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FOOTNOTES:

[1] Romancero del Cid, pp. 12, 74, 77, 79, 87, 88, etc. (Frankofurto, 1828).—Crónica de Alfonso VII, 138–141 (Florez, España Sagrada, XXI, 403)—

“Castellæ vires per sæcula fucre rebelles:

Inclyta Castella ciens sævissima bella

Vix cuiquam regum voluit submittere collum:

Indomite vixit, cœli lux quandiu luxit.”

[2] Fuero Viejo de Castiella, Lib. I, Tit. iii, § 3. Cf. Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxv, ley 7.

[3] See, for instance, the charter granted by Raymond Berenger IV of Barcelona, in 1108, to Olerdula, after a devastating Saracen inroad, and the charter of Lérida in 1148, after its capture from the Moors.—Marca Hispanica, pp. 1233, 1305. The same causes were operative in Castile.

[4] The cities entitled to send procurators to the Córtes were Burgos, Leon, Ávila, Segovia, Zamora, Toro, Salamanca, Soria, Murcia, Cuenca, Toledo, Seville, Córdova, Jaen, Valladolid, Madrid and Guadalajara.—Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. xcv.

[5] Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P. I, cap. xvi, xx. (Madrid, 1820.)—Siete Partidas, P. II, Tit. xvi, ley 4.—Modesto de Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 34.—J. Bernays, Zur inneren Entwicklung Castiliens (Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 1889, pp. 381 sqq.).

[6] Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. clxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. I, cap. xiv (Memorial histórico español, VIII).

[7] Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lxxx.—Barrantes, op. cit. Lib. I, cap. xxvi, lxxx.

[8] Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, año XVII, cap. vii.

[9] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, II, 330 (Madrid, 1863).

[10] Seguro de Tordesillas, Madrid, 1784.

[11] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. lxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xxviii.—Pulgar, Crónica, p. 3 (Ed. 1780).

[12] Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 14).

[13] Juan de Pineda, El Libro del Passo Honroso, Madrid, 1784.—Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xiv.

[14] Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. xxiv.

[15] Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xix., xl.—Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judíos, III, 205.

[16] Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy, pp. 17–19.

[17] Maldonado, op. cit. pp. 65, 71, 72, 83.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. iii.—Hazañas valerosas de Pedro Manrique de Lara (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, pp. 123, 126).—Hernando del Pulgar, Crónica, P. I, cap. lxxxiii.

[18] Maldonado, op. cit., pp. 23, 52, 71, 73.

[19] Clemencin, Elógio de Doña Isabel, p. 127.

[20] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cliii.

[21] Pulgar, Claros Varones de España (Elzevir, 1670, p. 6).—Castillo, op. cit. cap. cxliii.—Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV, pp. 3, 7, 23 (Madrid, 1805). At the Córtes of Segovia, in 1471, Henry ordered the destruction of all the private mints, but it is not likely that he was obeyed (Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 830, Madrid, 1866). Garcia López de Salazar, a contemporary, tells us that the gold Enriques were originally 23½ carats fine, but those struck in the royal mints gradually fell to seven carats, while the private mints made them what they pleased.—Saez, p. 418.

Spanish coinage is an intricate subject, and as some knowledge of it is necessary for the proper understanding of sums of money referred to hereafter, I have given a brief account of it in the Appendix.

[22] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 59–68.—Novisima Recopilacion, Lib. III, Tit. v, ley 10, 11.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. xxii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. xvi.—Don Clemencin (op. cit. p. 146).

At the death of Henry IV, in 1474, the royal revenue had fallen to about ten million maravedís. By 1477 it increased to 27,415,626, by 1482 to 150,695,288, and in 1504, at the death of Isabella, it was 341,733,597.—Clemencin, p. 153.

[23] Miscelánea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, T. XI, p. 332).

[24] L. Marinæus Siculus de Reb. Hispan. (R. Beli Rer. Hispan. Scriptt, p. 774).—Damiani a Goes Hispania (Ibid. p. 1237).

[25] Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xx; Letras No. iii.—Fléchier, Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, II, 291 (Ed. 1693).

The Córtes of Toledo, in 1462, among their grievances, include the factious turbulence of the clergy—“bien sabe vuestra alteza commo algunos obispos e abades e otras eclesiasticas personas se han fecho y de cada dia se fazen de vandos, e algunos dellos tanto e mas escandalizan vuestras cibdades e villas que los legos dellas.”—Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 711 (Madrid, 1866).

[26] Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, pp. 156, 190, 193–4, 255, 293–4, 297, 304).

[27] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 25 (Aguirre, V, 344–50).

[28] L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib. XIX.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 15; ann. 1485, n. 26.

[29] History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 180 sqq.

[30] Romancero del Cid, pp. 245, 269 (Francofurto, 1828).

[31] Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VI, Tit. ix, ley 21.—Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVII, 256.

[32] Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 1 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 18). Similar laws adopted in 1534 and 1537 show that meanwhile it had been impossible to prevent papal encroachments.—Ib. cap. 3, 4.

[33] Ayala, Crónica de Don Juan I, año X, cap. vii.—Crónica de Don Enrique III, año III, cap. xvi.

[34] Alvar Gomez, De Rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio, fol. 3 (Compluti, 1569).—Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, pp. 38–41.

[35] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cv.

[36] Memorial histórico español, T. I, p. 236; II, 22, 25.—Gomez de Rebus gestis a Fran. Ximenio, fol. 9–11.

[37] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XX, cap. xxii.—Mariana, Historia de España, Lib. XXIV, cap. xvi.

[38] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Catolicos, Lib. II, cap. civ.

The right as to bishoprics was finally conceded in 1523 to Charles V by Adrian VI (Mariana, Lib. XXVI, cap. 5).

[39] Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal de Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 244).

[40] Boletin de la R. Acad. de la Historia, T. XXII, pp. 220, 227.

[41] Coleccion de Privilegios etc. T. VI, p. 117 (Madrid, 1833).

[42] Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta IV, fol. 85, § 3 (Sevilla, 1860).

[43] Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. III, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10.—Novís. Recop. Lib. IV, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5.

[44] Novísima Recop. Lib. XII, Tit. xxvi, leyes 3–5.

[45] Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 113 (Madrid, 1829)

[46] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 246.

[47] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. xxiv (Aguirre, V, 350).

[48] Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 539; III, 33, 57, 122, 172, 192–6, 287, 328, 408.

[49] Pulgar, Crónica, III, lxvi.

[50] Coleccion de Cédulas, II, 49, 50 (Madrid, 1829).

[51] La Puente, Epit. de la Crónica de Juan II, Lib. V, cap. xxxiii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib. XIX.—Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. li.—Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. i (Sevilla, 1869).

[52] Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 254).

[53] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XVIII, cap. 20, 21.—Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xx.—Pulgar, Crónica P. I, cap. ii; P. II, cap. xci.—Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrrey (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, p. 94).—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. xxi.

[54] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxxvii.—Clemencin, Elógio de la Reina Isabel, Append. I.

[55] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. ii; Letra xii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib. XIX.

[56] Machiavelli’s judgement was as usual correct when he remarked (Il Principe, cap. xvi) “Il Re di Spagna presente se fusse tenuto liberale non avrebbe fatto nè vinto tante imprese.”

[57] Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro II, fol. 22

[58] “Con gran dificultad perdonava los yerros que se le hazian.”—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc., Lib. VIII, cap. xii.

[59] Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, T. VII, p. 333 (Madrid, 1762).—Ochoa, Epistolario Español, II, 14.

[60] Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xxxiv-v. The value of the gold crown of the period was 4s. 6d. sterling (Ibid. p. 4) and 200,000 scudos was the marriage-portion of Katharine of Aragon when wedded to Prince Arthur of England (Ibid, p. lxiv), which is the equivalent of about £500,000 of modern money. For the oppression of the people see Gonzalo de Ayora (Boletin de la R. Acad., XVII, 447–8). Cf. Clemencin, p. 185.

[61] From the Notables of Cristóbal Núñez, printed by Padre Fidel Fita in the Boletin, XVI, 561.

[62] L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hisp. Lib. XXI.

[63] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. V, Epist. cxiv.

[64] Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 43 sqq.

[65] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. lxx.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib. vii, cap. 6.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VIII, cap. xv.—José Grestoso y Pérez, Los Reyes Católicos en Sevilla (Sevilla, 1891).—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, n. 5.

[66] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. xcv.

[67] Ferreiro, Fueros Municipales de Santiago, II, 65 (Santiago, 1896).

[68] Ibidem, II, 314.

[69] L. Marinæi Siculi Lib. XIX, XXI.—Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. xxvii, lxxviii, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii; P. III, cap. xxxix, lxvi, c, cxxvii.—Capitulos hechos por el rey y la reyna en Sevilla a ix de Junio de M. y d. (sine nota).

[70] Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Españe, XVIII, 236).

[71] Bernaldez, cap. xlii.

[72] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. V, Epist. cviii. As Cardinal Ximenes says in his letter of advice to Cardinal Adrian as to the conduct of Charles V in taking possession of his inheritance, “por lo qual fue ella tan poderosisima en su reyno, que todos del mayor á el menor temian virgam ferream de su justicia, y asi destruyó toda la tirannia.” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 237).

[73] Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Inquisicion Libros I, II.

[74] The limitations on the royal jurisdiction are exemplified by the unseemly contest at Alcalá de Henares, in 1485–6, between Isabella and the Archbishop González de Mendoza, respecting her right to administer justice within his province. It lasted from December till the time for opening the campaign against Granada, when she removed to Córdova without having established her claim.—Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist, español, VI, 264).

Yet her jurisdiction was one of the points on which Isabella wisely insisted with the utmost firmness. To quote Cardinal Ximenes again—“Ante todo la dicha Reyna cuidaba de defender su jurisdiccion Real, viendo que por ella los Reyes en Castilla se hacen mas poderosos y mas temidos de sus vasallos” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 238). When, in 1491, the royal court at Valladolid, presided over by Alonzo de Valdevielfo, Bishop of Leon, wrongfully allowed an appeal to Rome, she promptly dismissed the bishop and all the judges and replaced them with Juan Arias del Villar, Bishop of Oviedo, and other assessors.—Crónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XIII, 184–5).—Galindez de Carbajal (Ibid. XVIII, 278).

[75] Memorial histórico español, T. II, pp. 68, 72, 86, 94, 102.

[76] Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, Coleccion Diplomática, T. II, pp. 3, 7, 46, 75, 81, 178 (Madrid, 1860).—Vicente Santamaria de Paredes, Curso de Derecho Político, p. 509 (Madrid, 1883).—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, I, 247, 300 (Madrid, 1861).

[77] Benavides, op. cit. II, 363.

[78] Ferreiro, Fucros Municipales de Santiago, III, 44.

[79] Coleccion de Privilegios, T. VI, p. 327 (Madrid, 1833).

[80] Crónica de Don Juan II, año XXXVII, cap. i.

[81] Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 795.

[82] Castillo, Crónica de Don Enrique IV, cap. lxxxvii, xc.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VII, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib. XVII, cap. xxxi.—Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 103 (Madrid, 1829).—Bienvenido, Oliver y Esteller (Boletin, XIV, 382).

[83] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. li.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib. XIX.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib. VI, cap. 1–3.—Garibay, Comp. Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. viii.

[84] Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, No. 1.

[85] Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib. VIII, cap. V.—Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 319).

[86] Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VIII, cap. xx.

[87] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 70, 124, 143, 183; III, 103.

[88] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. xcv.—Palafox, Obras, VII, 338 (Madrid, 1762).—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 13 (Saragossa, 1624).

[89] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 89.

[90] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. xii.

[91] Novís. Recop. Tit. xxv, Lib. XII.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VIII, cap xiii.—Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 295.—See also the description of the perfected system which excited the admiration of the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563 (Relazioni, Serie I, T. V, p. 21).

[92] Clemencin, p. 139.

[93] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 136, 164, 173, 185, 336, 338; V, 669; VI, 425.—Novís Recop. Tit. xxxv, Lib. XII, ley 18.

[94] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 356 (Madrid, 1882)—“E las leyes e costunbres son sujetas alos Reys, que las pueden hazer e quitar a su voluntad, e vuestra Alteza es ley viba e animada en las tierras.”

[95] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 333.

[96] Mariana, Lib. XXVIII, cap. xi; Tom. IX, Append. p. xix.—Giustiniani, Historie degl’Ordini Militari, pp. 386, 425, 460 (Venezia, 1692).

[97] Cartas de Ximenes de Cisneros, pp. 120, 131, 181 (Madrid, 1867).—Wadding, Annales Minorum, ann. 1516, n. 12.—Gachard, Correspondence entre Charles-Quint et Adrien VI, p. cxi (Bruxelles, 1859).

[98] Thus Father Gams attributes the Spanish Inquisition to the national peculiarity of the Spaniard, who requires that the State should represent God on earth, and that Christianity should control all public life; he demands unity of faith and not freedom of faith. The Inquisition is an institution for which the Church has no responsibility.—P. Pius Gams, O. S. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, III, II, 7, 8, 11, 12.

[99] Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. i, cap. 5.

[100] Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisitionis, p. 164.

[101] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147^b (Ed. 1494).

[102] Canon. Apostol. n. 69, 70.

[103] Concil. Eliberitan. cap. 16, 49, 50, 78.

[104] S. August, de Adult. Conjug. Lib. I, cap. xviii.

[105] S. Ambros. Epist. XL, n. 26.

[106] S. Joh. Chrysost. adv. Judæos Orat. I, n. 3, 4, 6. Chrysostom’s indignation was especially aroused by the popular belief among Christians in the peculiar sanctity of the synagogues, which rendered oaths taken in them more binding than in a church.

[107] Socrat. H. E. VII, xiii.

[108] Lib. XVI, Cod. Theodos. Tit. viii, Ll. 6, 9, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27; Tit. ix, Ll. 2, 3, 4, 5.

[109] Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii.

[110] Edict. Theoderici, cap. 143.—Cassiodori Variar. IV, 33, 43; v, 37. Cf. III, 45.

[111] Concil. Agathens. ann. 506, cap. 40. This was embodied in the canon law (Gratian. Decr. Caus. XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 14). The apologetic tone in which Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, speaks of Jews whom he likes and who “solent hujusmodi homines honestas habere causas” shows that the more enlightened churchmen felt that any favor shown to the proscribed race exposed them to animadversion (Epistt. Lib. III, Ep. 4; Lib. IV, Ep. 5).

[112] Concil. Quinisext. cap. 11 (Decr. Caus. XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 13).