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Section 2 places the issue of trust-mistrust in institutions at the heart of the analysis, with Spain and Canada cited as the main examples. Francisco Llera Ramo explores the rise and fall of institutional trust in Spain using data from public surveys to emphasize that distrust and discontent with the political system, coupled with the erosion of institutional trust, could prove catastrophic for the functioning of the Spanish constitution. While Spain is in the midst of its longest-running period of constitutional democracy, public satisfaction with democracy and EU membership has been in decline since 2004, he notes. This mounting dissatisfaction may be partly attributed to the global financial crisis of 2007, he argues, adding that globalization is changing our democracies and the relationship between economy and politics, with citizens and parliaments becoming more and more distant from decision-making centres. This prolonged economic crisis has revealed deep and long-standing political cleavages in the Spanish system, contributing to public distrust and discontent with political parties and institutions. And while Spaniards have grown increasingly disaffected with politics, argues Francisco Llera Ramo, they also consider themselves to be well-informed politically. Despite this, Spanish protests have done little except to highlight discontent, with little or nothing in the way of concessions coming from political parties. This situation, if allowed to continue, could negatively impact Spain’s constitutional system, he predicts, adversely affecting the relationship between its citizenry and politics.

Guy Laforest and Camille Brunelle-Hamann bring their attention to bear to the Canadian case and the relationship between the federal government and the [21] provinces, more specifically Québec. The trust-mistrust scale is applied to highlight the collaborative-competitive nature of intergovernmental relations in Canada. Acknowledging that trust is dynamic and changes according to historical and political circumstances, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann analyze the evolving relationship between the former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Québec, drawing important lessons on the value of trust in federal democracies. Using John Locke’s conceptualization of trust as consequential and revisable, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann map the changes in Harper’s perception and distrust of Québec from his politically formative years up to the present day, dividing this period into three sections. Harper’s distrust of Québec began when he first joined the Reform Party in the late 1980s, they argue, and continued as Québec’s increasingly statist and interventionist political culture flourished. This reality, paired with language issues inside and outside Québec, contradicted Harper’s Hayekian conservative opposition to State intervention in economic and social affairs. And though Harper’s understanding of federalism included independent provinces and rampant decentralization, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann note that any special status given to Québec would run counter to his vision of a Canada marked by individual, provincial and regional equality united under Canadian law. Harper’s distrust is portrayed as deep-seated and almost unwavering, yet it is worth noting that the years preceding his election as Prime Minister were marked by increased, albeit short-lived cooperation between Harper and Québec. Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann cite the example of Québec, in both an historical and present-day context, to highlight the importance, among elected leaders, of keeping promises and – in the case of Harper – the need to engage in open communication and display solidarity with provincial leaders. Finally, they conclude with a comparative perspective, stating that this type of relationship is not unique to Canada but can also be applied to the 2011 general election in Spain, where elected officials faced similar circumstances.