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The present section contains three research papers that deal with the history and memory of the OUN-UPA from different perspectives, yet touch upon similar substantive issues. The first article focuses on the last months of World War II while the two following studies deal with contemporary representations of the organization’s war-time and post-war history. They are all concerned with the course and remembrance of the OUN-UPA’s armed, self-sacrificing resistance to Stalinist rule.

Grzegorz Motyka’s paper “NKVD Internal Troops Operations against the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in 1944–45” highlights the brutal Soviet repression of the UPA in the final period of World War II. His article contributes to the growing research on Soviet operations against disobedient civil populations as well as underground movements such as the OUN-UPA. Motyka describes in detail the Soviet anti-nationalist operations within which the OUN and UPA were suppressed by the armed forces of the USSR’s People Commissariat of Internal Affairs (Russ. abbrev: NKVD). The author illustrates why and how these “pacifications” were especially cruel and far-reaching. The NKVD’s repressions were directed not only against the members of the underground movement themselves, but also against parts of the civilian population that supported or were suspected of supporting the anti-Soviet resistance movement. About four hundred thousand residents of Western Ukraine were, in one way or another, affected by Soviet state-terror.

Through in-depth analysis of newly declassified documents, Motyka shows that the NKVD followed, among others, the principle of collective responsibility, as a result of which many—even in Soviet terms—innocent individuals were killed or otherwise persecuted by virtue of their belonging to a particular community or family. The author demonstrates that the OUN and UPA enjoyed broad support among the local Ukrainian population which helped the underground groups to continue their fighting until the mid-1950s. Many families’ oral and written memory of Soviet-inflicted mass violence and repression against the underground fighters, their relatives, and local supporters is an important determinant of today’s cult around the UPA and its leaders, in Western Ukraine.19

Oksana Myshlovska’s paper “History Education and Reconciliation: The Ukrainian National Underground Movement in Secondary School Curricula, Textbooks, and Classroom Practices (1991–2012)” deals with the representation of controversial issues related to the OUN and UPA in secondary school curricula and textbooks, and teachers’ responses to these, during the first two decades of Ukraine’s independence. Guided by theoretical insights into the role of representations of the past in conflict transformation and reconciliation, she explores the depiction of the conflict between the nationalist organizations and Soviet regime, and discusses the role of history teachers as mediators of the changing official curricula and textbooks. Myshlovska thereby contributes to the emerging subfield of history education studies regarding Ukraine’s nationalist underground movement.20

On the basis of an analysis of history textbooks and curricula, she concludes that textbooks often offer “mono-perspectival” and politicized narratives when discussing controversial issues and conflicts. From this, Myshlovska concludes that these representations often structurally circumscribe the possibilities for conflict transformation and reconciliation. Nevertheless, focus group discussions conducted with schoolteachers in different regions of Ukraine in 2011 and 2012 revealed that teachers do sometimes take on a conflict mitigating role, by way of presenting various perspectives on disputed issues and inviting discussions, within the classroom, of wrongdoing by all conflicting parties in past conflicts.

The section ends with Marian Luschnat-Ziegler’s paper “Observing Trends in Ukrainian Memory Politics (2014–2019) through Structural Topic Modeling” where he analyzes online-publications produced by the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (Ukr. abbr.: UINP) during Petro Poroshenko’s presidency, and Volodymyr V’iatrovych’s directorship of the UINP. Applying a sophisticated mathematical model to his data, Luschnat-Ziegler identifies key topics, trends, and connections in the narratives produced by the UINP. The author finds that web publications concerning the OUN and UPA comprised an altogether relatively low proportion of the output of the UINP in comparison to publications about other topics.21 Most of the UINP’s publications concerned the 2013–2014 Revolution of Dignity. The next three ranks in Luschnat-Ziegler’s table of topics were occupied by the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–21, the Holodomor of 1932–33, and the Second World War of 1939–45. The OUN-UPA was ranked fifth in the topics highlighted in UINP online publications of 2014–2019.

These results may be in need of further interpretation as they point towards a variety of potential determinants of the UNIP’s publications policies. One hypothesis emerging from Luschnat-Ziegler’s study could be that, as hagiographic interpretations of the OUN-UPA were becoming increasingly mainstream in Ukraine’s mass media since 2014, the perceived need for propagating them further via publications in the governmental UINP declined. As a result, the topic moved from a potentially high position on the UINP’s agenda under its then director V’iatrovych to only fifth place, among the topics identified by Luschnat-Ziegler.

The author also highlights the role of anniversaries in the formation of certain trends in memory discourse—an observation made by other researchers of national remembrance.22 Thus, the proportion of publications about the revolution of 1917–21 has grown since 2017. The topic of the Holodomor peaked yearly in November around the national Day of Repressions and Holodomor. Luschnat-Ziegler demonstrates how probabilistic topic modelling can be a valuable tool for researchers in the field of memory studies, enabling new insights to be derived from the rich quantitative material now available and intriguing hypotheses to be interpreted in view of the wider political and societal situation in which this or that historical topic rises and falls.

The articles in this and our three previous special sections highlight not only certain differences between the history and memory of the OUN and UPA.23 They also indicate changes in the ways these organizations have been remembered by Ukrainian society since independence in 1991. In spite of otherwise significant transformations, the topic of the OUN and UPA has, over the last thirty years, remained a uniformly contentious issue triggering not only heated scholarly discussions, but also larger public debates. Moreover, against the background of the Russian-Ukrainian war since 2014, a process of “securitization” of national memory underway in Ukraine, whereby historical discourses become matters of national security, and within which the topic of the OUN and UPA occupies a central position.24

1 * We are very grateful to Julie Fedor for her extremely careful and patient final editing of the contributions to this special section including this introduction. Per Anders Rudling, Łukasz Adamski, Yuriy Radchenko, and Gelinada Grinchenko too are acknowledged for their valuable help in preparing this section.

The fifth installment of this series is currently scheduled to be published by JSPPS, in autumn 2021. Proposals for further sections “Issues in the History and Memory of the OUN” are welcome. These should take the form of a set of abstracts and notes on contributors, and can be emailed to the journal’s General Editor (details at www.jspps.eu).

2 Per Anders Rudling, “Yushchenko’s Fascist: The Bandera Cult in Ukraine and Canada,” Yaroslav Hrytsak, “Ukrainian Memory Culture Post-1991: The Case of Stepan Bandera,” Yuliya Yurchuk, “Rivne’s Memory of Taras Bul’ba-Borovets’: A Regional Perspective on the Formation of the Founding Myth of the UPA,” and Łukasz Adamski, “Kyiv’s ‘Volhynian Negationism’: Reflections on the 2016 Polish–Ukrainian Memory Conflict,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2017): 129–290; Ivan Gomza, “Catalytic Mobilization of Radical Ukrainian Nationalists in the Second Polish Republic: The Impact of Political Opportunity Structure,” Igor Barinov, “Allies or Collaborators? The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and Nazi Germany during the Occupation of Ukraine in 1941–43,” Myroslav Shkandrij, “Volodymyr Viatrovych’s Second Polish–Ukrainian War,” and John-Paul Himka, “Correspondence,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 4, no. 2 (2018): 35–132.

3 Kai Struve, “The OUN(b), the Germans, and Anti-Jewish Violence in Eastern Galicia during Summer 1941,” Yuri Radchenko, “The Biography of the OUN(m) Activist Oleksa Babii in the Light of His ‘Memoirs on Escaping Execution’ (1942),” Tomislav Dulić and Goran Miljan, “The Ustašas and Fascism: ‘Abolitionism,’ Revolution, and Ideology (1929–42),” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 205–306.

4 Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 7, nos. 1 & 2 (2021).

5 Oleksandr Zaitsev, “Fascism or Ustashism? Ukrainian Integral Nationalism of the 1920s–1930s in Comparative Perspective,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, nos. 2–3 (2015): 183–93. See also, more recently: idem, “Integral Nationalism in the Absence of a Nation-State: The Case of Ukraine,” in Marco Bresciani (ed.), Conservatives and Right Radicals in Interwar Europe (Routledge, 202o), 118–42.

6 Dulić and Miljan, “The Ustašas and Fascism.”

7 Andreas Umland and Yuliya Yurchuk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in Post-Soviet Ukrainian Memory Politics, Public Debates, and Foreign Affairs,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2017): 115–28, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/umland_yurchuk_3_2.pdf (accessed 16 April 2018); idem, “Essays in the Historical Interpretation of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalist,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 4, no. 2 (2018): 29–34, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/yurchuk_umland_jspps_4.2_2.pdf (accessed 26 January 2020); and idem, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and European Fascism During World War II,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 181–204, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/06-01-jspps-intro_02.pdf (accessed 26 January 2020).

8 Ibid. On V’iatrovych, see in JSPPS: Shkandrij, “Volodymyr Viatrovych’s Second Polish–Ukrainian War.” For a Polish reaction to a provocative Facebook post by V’iatrovych, see, for example: Krzysztof Janiga, “Duda obok zbrodniarza z UPA na fotomontażu szefa ukraińskiego IPN,” Kresy.pl, 3 July 2017, kresy.pl/wydarzenia/spoleczenstwo/duda-obok-zbrodniarza-upa-fotomontazu-szefa-ukrainskiego-ipn/. See also: Christopher Gilley and Per Anders Rudling, “The History Wars in Ukraine Are Heating Up,” History New Network, 9 May 2015, http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/159301 (accessed 10 February 2020); Andreas Umland, “Sylvester Stallone as a Boxer,” Historians.in.ua, 24 May 2015, http://www.historians.in.ua/index.php/en/avtorska-kolonka/1520-andreas-umland-sylvester-stallone-as-a-boxer-a-comment-on-the-infamous-ukrainian-decommunization-laws-and-professional-expertise-in-ukrainian-public-affairs%20 (accessed 10 February 2020); Jared McBride, “How Ukraine’s New Memory Commissar Is Controlling the Nation’s Past,” The Nation, 13 August 2015, www.thenation.com/article/archive/how-ukraines-new-memory-commissar-is-controlling-the-nations-past/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Josh Cohen, “The Historian Whitewashing Ukraine’s Past,” Foreign Policy, 2 May 2016, foreignpolicy.com/2016/05/02/the-historian-whitewashing-ukraines-past-volodymyr-viatrovych/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Tarik Cyril Amar, “The Radical Historian Rewriting Ukraine’s Past,” WYNC Studios, 20 May 2016, www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/otm/segments/radical-historian-rewriting-ukraines-past (accessed 10 February 2020); Per Rudling, Jared McBride, and Tarik Amar, “Ukraine’s Struggle with the Past Is Ours Too,” Open Democracy, 15 June 2016, www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/ukraine-s-struggle-with-past-is-ours-too/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Andreas Umland, “Bad History Doesn’t Make Friends,” Foreign Policy, 25 October 2016, http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/10/25/bad-history-doesnt-make-friends-kiev-ukraine-stepan-bandera/ (accessed 10 February 2020); “Historians Sign Petition Objecting to the Inclusion of a Nationalist Who Praised a Nazi Collaborator,” History News Network, 8 March 2017, historynewsnetwork.org/article/165383 (accessed 17 February 2021); and David R. Marples, “Memory Laws: Censorship in Ukraine,” E-International Relations, 5 July 2020, www.e-ir.info/2020/07/05/memory-laws-censorship-in-ukraine/ (accessed 17 February 2021).

9 Vladyslav Hrynevych and Paul-Robert Magosci (eds.), Babyn Iar: Istoriia i pamiat’ (Dukh i Litera, 2016).

10 “Memorial’nyi tsentr Babiy Iar izmenil nabliudatel’nyi sovet i komandu proekta,” Levyi Bereg, 5 December 2019, https://lb.ua/culture/2019/12/05/443987_memorialniy_tsentr_babiy_yar.html (accessed 17 February 2021).

11 Ivan Kozlenko, “Totalitarnyi dovhobud, Ch. 1,” Levyi Bereg, 14 April 2020, https://lb.ua/culture/2020/04/14/455215_totalitarniy_dovgobud_shcho_z.html (accessed 24 June 2020). This article was followed by further op-eds.

12 See, for instance: Karel Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Belknap Press, 2008).

13 Karel Berkhoff, “Z etychnykh mirkuvan’ bil’she ne mozhu publichno pidtrumuvaty proekt Memorialu ‘Babyn Iar’”, Glavkom, 22 April 2020, https://glavcom.ua/columns/KarelBerkhoff/gollandskiy-istorik-karel-berkgof-z-etichnih-mirkuvan-bilshe-ne-mozhu-publichno-pidtrimuvati-proekt-memorialu-babin-yar-675364.html (accessed 17 February 2021).

14 The first open letter criticized the BYHMC project and its proposed methods of memorialization: “Khrzhanovs’kyi ne povynen pratsiuvaty v Babynomu Iaru: Zaiava,” Istorychna pravda, 30 April 2020, https://www.istpravda.com.ua/short/2020/04/30/157419/ (accessed 7 May 2020). The second letter was addressed to the President and Prime Minister of Ukraine demanding a transfer of authority over the memorialization of Babyn Yar to official state organs: “The Ukrainian Cultural and Academic Community’s Appeal about the Commemoration of Babyn Yar,” Krytyka, 22 May 2020, https://krytyka.com/en/articles/ukrainian-cultural-and-academic-communitys-appeal-about-commemoration-babyn-yar (accessed 20 June 2020).

15 More on the concept of dignity in relation to the Euromaidan, in: Mychailo Wynnyckij, Ukraine’s Maidan, Russia’s War: A Chronicle and Analysis of the Revolution of Dignity (ibidem-Verlag, 2019).

16 “Holava Instytutu Natspamiati Drobovych,” Hromadske, 8 May 2020, https://hromadske.ua/posts/glava-institutu-nacpamyati-drobovich-pid-shorsom-yak-variant-zrobiti-naduvnih-pokemoniv-abo-skulpturu-yaka-jogo-obnimaye (accessed 17 February 2021). See also: “Eksperymenty rosiianyna Khrzhanovs’koho peretvoriat’ ‘Babyn Iar’ na atraktsion dlia ‘frikiv’: Drobovych,” 4 kanal, 30 April 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mFKNPhs_ZiU (accessed 17 February 2021); Oksana Denisova, “Holova INP Anton Drobovych: ‘Babyn Iar buv do Khrzhanovs’koho, Babyn Iar bude i pislia n’oho,” Suspil’ne, 4 May 2020, https://suspilne.media/31091-golova-inp-anton-drobovic-babin-ar-buv-do-hrzanovskogo-babin-ar-bude-j-pisla-nogo/ (accessed 17 February 2021).

17 In chronological order, until 2016: John A. Armstrong, “Collaborationism in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe,” Journal of Modern History 40, no. 3 (1968): 396–410; Gabriel N. Finder and Alexander V. Prusin, “Collaboration in Eastern Galicia: The Ukrainian Police and the Holocaust,” East European Jewish Affairs 34, no. 2 (2004): 95–118; Frank Golczewski, “Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine,” in Kooperation und Verbrechen: Formen der “Kollaboration” im östlichen Europa 1939–1945, eds. Christoph Dieckmann et al. (Wallstein, 2003), 151–83; Vladimir Melamed, “Organized and Unsolicited Collaboration in the Holocaust,” East European Jewish Affairs 37, no. 2 (2007): 217–48; Wendy Lower, “Pogroms, Mob Violence and Genocide in Western Ukraine, Summer 1941: Varied Histories, Explanations and Comparisons,” Journal of Genocide Research 13, no. 3 (2011): 217–46; Kai Struve, “Rites of Violence? The Pogroms of Summer 1941,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 24 (2011): 257–74; Per Anders Rudling, “Terror and Local Collaboration in Occupied Belarus: The Case of Schutzmannschaft Battalion 118,” Romanian Academy “Nicolae Iorga” History Institute Historical Yearbook 13 & 14 (2011 & 2012): 195–214 & 99–121; Kai Struve, “Tremors in the Shatter-Zone of Empires: Eastern Galicia in Summer 1941,” in Borderlands: Ethnicity, Identity and Violence in the Shatter-Zone of Empires, eds. Omer Bartov and Eric Weitz (Indiana University Press 2013), 463–84; Frank Grelka, “Politics and Military Actions of Ethnic-Ukrainian Collaboration for the ‘New European Order’,” in Revisionist Politics in Europe, 1938–1945, eds. Marina Cattaruzza and Dieter Langewiesche (Berghahn, 2013), 126–41; Yuri Radchenko, “‘We fired all cartridges at them’: Ukrainische Hilfspolizei and the Holocaust on the Territory of the Generalbezirk Kharkiv, 1941–1943,” Yad Vashem Studies 41, no. 1 (2013): 63–98; Kai Struve, Deutsche Herrschaft, ukrainischer Nationalismus, antijüdische Gewalt: Der Sommer 1941 in der Westukraine (DeGruyter-Oldenbourg, 2015); Olesya Khromeychuk, “Ukrainians in the German Armed Forces During the Second World War,” History: The Journal of the Historical Association 100, no. 343 (2016): 704–24; Kai Struve, “Anti-Jewish Violence in Summer 1941 in Eastern Galicia and Beyond,” in Romania and the Holocaust: New Research – Public Discourse – Remembrance, ed. Simon Geissbühler (ibidem-Verlag, 2016), 89–113; Raz Segal, Genocide in the Carpathians: War, Social Breakdown, and Mass Violence, 1914-1945 (Stanford University Press, 2016); Per Anders Rudling, “Dispersing the Fog: The OUN and Anti-Jewish Violence in 1941,” Yad Vashem Studies 44, no. 2 (2016): 227–45; Jared McBride, “Who Is Afraid of Ukrainian Nationalism?” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 17, no. 3 (2016): 647–63. There is a separate and, by now, large body of scholarly literature devoted specifically to the L’viv pogroms of summer 1941 which is not listed here.

18 In chronological order, since 2017: John-Paul Himka, “Former Ukrainian Policemen in the Ukrainian National Insurgency: Continuing the Holocaust outside German Service,” in Lessons and Legacies XII: New Directions in Holocaust Research and Education, eds. Wendy Lower and Lauren Faulkner Rossi (Northwestern University Press, 2017), 141–63; Jeffrey S. Kopstein and Jason Wittenberg, Intimate Violence: Anti-Jewish Pogroms on the Eve of the Holocaust (Cornell University Press, 2018); Andriy Usach, “The ‘Eastern Action’ of the OUN(b) and the Anti-Jewish Violence in the Summer of 1941: The Cases of Smotrych and Kupyn,” Euxeinos: Governance and Culture in the Black Sea Region 9, no. 27 (2019): 63–84; Ivan Katchanovski, “The OUN, the UPA, and the Nazi Genocide in Ukraine,” in Mittäterschaft in Osteuropa im Zweiten Weltkrieg und im Holocaust / Collaboration in Eastern Europe during World War II and the Holocaust, eds. Peter Black, Béla Rásky and Marianne Windsperger (New Academic Press, 2019), 67–93; Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Survivor Testimonies and the Coming to Terms with the Holocaust in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia: The Case of the Ukrainian Nationalists,” East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 34, no. 1 (2020): 221–40; Struve, “The OUN(b), the Germans, and Anti-Jewish Violence in Eastern Galicia during Summer 1941;” Radchenko, “The Biography of the OUN(m) Activist Oleksa Babii in the Light of His ‘Memoirs on Escaping Execution’ (1942);” and John-Paul Himka, Ukrainian Nationalists and the Holocaust: OUN and UPA’s Participation in the Destruction of Ukrainian Jewry, 1941-1944 (ibidem-Verlag, 2021).

19 Per Anders Rudling, “The Cult of Roman Shukhevych in Ukraine: Myth Making with Complications,” Fascism: Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies 5, no. 1 (2016): 26–65.

20 Peter W. Rodgers, “Contestation and Negotiation: Regionalism and the Politics of School Textbooks in Ukraine’s Eastern Borderland,” Nations and Nationalism 12, no. 4 (2006): 681–97; idem, “‘Compliance or Contradiction’? Teaching ‘History’ in the ‘New’ Ukraine: A View from Ukraine’s Eastern Borderlands,” Europe-Asia Studies 59, no. 3 (2007): 503–19; and David Marples, Heroes and Villains: Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine (Central European University Press, 2007).

21 On this issue, see: Barbara Törnquist-Plewa and Yuliya Yurchuk, “Memory Politics in Contemporary Ukraine: Reflections from the Post-Colonial Perspective,” Memory Studies 12, no. 6 (2019): 699–720; Yuliya Yurchuk, “Global Symbols Local Meanings: The ‘Day of Victory’ after Euromaidan,” in Transnational Ukraine? Networks and Ties that Influence(d) Contemporary Ukraine, eds. Timm Beichelt and Susann Worschech (ibidem-Verlag, 2017): 66–89.

22 On the role of anniversaries in public space and collective memory, see John Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton University Press, 1994).

23 See the latest (as of early 2021) discussion of this issue: Andrei Portnov, “Bandera: Priglasheniie k spokoinomu razgovoru,” Colta.ru, 11 January 2021, https://www.colta.ru/articles/specials/26340-andrey-portnov-bandera-istoriya-i-mif (accessed on 19 January 2021).

24 On the securitization of history in the post-Maidan Ukraine see Yuliya Yurchuk, “Historians as Activists: History-Writing in Times of War. The Case of Ukraine in 2014–2018,” Nationalities Papers (2020): 1–19. On other cases of the securitization of memory and history in Eastern Europe, see Maria Mälksoo, The Politics of Becoming European: A Study of Polish and Baltic Post-Cold War Security Imaginaries (Routledge, 2010); Vlad Strukov and Victor Apryshchenko (eds.), Memory and Securitization in Contemporary Europe (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). A trend towards securitization is also observable in Ukrainian religious affairs: Denys Shestopalets, “Church as an Existential Threat: The Securitization of Religion in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine,” Journal of Church and State 62, no. 4 (2020): 713–39.