkavah tradition.⁴³ Although haggadic traditions of various origins were used, the stylistic and linguistic homogeneity of the Testament of Job shows it as a unified literary composition. Structural elements are connected by repeated use of phrases and words, as well as intratextual allusions and quotations.

We meet all the characters of the biblical Job narrative in the Testament of Job; its framework chapters in particular are broadly developed. The main section of the book is divided into several narrative units. First, an account is given of Job’s pagan past and his conversion. Satan appears to Job and is granted authority over his possessions by God (6–8). Job praises his merits and abilities (9–15). Satan’s attacks bring about the loss of Job’s cattle, the deaths of his children, and Job’s own sickness (16–20). The care and suffering of his wife Sitis are given detailed description (21–26). Job’s piety and perseverance in suffering are rewarded by God (27). Job’s arguments with his friends, kings Eliphaz, Baldad, and Sophar, at the center of which is the meaninglessness of all earthly things, are given extensive attention (28–45). When Job’s inheritance is distributed, his three daughters receive no material goods like their seven brothers, but miraculous belts (46–51). The epilogue (52f.) describes the dying, death, and burial of Job and the ascension of his soul.

The main themes of the Testament of Job are patience in suffering, charity toward the needy, and the acknowledgment of God as creator of the world and eschatological judge. The problem of theodicy, the central theme of the biblical book of Job, is not mentioned. The author’s prime concern is to provide an account of individual piety motivated by hopes of eschatological salvation. Job, the archetype of pious patience, becomes a prototype of the Jewish righteous person and witness to the faith, oppressed because of his confession, remaining faithful to it out of love for the God of Israel.

The Hellenistic-Jewish exegete Demetrios⁴⁴ is regarded as the oldest known witness to the existence of a Greek Torah translation. His exposition of the Torah is preserved in six fragmentary excerpts,⁴⁵ written in Alexandria during the time of Ptolemy IV Philopator (221–204 BCE). He gives chronographically arranged explanations of »difficult« passages of the Bible. He relies throughout on a Greek version of the books of Genesis and Exodus, which he takes as a normative text, offering a comprehensive exegetical exposition. Assuming there has been no secondary alignment with the Septuagint, Demetrios used only the Greek forms of the biblical personal and place names. The system of time and year data presupposed by him– sometimes contradicts the Hebrew Bible, but coincides with Greek traditions.

The Alexandrian Jewish Bible expositor Aristobulus⁴⁶ (180–145 BCE), freely associates in his Greek reproduction of the content of the Torah, addressed to the Ptolemaic ruler. Aristobulus was familiar with the legend of a Greek translation of the Bible at the behest of Ptolemy II Philadelphos (282–246 BCE), given decades later in the Letter of Aristeas.

The ancient exegete tried to show readers of his now fragmentary work⁴⁷ that the Torah was consonant with Hellenistic philosophy of his day. With the aid of the allegorical method of interpretation, Aristobulus aimed to extract deeper meaning from the Pentateuch to prove its rational, ethical, and Hellenism-compatible character.

The Hellenistic-Jewish exegete Aristeas⁴⁸—not to be confused with the supposed author of the Letter of Aristeas composed a work »On the Jews.« Only a small fragment remains,⁴⁹ preserved in the Christian tradition, containing an exposition of the book of Job. The Greek name forms show that its author quoted from the Greek text. The fragment witnesses traditional deuteronomistic theology; placing emphasis on the pious perseverance of Job—his steadfast endurance of suffering and his faithfulness to God even in the worst times of distress. It is possible that the addendum in the Septuagint version of Job (42.17 LXX) is dependent on the work of Aristeas; or both texts may go back to a common tradition.