Читать книгу A Paladin of Philanthropy and Other Papers - Henry Austin Dobson - Страница 3

In February, 1785, when the books of the 'late learned Samuel Johnson, Esq; LL.D. Deceased,' were being sold by Mr. Christie at his Great Room in Pall Mall, one of the persons present was the poet, Samuel Rogers, then a youth of two-and-twenty. He recalls his attendance at this particular sale in order to chronicle the fact that he there met a very old gentleman,--so old that the flesh of his face looked like parchment,--who entertained the younger generation of Mr. Christie's clients by discoursing of the changes that had taken place in London within a memory which, to his auditors, seemed to rival that of the Count de St. Germain. He himself who spoke, he asserted, had 'shot snipes in Conduit-Street,' when Conduit Street was an open mead; and it may be added that he had a friend, Mr. Carew Hervey Mildmay, who had done likewise.^[1] Concerning his age, beyond these indications, he was reticent; and he was popularly supposed to be what he appeared to be--at least a hundred. Oddly enough, the only well-known portrait of him was taken by Samuel Ireland at just this time and place. It exhibits a very ancient personage indeed, lean as a grasshopper, with a profile not unlike that of Fielding in Hogarth's posthumous sketch. He wears a military-looking hat, and a caped coat with deep cuffs and ruffles. His sword hilt projects between his skirts; and in his right hand, which is propped upon a stout walking-cane, he holds a book which has been knocked down to him, and which he is reading attentively without the aid of spectacles.

The cadet of a Jacobite family in the West Riding of Yorkshire, with an English father and an Irish mother, General James Edward Oglethorpe--for such was the name of Ireland's sitter--was not so old as he looked, and perhaps wished to be thought. When in July, 1785, he died, contemporary prints vaguely stated his age at one hundred and two,^[2] and his epitaph in Cranham Church--an incontinent production by Capel Lofft which rivals the performances of Pope's Dr. Freind--is silent as to the date of his birth. His fullest biographer, Mr. Wright, and his latest biographer, Mr. Bruce, concur in fixing this as June 1, 1689. But shortly after Mr. Wright's book appeared in 1867, an indefatigable amateur of the parish register, the late Col. J. L. Chester, pointed out in 'Notes and Queries' that the date of the General's birth was plainly recorded at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, being there given as December 22, 1696--a date which (as regards day and month) is practically confirmed by the fact that, in the colony of Georgia, which he founded, the 21st December was long kept as his birthday. The seven years thus deducted from his lifetime make legend of many of the facts related of his youth. Even if he were really, as his epitaph avers, a 'Captain-Lieutenant' of the Queen's Guards in 1714 (at eighteen), it is very improbable that he could have been the 'Adjutant-General Oglethorpe' who, in the same year, travelled from Lyons to Turin with Dr. Berkeley. But it is pretty clear that in 1714 he matriculated at Corpus, where he was a Gentleman Commoner. In 1715, either upon the recommendation of Marlborough or Argyll, he took service under Prince Eugene, and assisted at the siege of Belgrade by the Austrians. For this we have his own authority. 'Pray, General,' said Johnson to him in 1772, 'give us an account of the siege of Belgrade' (Boswell, by a slip of the pen, says Bender). Whereupon the old warrior, across the walnuts, and with the aid of some of the wine, described that military exploit. Hac ibat Simois; hic est Sigeia tellus. 'Here we were, here were the Turks,' etc., etc., to all of which the Doctor 'listened with the closest attention.' It is from Boswell again, and indeed upon the same occasion, that we get the only other authentic anecdote of Oglethorpe's youth. À propos of duelling, Boswell tells the following story, as the General told it. Sitting once at table, under Eugene, with a certain Prince of Wurtemberg, the latter, by fillipping the surface of his wine, made some of it fly over the young volunteer, who was thus placed in the awkward dilemma of having to choose between accepting or resenting a gratuitous affront. Oglethorpe's resolution was quickly taken. Saying with a smile, 'That's a good joke, but we do it much better in England!' he raised his glass, and flung the contents in His Serenity's face. Whereupon an old General present pacifically observed, 'Il a bien fait, mon Prince, vous l'avez commencé,' and the affair passed off in good humour.

With the peace of Passarowitz in 1718, hostilities between the Sultan and Charles VI. were brought to a close, and with those hostilities ended Oglethorpe's experiences as a Continental volunteer. A year or two later, by the death of his second brother, Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, he succeeded to the family estate of Westbrook, near Godalming, which included a mansion where the Pretender was reported to have lain in hiding; and in October, 1722, like his father and brother before him, he took his seat in Parliament for Haslemere. As a senator, he was conspicuous for a frank speech and a benevolent motive. Colonization, commerce, free trade, and the silk manufacture in England were things which interested him; and he had a knack of homely illustration which was by no means ineffective in debate. But he was a working rather than a talking politician, and his most valuable Parliamentary efforts were in connection with the Committee of 1729-30 into the state of the debtors' prisons in London--a Committee which, indeed, had originated with himself. A friend of his own, one Robert Castell, an amiable amateur architect, who, under guise of an introduction to Vitruvius, had prepared, and dedicated to Richard, Earl of Burlington, a stately subscription folio on the Villas of the Ancients, subsequently--and perhaps consequently--fell into grave pecuniary difficulties. He was thrown into the Fleet, at that time farmed by a wretch named Thomas Bambridge, who, in his capacity of Warden, cleared some five thousand pounds a year by fleecing and oppressing the unfortunate debtors under his charge. As long as Castell could contrive to pay heavily for the privilege of residing in one of the four or five shabby streets which then constituted the Rules or Liberties, he was permitted to do so. But when he became unable to satisfy the Warden's immoderate demands for 'presents' (as they were called), he was mercilessly transferred to one of the three spunging houses^[3] attached to the prison, a crowded and loathsome den in which, moreover, the small-pox was then raging. He had never (as he protested) had that distemper; was extremely apprehensive of it; caught it almost immediately; and died in a few days, declaring, with his last breath, that he had been murdered by Bambridge. Oglethorpe promptly brought his friend's deplorable fate to the notice of the House of Commons; and a Select Committee to inquire into the state of the Gaols of the Kingdom was forthwith appointed, of which he was nominated Chairman. Its three Reports on the Fleet and the King's Bench prisons, still to be read in volume eight of Cobbett's 'Parliamentary History,' disclose the most sickening story of barbarity, extortion, and insanitation. The good and the bad, the sick and the hale, were found to be herded together in filthy dungeons; deaths, often from sheer starvation, were of daily occurrence; iron collars, thumb-screws, and the heaviest fetters were freely used for the refractory; and an unfortunate prisoner might be subjected to all this for the paltry debt of a shilling, which became the nucleus of endless gratuities and 'considerations,' and the pretext for perpetual confinement. As a result of the labours of Oglethorpe's committee some of the more crying of these abuses were remedied; but many yet remained, thirty years later, to arouse the pious horror of John Howard. The 'garnish' money of the 'Beggar's Opera' and the 'begging box' of the 'Citizen of the World' still swelled the profits of the Deputy-Marshal and his myrmidons; the terrible gaol-fever continued to claim its tribute of victims; and the prison interiors of Goldsmith's 'Vicar' and Fielding's 'Amelia' can scarcely be regarded as evidences of an attained ideal. One of the most interesting mementos of Oglethorpe's endeavours--which, by the way, were not restricted to his Parliamentary labours--is Hogarth's picture, now in the National Portrait Gallery, of Bambridge under examination. It was painted for Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk, Knight of the Shire for Aberdeen, and a member of the Committee.^[4] Horace Walpole, who had the original oil-sketch, is loud in appreciation of the rendering of the inhuman gaoler. 'It is the very figure that Salvator Rosa would have drawn for Iago in the moment of detection. Villainy, fear, and conscience are mixed in yellow and livid on his countenance, his lips are contracted by tremor, his face advances as eager to lie, his legs step back as thinking to make his escape; one hand is thrust precipitately into his bosom, the fingers of the other are catching uncertainly at his button-holes. If this was a portrait [and it was], it is the most speaking that ever was drawn; if it was not, it is still finer.'

The Committee of Enquiry into the state of the Gaols was not Oglethorpe's first philanthropic essay. In 1728 he had published anonymously a little pamphlet entitled 'The Sailor's Advocate,' in which he exposed the abuses of the cruel method of impressment countenanced by the Admiralty of his day, and, indeed, of many a day to follow. But the insight he had gained into the horrors of prison discipline had now turned his thoughts definitely in fresh directions; and he began to cast about to find employment and a future for those hapless beings who, from no unpardonable fault of their own, were most liable to fall into the clutches of Bambridge and his kind. After prolonged and anxious consideration, he was led to believe that the true solution of the question must be sought in assisted emigration--a conclusion in which he was fortified (he says) by the successful settlement of Derry (under James I.) by the Corporation of London. The district he selected for his field of operation was one which had already attracted the projector. It lay on the east coast of North America, beyond and below the Savannah River, and to the north of the Spanish territory of Florida. The Spaniards, who claimed all America, threatened it periodically from the south; bands of desperate runaway blacks infested it from the Carolinas; and to the west were dense and trackless woods, filled with Cherokees, Chickasaws, and other hostile and predatory Indian tribes. But Oglethorpe, nothing daunted, put forward his scheme. With twenty other trustees, he petitioned the Throne for an Act of Incorporation, and in June, 1732, obtained a charter for settling and establishing a new colony, to be called Georgia, in honour of George II. In a couple of pamphlets, published in the same year, and entitled respectively 'An Essay on Plantations,' and 'A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia,' he developed his ideas, which he affirmed to be 'the result of various readings and conversations in many years.' His appeal was warmly responded to by the public, and Parliament handed over to the trustees a sum of £10,000, the residue of a grant voted but not paid to Berkeley for his frustrate college in the Bermudas. The trustees, who were themselves large contributors to the scheme, were, by their Charter, restrained from receiving any salary, fee, perquisite or profit whatsoever, nor could they hold any land; conditions entirely honourable to themselves, and not subsequently discredited. Slavery, which prevailed in the Carolinas, was also strictly prohibited, eventually by special Statute. After careful inquiries, thirty-five families, comprising representatives of many trades, and numbering in all one hundred and twenty persons, were chosen for the first settlers; and on the 16th of November, 1732, they set sail from Gravesend in the 'Anne' (Captain Thomas). They were accompanied by Oglethorpe himself; by a chaplain, the Rev. Henry Herbert, and by a Piedmontese named Amatis, whose function it was to instruct the new colonists in the art of rearing silkworms and winding silk. Oglethorpe who was empowered to act as a Colonial Governor, was at this date six-and-thirty, and notwithstanding an undeniable touch of romance in his character, still unmarried. He had already shown energy and tenacity of purpose; he was now to exhibit, in fuller measure, his gifts as an organizer and administrator. He is described as tall, manly, and very handsome; as dignified, but not austere; and if it be added to these things that, as a country gentleman, he had an ample fortune, which he freely employed in the furtherance of his charitable designs, may fairly claim to be written, like Abou Ben Adhem, 'as one that loved his fellow-men.'

On January 13, 1733, after a prosperous voyage of some sixty days, the 'Anne' dropped anchor outside Charleston Bar in South Carolina, and Oglethorpe proceeded to select the site of the new settlement. The spot he fixed upon was a flat bluff or headland on the right (or south) bank of the Savannah, where, about ten miles from the mouth, it bends eastward to the Atlantic. This site extended from five to six miles into the country, with a river frontage of a mile. Forthwith the clearing of the ground began, and streets and squares were marked out. By the middle of March five houses were built or building, and a crane and magazines had been erected. The settlers had been solemnly warned against the dangers of drunkenness; and friendly relations were already in progress with the nearest body of Indians, a branch of the Creek tribe, barely half a mile off, at Yamacraw. Oglethorpe's management of the Indians deserves the highest praise, and he speedily inspired them with a confidence which they never lost. They are 'desirous,' he wrote to the trustees, 'to be subjects to his Majesty, King George, to have lands given them among us, and to breed their children at our schools. Their chief, and his beloved man, who is the second man in the nation, desire to be instructed in the Christian religion.' A month or two later a formal convention was concluded with the Indians, under which the country between the Savannah and the Altamaha (Goldsmith's 'wild Altama' in 'The Deserted Village'), as far as the tide waters flowed, and including most of the islands, was ceded to the trustees; and, by a subsequent treaty, the Creeks engaged to have no dealings with the Spaniards or the French. As a protection against the former, Oglethorpe erected a strong outpost on the Ogechee river, which he christened (in honour of his patron) Fort Argyll; and this was followed, not long after, by the creation, on St. Simon's Island, at the mouth of the Altamaha, of the settlement and military station of Frederica. Meanwhile new emigrants continued to reach Savannah. A large body of these were Protestants, from Salzburg, whose expulsion from their native land, by episcopal edict, had excited considerable sympathy in England.^[5] Oglethorpe and his trustees invited them to Georgia, where, in March, 1734, they arrived, to be welcomed warmly by the English colonists, and regaled, inter alia, with 'very fine, wholesome English beer.'^[6] They took up their abode in a locality chosen for them by Oglethorpe's aid, which they named 'Ebenezer.' As soon as they were established there, Oglethorpe, leaving his new colony in the charge of a bailiff or storekeeper, named Causton, set sail for England in H.M.S. 'Aldborough,' taking with him his now firm friend, the old Creek chief or Mico, Tomo-Chichi, his wife, Senauki, his boy-nephew and successor, Tooanahowi, and Hillispilli, his war-captain.^[7] Oglethorpe's politic object in choosing these travelling companions was to impress his Indian allies with the resources of Great Britain, and the importance of her institutions.

Tomo-Chichi and his suite had certainly a flattering reception in London. The war-captain having been with difficulty restrained from appearing in his 'native nothingness' of paint and feathers, the party were taken to Kensington in three coaches to interview George II., who received them very graciously, and allowed them £20 a week during their four months' stay in town. They subsequently visited the venerable Archbishop of Canterbury (Dr. William Wake) at Lambeth, and were made acquainted with whatever was 'curious and worthy Observation in and about the Cities of London and Westminster.' They received some £400 worth of presents, including a gold watch which was presented to Tooanahowi, with a pious admonition, by the youthful Duke of Cumberland. In return, they seem to have greatly (or gratefully) admired His Royal Highness's 'Exercise of riding the manag'd Horse', and to have been specially impressed by the magnificence of the Life Guards and the glories of the Thames on Lord Mayor's Day. After their return to Georgia in October, some of the tribe sent an elaborate letter of thanks to Tomo-Chichi's English entertainers, but scarcely in a shape adapted for preservation in an autograph book. It consisted of the dressed skin of a young buffalo, painted by a Cherokee chief with red and black hieroglyphics; and in this form it long ornamented the Georgia Office in Old Palace Yard. Oglethorpe himself was also naturally the object of much attention, and he received many testimonies to the popularity of his enterprise. Some of these took peculiar forms. At the end of 1735 a certain eccentric Mr. Robert North, of Scarborough, offered prizes in the 'Gentleman's Magazine' for the four best poems entitled 'The Christian Hero' (the name, it will be remembered, of an early devotional manual by Captain Richard Steele of the Guards). The first prize was to be a gold medal with Oglethorpe's head on one side, and that of Lady Elizabeth Hastings (Steele's 'Aspasia') on the other. Lady Elizabeth's effigy was, however, withheld at her own request, and that of Oglethorpe did not prove complimentary as a portrait. As for the poems--well, the poems may still be read in Sylvanus Urban his sixth volume. But the metrical utterance that really handed down Oglethorpe's name to posterity made its appearance a year later (1737). The couplet--

'One, driv'n by strong Benevolence of Soul,

Shall fly, like Oglethorp, from Pole to Pole'--

in Alexander Pope's epistle to Colonel Cotterell, has done more to preserve the memory of the founder of Georgia than all the records of the Office at Westminster.

During Oglethorpe's stay in England he had been actively promoting the interests of the new province, but beyond the fact that, from his seat in the House, he had warmly supported two Acts prohibiting the introduction into the settlement of spirits and slavery, his doings have not been particularly recorded. In December, 1735, he set out on his return voyage with two vessels, the 'Symond' and the 'London Merchant,' having on board two hundred and twenty chosen settlers, and a fresh consignment of Salzburgers. He was accompanied, as missionaries, by John Wesley, at this time two-and-thirty, and his younger brother Charles, who was twenty-six. After a passage of many vexations and delays (like Fielding later, they were detained several weeks at the Isle of Wight by contrary winds), they reached their destination. Of course there were disappointments. Tybee Island, at the river-mouth, which should have been lighted, was still dark. But Savannah itself had greatly prospered in its founder's absence. Where, three years before, there had been only the 'matted woods' of Goldsmith, now rose some two hundred comfortable dwellings with garden- and orchard-plots, and pasture lands filled with grazing cattle. There were even public recreation grounds, delightfully situated by the river side, where flourished orange trees and tulip-laurels, and white mulberries for the silk-worms, and tropical plants--coffee and cotton and palma Christi--which had been sent from the West Indies by Sir Hans Sloane. Savannah, however, was no longer to be Oglethorpe's chief care. The Spaniards, who had a stronghold at St. Augustine, in Florida, had begun to demonstrate uneasily along the Altamaha, and he turned his energies for the future mainly to the protection of the southern frontier. A body of Gaelic Highlanders from Inverness were already installed at Darien, about twelve miles up the Altamaha; and after adjusting some difficulties of the Salzburgers, who were dissatisfied with the site of Ebenezer, he hastened southward to St. Simon's Island, at the river mouth. Here in brief space he established, and stocked with emigrants, the fort of Frederica, for many years to come the main bulwark against Spanish aggression in North America; and it is with this fort on St. Simon's Island that, during the remainder of his stay in Georgia, he was chiefly connected.

It has already been mentioned that Oglethorpe was accompanied on his return from England by the Wesley brothers. Their subsequent history is one of the difficult passages of the Georgia chronicle. Charles, the younger, who, besides being chaplain, was to be Oglethorpe's secretary, appears to have speedily wearied of his lay duties, added to which, during Oglethorpe's absence from Frederica, he became involved in a tangle of misunderstandings with the settlers--misunderstandings embittered by jealousies and complicated by feminine tittle-tattle. In a very few weeks he found Frederica too hot for him ('I was overjoyed at my deliverance out of this furnace'), and not long afterwards resigned his post, parting kindly with Oglethorpe, who, in spite of his impetuosity, never bore malice. Meanwhile his elder brother, whom Oglethorpe liked less, was not prospering at Savannah. He had come out to convert the Indians, but he never learned their language. On the other hand, he seems to have contrived to make himself exceedingly distasteful to the colonists. At this stage of his career--as he himself admitted later--he was a bigoted High Churchman. His exhortations, rigorous in doctrine and personal in tone, were angrily resented by the very mixed community of the new settlement. He is, moreover, alleged to have 'interfered in family quarrels and the broils of social life.' Finally came the affaire du cœur which has been so frequently related. Always susceptible to feminine charm, he became attached to the storekeeper's niece, a designing coquette, who had nursed him through a fever, and deliberately laid herself out to attract him. Whether he actually made known his sentiments is obscure, but the Salzburg elders were certainly consulted privately as to the expediency of his marrying. They reported unfavourably, and the lady promptly consoled herself with a rival admirer. When afterwards, for some levity of behaviour as a married woman, Wesley declined to admit her to the Communion Table, her uncle and husband indicted him for defamation. The suit failed, but Savannah thenceforth became impossible for John Wesley, and he returned to England in December, 1737, as Whitefield was setting out to join him. Whitefield, in other ways, was equally ineffectual; and he, also, made no long stay in Georgia. In no case does there seem to have been any actual rupture with Oglethorpe. But from a letter he wrote later, à propos of the excellent 'Practice of Christianity' which the good Manx Bishop, Dr. Wilson, had drawn up at his request, 'towards an Instruction for the Indians,' he was manifestly of opinion that the teaching of 'our Methodists' (by which he must be understood to mean the brothers and their successor) had not proved to be adapted to the spiritual requirements of the colony. Probably he would personally have preferred more loving-kindness and a little less formality.

The Wesleys, however, are but an episode in Georgian history; and during their residence in the settlement can scarcely have had any prolonged intercourse with Oglethorpe, whose life henceforward reads like a realization of the old stage direction, 'excursions and alarms.' Actually or indirectly he was continuously occupied in watching or checkmating the aggressive movements of the Spaniards; and his resources, offensive and defensive, were uncertain and inadequate. The Indians, his best friends, were excitable, and not always to be controlled by civilization; the Carolinians, besides being committed to slave-labour, were self-seeking and obstructive; while the Salzburgers, though inoffensive enough in their 'petrified Sabbath' at Ebenezer, declined to fight, even for hearth and home, and ultimately had to 'fold their tents' altogether. After nine months of defending Georgia against its different dangers, Oglethorpe took advantage of a temporary lull to sail again for England, and beat up recruits. He was received with renewed enthusiasm, not a little heightened by the fact that the Court of Madrid, while privately strengthening St. Augustine, had the audacity to demand that neither Oglethorpe nor his levies should be allowed to go back. Nevertheless, with the approval of Government, his regiment of 600 men was raised; and in the following September (1738), he once more reached St. Simon's with the title of commander-in-chief of all his Majesty's forces in Georgia and South Carolina. Some further time was occupied in procuring and concluding fresh treaties with the Indians; and then came the long deferred Declaration of War with Spain, one of the first results of which was that Oglethorpe was ordered to reduce St. Augustine. This, a few months later, he prepared to do, but not with his usual good fortune. He had a fair equipment of regulars, Carolina militia, and Indians, and this land force, numbering some two thousand men, was intended to be supported from the sea by English men-of-war. But the Indians proved unmanageable; the colonial militia, besides being inefficient, deserted freely; and the fleet failed to render the aid expected. Sickness and disaffection complicated matters, and after investing St. Augustine (which was found to be strongly garrisoned and well defended) for five weeks, Oglethorpe had no option but to withdraw ingloriously, to the great prejudice of his prestige both abroad and at home, where his old patron, the Duke of Argyll, had to explain in the House of Lords (what was indeed the truth) that the enterprise had miscarried 'only for want of supplies necessary to a possibility of success.'

Fortunately, for nearly two years after the siege of St. Augustine, Spain remained comparatively quiet. Then, in the spring of 1742, came Oglethorpe's opportunity. Before he had been the attacker, now he was to be the attacked, and the story, on a smaller scale, has a dash of the Elizabethan days. With Castilian deliberation the Spaniards of Florida and the Havana fitted out a pompous armada of forty or fifty ships, snows, galleys, and periaguas, the purpose of which was to sweep the heretics, summarily and for ever, from the North American settlements. The key of Georgia was St. Simon's Island, and St. Simon's Island, the defences of which had been recently strengthened, could not be neglected by an invader. Into St. Simon's Island Oglethorpe accordingly threw himself with a rapidly organized band of followers. When, after an unsuccessful attack on Fort William (in Cumberland Island), the Spaniards arrived in St. Simon's Sound, he allowed them to land, spiked the guns of a smaller fort to the south, and retired upon Frederica, which was flanked by a dense oak forest, and approached by a morass. Here, under cover of the wood, and excellently served by his Indian scouts, he attacked the enemy in detail, a course which subjected them to much the same fate as that which befell Braddock's ill-starred expedition, fourteen years later, against Fort Duquesne. Notwithstanding their superiority, numbers of them, including several officers of distinction, were killed by sallies and ambuscades, and Oglethorpe himself, as a leader, seems to have shown not only extraordinary resource and decision, but also marked personal gallantry, taking two Spaniards prisoner, on one occasion, with his own hand. Finally, by a fortunate stratagem, he contrived, through the medium of a French spy, to persuade his foes that an English fleet was on its way to his relief--a statement which was opportunely supported by the chance appearance of some vessels off the coast. After about a week of this desultory and disastrous warfare, the discomfited Spanish forces re-embarked, with Oglethorpe at their heels. They made a renewed but fruitless attack upon Fort William, which was bravely defended by Ensign Stuart. In a few days more they had faded away in the direction of St. Augustine, and Oglethorpe was able to order a thanksgiving for the end of the invasion. Seven or eight hundred men had put to flight more than five thousand; and Whitefield might well write (as he did) that 'the deliverance of Georgia from the Spaniards is such as cannot be paralleled but by some instances out of the Old Testament.'

During the remainder of his stay in Georgia, Oglethorpe continued to 'harass the Spaniard' by all the means at his command. But he was ill-supported from home both with money and men; and what was worse, his military operations had involved him personally in financial difficulties which sooner or later must have necessitated his return to England. The proximate cause of that return, however, was apparently to meet certain charges which had been preferred against him by one of his subordinates, Lieut.-Colonel Cook. In June, 1744, these were declared by a Board of General Officers to be 'false, malicious, and without foundation,' and Cook was summarily dismissed the service. A month or two later (September 15) the 'Gentleman's Magazine' records the marriage of 'Gen. Oglethorpe,--to the only Daughter of the late Sir Nathan Wright, Bt., of Cranham Hall, Essex.' The lady, who was thirty-five, brought him a fresh fortune (Georgia must by this time have absorbed his own), and a pleasant Jacobean country-house with an old-fashioned garden. One of Mr. Urban's poets seems to have expected that Mrs. Oglethorpe would henceforth share her husband's 'fatigues, and conduct in the field.' But Oglethorpe never again went back to Georgia, which was thenceforth left to go its own gait, and adopt slave labour. In the Forty-Five, he was appointed to a command under that corpulent rival of Eugene and Marlborough, 'Billy the Butcher,' who subsequently accused him of 'lingering on the road' with his rangers in pursuit of the rebels. 'Lingering' was not a fault of Oglethorpe, who was promptly acquitted by court-martial--the King confirming the verdict. But though he was later made a Lieutenant-General, this incident, coupled with some distrust of his Jacobite antecedents, practically closed his career as a soldier. For several years he continued to speak ably and earnestly in the House of Commons on matters military and philanthropic. Then, in 1754, two years after the trustees had finally washed their hands of Georgia, he lost the seat which he had held through seven Parliaments; and in 1765, two years after Florida was transferred to England at the Treaty of Paris, he became a full General, soon to be the oldest in the British army. But it was twenty years more before he finally quitted the scene, living past the American Revolution and the famous Declaration which made Georgia independent, to die at last in his Essex home, not as one might suppose, of old age, but of a violent fever which would have killed him at any time. He is buried in the little church at Cranham, where his widow was ultimately laid beside him.

There are many references to Oglethorpe in the memoirs of his day, through which he flits fitfully for half a century, vigorous, bright-eyed, and too eager of speech to complete his sentences. He was familiar, of course, with Boswell, to which eminent 'Authour,' after the publication of the 'Tour in Corsica,' he introduced himself in a particularly gratifying manner. 'My name, Sir, is Oglethorpe, and I wish to be acquainted with you.' He bade him not marry till he had first put the Corsicans in a proper situation. 'You may make a fortune in the doing of it,' said he; 'or, if you do not, you will have acquired such a character as will entitle you to make a fortune'--words which, if correctly reported, have a curious odd suggestion of his own experience. He was also known to Johnson, whose 'London' he had been one of the earliest to praise 'in all companies,' and there can be no doubt that such lines as those in that poem which speak of 'peaceful deserts, yet unclaimed by Spain', which might afford an asylum to the oppressed, must have found a responsive echo in Oglethorpe's heart. Both the Doctor and Boswell seem to have proposed to write their friend's life, but neither did; and we are left to explain their neglect either by indolence, or that absence of effective biographical material and predominance of minor detail which have proved such a stumbling block to Oglethorpe's biographers. Another contemporary whom he knew was Goldsmith, to whom he offered Cranham as an asylum from the fumum strepitumque Romæ. He sends him five pounds for a charitable purpose, and adds--'if a farm and a mere country scene will be a little refreshment from the smoke of London, we shall be glad of the happiness of seeing you at Cranham Hall.' Whether Goldsmith went (he was familiar with another Essex house, Lord Clare's at Gosfield), is not related; but it was when Oglethorpe was calling upon him with Topham Beauclerk that he was insulted by Pilkington's historical pound--no, quarter-of-a-pound--of tea; and it was at Oglethorpe's, in April, 1773, that he sang Tony Lumpkin's 'Three Jolly Pigeons' and that other ditty, to the tune of the 'Humours of Balmagairy' ('Ah, me! when shall I marry me!'), which was left out of 'She Stoops' because the 'Miss Hardcastle' of the play was no vocalist. But the last, and perhaps the most picturesque accounts of Oglethorpe are given by Horace Walpole and Hannah More. 'I have got a new admirer,' writes that lively lady from Mrs. Garrick's in 1784. 'We flirt together prodigiously; it is the famous General Oglethorpe, perhaps the most remarkable man of his time ... the finest figure you ever saw. He perfectly realises all my ideas of Nestor. His literature is great [he knew some of Miss More's poetry by heart], his knowledge of the world extensive, and his faculties as bright as ever; he is one of the three persons still living who were mentioned by Pope; Lord Mansfield and Lord Marchmont are the other two ... He is quite a preux chevalier, heroic, romantic, and full of the old gallantry.' Walpole, who was feebler, and frailer, and crippled with rheumatism, is hardly as enthusiastic as 'St. Hannah,' which was his own pet-name for Miss More. But his report is fully confirmatory of Oglethorpe's young old age. 'General Oglethorpe, who sometimes visits me ... has the activity of youth when compared with me. His eyes, ears, articulation, limbs, and memory would suit a boy, if a boy could recollect a century backwards. His teeth are gone; he is a shadow, and a wrinkled one; but his spirits and his spirit are in full bloom; two years and a half ago, he challenged a neighbouring gentleman for trespassing on his manor. "I could carry a cannon as easily as let off a pistol."' And this was written in April, 1785, a month or two before Oglethorpe's death.

Hannah More's conventional 'preux chevalier' strikes the final note of Oglethorpe better than her lightly-penned laudation. When he recommends her to study the old romances because it is the only way to acquire 'noble sentiments,' we are reminded not a little of his own kinship to Don Quixote; when we read of his restless and impulsive energy, we recall (and the parallel was drawn in his own day) the ubiquitous exploits of Swift's Peterborough:

'Mordanto gallops on alone,

The roads are with his followers strown,

This breaks a girth and that a bone;

'His body active as his mind,

Returning sound in limb and wind,

Except some leather left behind.'

He prosecuted Philanthropy in the spirit of a Paladin, rejoicing in the obstacles, the encounters, the nights sub Jove frigido; and it is easy to imagine him declaiming to Johnson and Goldsmith of the dangers of luxury, or quoting the admirable precepts of Mr. Addison's 'Cato.' His method, with all its advantages, had demonstrable drawbacks; and it is quite possible that, reasoning with his heart rather than his head, he was occasionally mistaken both in the means he employed and the agents he chose. It is possible, also, that in the presence of timidity or obstruction, he was sometimes imperious as well as impatient. Nescit cedere was the motto of his family. But he was a good man, disinterested, genuinely self-denying, sincerely religious after his fashion,--a fashion perhaps not altogether that of the Wesleys and Whitefields. In the matter of spirits and slave labour he was plainly in advance of his age; and if he was not exactly (as Warton claimed), 'at once a great hero and a great legislator,' there can be no doubt as to his 'Benevolence of Soul,' and his unfeigned sympathy with the oppressed. 'His undertaking will succeed,' said the Governor of South Carolina, 'for he nobly devotes all his powers to serve the poor and rescue them from their wretchedness.' 'He has taken care of us to the utmost of his ability,' wrote the pastor of the grateful Salzburgers. 'Others would not in many years have accomplished what he has brought about in one.' And when, long after, the Spaniards sought to prejudice an Indian chief against his English friend, he answered, 'We love him. It is true he does not give us silver; but he gives us everything we want that he has. He has given me the coat off his back and the blanket from under him.'

[1]	Mr. Mildmay died in 1780, being then ninety-six. Fifty years ago people were wont to boast of shooting snipe--it is always snipe!--on the marshy site of Belgravia (the Five Fields); now they speak of Battersea and Bedford Park.

[2]	'One Hundred Two! Methusalem in age,A vigorous soldier, and a virtuous sage:He founded Georgia, gave it laws and trade;He saw it flourish, and he saw it fade!'Gentleman's Magazine, lv. 573.

[3]	Johnson (whose knowledge was experimental) accurately defined these establishments in the 'Dictionary' as houses 'to which debtors are taken before commitment to prison, where the bailiffs sponge upon them, and riot at their cost.'

[4]	Sir James Thornhill, the painter, who probably got Hogarth the commission, was also on the Committee.

[5]	The Exodus of the Salzburgers has been made the subject of a picture by the German artist, Menzel.

[6]	This very minor detail is mentioned for the sake of showing that Oglethorpe's objection to alcohol stopped at 'fire-water.' He would have been thoroughly in sympathy with the respective lessons of Hogarth's 'Beer Street' and 'Gin Lane.'

[7]	Tomo-Chichi in his furs, and Tooanahowi holding a live eagle, were painted in London by William Verelst. It was a different Verelst who, in 1710, had painted the Four Iroquois Indian Kings of the 'Spectator.'