Читать книгу Peter Pond - Fur Trader and Adventurer - Harold Adams Innis - Страница 5

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Peter Pond wrote regarding his ancestry "It is well known that from fifth gineration downward we ware all waryers ither by sea or land" and the available evidence in the Pond genealogy lends support to his statement. The date of arrival of the first Pond in New England has not been definitely established, but it is probable that he was one of two sons of William Pond, a neighbor of John Winthrop, of Groton, Suffolk who arrived with the latter at Salem, Massachusetts in the "great fleet" of 1630. Winthrop refers in one of his letters to John Pond and it is probable that the other son was Samuel and that he migrated from Salem with various Dorchester settlers to Windsor, Connecticut. In any case a Samuel Pond married Sarah Ware at Windsor on November 18, 1642, and a son, named Samuel Pond, was born on March 4, 1648. Six years later on March 14, 1654 the father died leaving his widow a small estate of 130 pounds. She apparently moved to Branford, Connecticut, and on July 6, 1655 married John Linsley at that place. The son became one of the charterers of Branford and in 1672 became a freeman at Hartford. He was deputy to the General Court for Branford in 1678, 1682-3 (seargeant of "ye trainband" in the latter year), and 1687, and was made lieutenant in 1695. On February 3, 1669 he was married to Miriam Blatchley of Hartford and on July 1, 1679, a son, Samuel Pond, the third, was born. On June 8, 1704 this son was married to Abigail Goodrich, of Branford, a daughter of Bartholomew Goodrich, who had been made lieutenant in 1695. A son, Peter Pond, was born at Branford on January 22, 1718. The latter married Mary Hubbard, a daughter of Zachariah Hubbard of Boston, probably in 1739, and Peter Pond, the second, was born in Milford on Jan. 18, 1740 the eldest of nine children. His mother died on June 16, 1761 at the age of thirty seven and his father in 1764.

Little is known of the early life of Peter Pond. According to the rolls of the Suffolk County Regiment he enlisted on April 17, 1759 as a shoemaker by trade and it is probable that his father was a shoemaker also. At the age of sixteen he writes that his parents forbade him to join the army "and no wonder as my father had a larg and young famerly I just began to be of sum youse to him in his afairs." The spelling of this journal warrants the conclusion that little time was available to acquire a formal education. The son of a shoemaker in a large family probably suffered from handicaps.

His account of his early life begins with enlistment in the colonial army. In 1755 Braddock was killed on the banks of Monongahela river with heavy losses to his troops. Pond writes "A part of the British troops which ascaped cam to Milford". Attracted by tales of adventures in the service he was determined to enlist. "Toward spring government began to rase troops for the insewing campaign aganst Crown Point under the comand of General Winsloe. Beaing then sixteen years of age I gave my parans to understand that I had a strong desire to be a solge. That I was detarmind to enlist under the Oficers that was going from Milford and joine the army.—the same inklanation and sperit that my ancesters profest run thero my vanes.—and indead so strong was the propensatey for the arme that I could not with stand its Temtations. One Eaveing in April the drums an instraments of Musick were all imployed to that degrea that they charmed me.—I found miney lads of my acquantans which seamd detarmined to go into the Sarvis. I talkt with Capt. Baldwin and ask him weather he would take me in his Companey as he was the recruiting offeser. He readealey agread and I set my hand to the orders."

Peter Pond was a recruit in the seventh company of the Connecticut regiment under Capt. David Baldwin. "My parans was so angry that thay forbid me making my apearance at home. I taread about the town among my fello solgers and thought that I had made a profitable Exchange giting a rigimintal coate—At length the time came to report. Early in June we imbarked on bord a vessel to join the arme at the randivoere. We sald from Milford to New York proceeded up North river and arrived safe at Albany. I cam on smartly as I had sum of my Bountey money with me. I did not want for ginger bread and small bear and sun forgot that I had left my parans who were exseedingley trubled in minde for my well-fair. After taring thare sum weakes the Prinsabel part of the Armey got togather and we proceaded up to the Halfmoon and thare lay til the hole of the Armey from differant parts of the hole countray got to gather. In the meantime parties and teamsters ware imploid in forwarding provishon from post to post and from Forte Eadward to the head of Lake George. It was supposed that we should crose Lake George and make a desent on ticondaroge but before that coud be a Complished the sumer ended. Fall of year Seat in and we went to work at the fort George which lay on the head of the Lake by that name. In November it Groed two cold to sleap in tents and the men began to Mutanie and say that thay had sarved thare times out for which thay ware inlisted and would return home after satisfying them with smooth words thay ware prevailed on to prolong the campaign a few weakes and at the time promest by the Gineral the camp broke up and the troops returned to thare respective plasis in all parts of ye country from which thay came. But not without leaving a grate number behind which died with the disentary and other diseases which camps are subjet to appesaley (especially) among raw troops as the Amaracans ware at that time and they Beaing strangers to a holesome Mod of cookeraray it mad grate havock with them in making youse of salt provisions as they did which was in a grate part Broyling and drinking water with it to Exses".

This introduction to army life had satisfied him for the time and the following year did not find him anxious to enlist. "The year insewing which was 57 I taread at home with my parans so that I ascaped the misfortune of a number of my countrey men for Moncalm came against fort George and capterd it and as the Amaracans ware going of for fort Edward a Greabel to ye capatalasion (capitulation) the Indians fel apon them and mad grate Havack."

But in spite of the disasters of that campaign two years of inactivity proved unbearable. "In ye year 58 the safety of British Amaraca required that a large arme should be raised to act with the British Troops against Cannaday and under the command of Gineral Abercrombie against ticonderoge. I found tareing at home was too inactive a life for me therefore I joined many of my old Companyans a secont time for the arme of ye end of the Campain under the same offisers and same regiment under the command of Cornl Nathan Whiting"—of the second Connecticut regiment. "In the Spring we embarked to gine the arme at Albany whare we arrived safe at the time appointed. We ware emploid in forwarding Provishuns to Fort Edward for the youse of the Sarvis. When all was readey to cross Lake George the armey imbarked consisting of 18000 British and Provincals in about 1200 boates and a number of whalebotes, floating battery, Gondaloes, Rogalleyes and Gunbotes."

"The next day we arrived at the north end of Lake George and landed without opposition. The french that were encampt at that end of the Lake fled at our appearance as far as Ticonderoge and joined thare old commander Moncalm and we ware drawn up in order and divided into collams and ordered to March toward Moncalm in his camp before the fort—but unfortunately for us Moncalm like a Gineral dispatched five hundred to oppose us in our landing or at least to imbarres us in our March so he might put his camp in some sort of defense before our arme could arrive and thay did it most completely. We had not Marcht more than a mile and a half befoare we meat the falon (forlorn) hope for such it proved to be. The British troops kept (the) rode in one collam the Amaracans marcht threw ye woods on thare left. On ye rite of the British was the run of water that emteys from Lake George into Lake Champlain. The British and French meat in the open rode verey near each other befoar they discovered the french in a count of the uneaveneas of the ground. Lord How held the secont place in command and beaing at the head of the British troops with a small sidearm in his hand he ordered the troops to forme thare front to ye left to atack the french. But while this was dueing the french fird and his Lordship receaved a ball and three buck shot threw the senter of his brest and expired without spekeing a word. But the french pade dear for this bold atempt. It was but a short time befoare thay ware surounded by the hole of the Amaracan troops and those that did not leape into the rapid stream in order to regan thare camp ware made prisners or kild and those that did went down with the Raped curant and was drounded. From the best information I could geat from ye french of that partea was that thare was but seven men of ye five hundred that reacht the campt but it answered the purpas amaseingly."

"This afair hapend on thirsday. The troops beaing all strangers to the ground and runing threw the woods after the disparst frenchmen night came on and thay got themselves so disparst that thay could not find the way back to thare boates at the landing. That nite the British did beatter haveing the open rod to direct them thay got to ye lake Sid without trubel. A large party of ye amaracans past the nite within a Bout half a mile of the french lines without noeing whare thay ware til morning. I was not in this partey. I had wandered in ye woods in the nite with a bout twelve men of my aquantans—finealey fel on the Rode a bout a mile north of ye spot whare the first fire began. Beaing in the rode we marched toward our boates at ye water side but beaing dark we made but a stumbling pece of bisness of it and sun coming among the dead bodeyes, which ware strewed quit thick on the ground for sum little distans. We stumbled over them for a while as long as thay lasted. At lengh we got to the water just before day lite in the morn."

"What could be found of the troops got in sum order and began our march a bout two a clock in ye afternoon crossing the raped stream and left it on our left the rode on this side was good and we advansd toward the french camp as far as the miles (mills) about a mile from the works and thare past the night lying on our armes."

"This delay gave the french what thay wanted—time to secure thare camp which was well executed. The next day which was Satterday about eleven we ware seat in mosin the British leading the van it was about. They ware drawn up before strong brest work but more in extent then to permit four thousand five hundred acting. We had no cannon up to the works. The intent was to march over this work but thay found themselves sadly mistaken. The french had cut down a grate number of pinetrease in front of thare camp at some distance. While som ware entrenching others ware imployed cuting of the lims of the trease and sharpening them at both ends for a shevo dufrease (chevaux de frise) others cuting of larg logs and geting them to the Brest works. At length thay ware ready for our resaption.

"About twelve the parties began thare fire and the British put thare plan on fut to march over the works but the lims and tops of the trease on the side for the diek stuck fast in the ground and all pointed at upper end that thay could not git threw them til thay ware at last obliged to quit that plan for three forths ware kild in the atempt but the grater part of the armey lade in the rear on thare fases til nite while the British ware batteling a brest work nine logs thick in som plases which was dun without ye help of canan tho we had as fine an artilrey just at hand as could be in an armey of fifteen thousand men but thay ware of no youse while thay ware lying on thare fases. Just as the sun was seating Abercrombie came from left to rite in the rear of the troops ingaged and ordered a retreat beat and we left the ground with about two thousand two hundred loss (actually over nineteen hundred) as I was informd by an officer who saw the returns of ye nite wounded and mising."

"We ware ordered to regain our boates at the lake side which was dun after traveling all nite so sloley that we fell asleep by the way. About nine or tenn in the morning we were ordered to imbark and cross the lake to the head of Lake George but to sea the confusion thare was the solgers could not find thare one botes but imbarked permisherley (promiscuously) whare ever thay could git in expecting the french at thare heales eavery minnet. We arrived at the head of the lake in a short time—took up our old incampment which was well fortefied."

"After a few days the armey began to com to themselves and found thay ware safe for the hole of the french in that part of the country was not more than three thousand men and we about fortee thousand. We then began to git up provishan from fort Edward to the camp but the french ware so bold as to beseat our scouting party between the camp and fort Edward and cut of all the teames, destroy the provishun, kill the parties and all under thare ascort. We past the sumer in that maner and in the fall verey late the camp broke up and what remaned went into winter qaters in different parts of the collanees thus ended the most ridicklas campane eaver hard of."

Pond's account of the campaign corroborates the general views which have been held by various writers. The clumsiness of General Abercromby, the loss of Lord Howe, and the fatal attack on the French without the support of artillery are the points stressed in explanation of the British defeat.

Pond had been engaged in two campaigns as a soldier on the Lake George—Lake Champlain front. In the first campaign he had endured the ennui of camp life and in the second campaign he had seen his first severe fighting with heavy casualties. He had no liking for a third campaign in this territory. "The year 59 an armey was rased to go against Niagaray to be commanded by Gineral (Prideaux). As the Connecticut troops ware not to be imploid in that part of the armey I went to Long Island and ingaged in thot sarvis"—joining the Suffolk County regiment on April 17, 1759. "In the Spring we repaired to Albany and gined the armey as that was the plase of Rondevuse. We ware imploid in geating forward provisons to Oswego for the sarvis of the Campain. When we asemled at Osawaga Col. Haldaman took part of the troops under his command and incampt on the Ontarey side but the troops that ware destind to go against Niagara incampt on the opaset side of the river under the command of General (Prideaux). But the Company I belonged to was not ordered over the lake at all but Col. Johnston (Col. John Johnstone) who was in the Garsea (Jersey) Sarvis sent for me in partickler to go over the lake. I wated on him and inquired of him how he came to take me the ondley man of the Company out to go over the lake. He sade he had a mind I should be with him. I then asked him for as maney of the companey as would make me aseat of tent mates. He sun complid and we went and incampt with the troop for that sarvis. Capt. Vanvater (Thwaites suggests Capt. Van Veghte) commanded the company we joined."

"We sun imbarkt and arived at Nagarey. In a few days when all ware landead I was sent by the Agatint Mr. Bull as orderly sarjant to General (Prideaux). I was kept so close to my dutey that I got neither sleape nor rest for the armey was down at Johnsons landing four miles from the acting part of the armey. I was forced to run back and forth four miles nite and day til I could not sarve eney longer. I sent to Mr. Bull to releave me by sending another sargint in my plase which was dun and I gind my friends agane and fought in the trenches aganst the fort."

"Befoar we had capterd the fort the Gennarel had gind the arme and himself and my frend Col. Johnson ware both kilt in one day and Col. (Thodey) of the New York troops shot threw the leag. This was a loss to our small armey—three brave offesars in one day. We continued the seage with spereat under the command of Sir William Johnson who it fell to after the death of (Prideaux). I was faverd—I got but one slite wound dureing the seage. At the end of twenty-five days the fort capatalated to leave the works with the honners of war and lay down thare armes on the beach whare thay ware to imbark in boates for Schanactady under an escort. After apointing troops to garsen the fort we returned to Oswego and bilt a fort cald fort Erey." (Fort Ontario).

He began to realize that war meant the loss of friends and he writes,—"At the close of the Campain what was alive returned home to thare native plases but we had left a number behind who was in thare life brave men. On my arival at Milford I found maney of the prisners I had bin so industres in captering ware billeated in the town. I past the winter among them". Pond's knowledge of French was probably acquired at this time.

In the siege at Niagara and Pond's third campaign he had begun to impress his superior officers with his ability and was singled out for promotion. He had reached maturity. We find him writing "in 1760 I receaved a Commission and entered a forth time in the armey. We then gind the armey at the old plase of Rondavuse and after lying thare a few weakes in camp duing Rigimental dutey General Armarst (Amherst) sent of in pourshen to carre the baggage to Oswego whare part of the armey had all readey arived. I was ordered on this command—four offesers and eighty men. On our arrival at Oswego the Genarel gave the other three offesers as maney men as would man one boate and ordered them to return to thare rigiment. Me he ordered to incamp with my men in the rear of his fammerley til farther orders with seventy men til just befoar the armey imbarkt for S(wegatchie) and then gind my regiment. Sun after thare was apointed a light infantry companey to be pickt out of each regiment—hats cut small that thay mite be youneform. I was apointed to this Company."

"When orders ware given the armey about nine thousand imbark in a number of boates and went on the lake towards Swagochea whare we arived safe. Thare we found Pashoe (Pouchot) that had bin taken at Niagarey the sumer before commanding the fort and semed to be detarmined to dispute us and give us all the trubel he could but after eight or a few more days he was obliged to comply with the tarmes of our victoras armey a second time in les than one year."

"We then left a garrson and descended the river til we reacht Montreal the ondley plase the french had in possession in Canaday. Hear we lay one night on our armes. The next day the town suranderd to Gineral Amharst."

With the capture of Montreal the work of the army in the conquest of New France was finished. Peter Pond at the end of the campaigns was twenty years old. During the space of four years he had joined as a raw young recruit, had been engaged as a private in two campaigns, those of 1756 and 1758 on the Ticonderoga front, had become a sergeant at Niagara in 1759, and obtained his commission in 1760. He had become inured to the hardships of army life and to its discipline and had gained favour in the eyes of his superior officers. He acquired a knowledge of the army in a remarkably short space of time. He appears to have had an extraordinary physique. He had seen life at its worst but there stands out clearly in this part of his life his great loyalty to his friends. He rejoined the same company in 1758, he asked for a set of tent-mates to go with him to Niagara, he wanted to be returned to the ranks at Niagara, and he was a man who won his commission because of his ability to command men. These were impressionable years as one can gather from the detailed character of his description of the campaigns.