Читать книгу The Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. - James Boswell - Страница 184

See Boswell’s Hebrides, Aug. 14, 1773, where Johnson, on taking his first walk in Edinburgh, ‘grumbled in Boswell’s ear, “I smell you in the dark.”’ I once spent a night in a town of Corsica, on the great road between Ajaccio and Bastia, where, I was told, this Edinburgh practice was universal. It certainly was the practice of the hotel.

[344] His Ode Ad Urbanum probably. NICHOLS. BOSWELL.

[345] Johnson, on his death-bed, had to own that ‘Cave was a penurious paymaster; he would contract for lines by the hundred, and expect the long hundred.’ See post, Dec. 1784.

[346] Cave sent the present by Johnson to the unknown author.

[347] See post, p. 151, note 5.

[348] The original letter has the following additional paragraph:—‘I beg that you will not delay your answer.’

[349] In later life Johnson strongly insisted on the importance of fully dating all letters. After giving the date in a letter to Mrs. Thrale, he would add,—‘Now there is a date, look at it’ (Piozzi Letters, ii. 109); or, ‘Mark that—you did not put the year to your last’ (Ib. p. 112); or, ‘Look at this and learn’ (Ib. p. 138). She never did learn. The arrangement of the letters in the Piozzi Letters is often very faulty. For an omission of the date by Johnson in late life see post, under March 5, 1774.

[350] A poem, published in 1737, of which see an account under April 30, 1773—BOSWELL.

[351] The learned Mrs. Elizabeth Carter. BOSWELL. She was born Dec. 1717, and died Feb. 19, 1806. She never married. Her father gave her a learned education. Dr. Johnson, speaking of some celebrated scholar [perhaps Langton], said, ‘that he understood Greek better than any one whom he he had ever known, except Elizabeth Carter.’ Pennington’s Carter, i. 13. Writing to her in 1756 he said, ‘Poor dear Cave! I owed him much; for to him I owe that I have known you’ (Ib. p. 40). Her father wrote to her on June 25, 1738:—‘You mention Johnson; but that is a name with which I am utterly unacquainted, Neither his scholastic, critical, or poetical character ever reached my ears. I a little suspect his judgement, if he is very fond of Martial’ (Ib. p. 39). Since 1734 she had written verses for the Gent. Mag. under the name of Eliza (Ib. p. 37)! They are very poor. Her Ode to Melancholy her biographer calls her best. How bad it is three lines will show:—

‘Here, cold to pleasure’s airy forms,

Consociate with my sister worms,

And mingle with the dead.’

Gent. Mag. ix. 599.

Hawkins records that Johnson, upon hearing a lady commended for her learning, said:—‘A man is in general better pleased when he has a good dinner upon his table than when his wife talks Greek. My old friend, Mrs. Carter, could make a pudding as well as translate Epictetus.’ Johnson’s Works (1787), xi. 205. Johnson, joining her with Hannah More and Fanny Burney, said:—‘Three such women are not to be found.’ Post, May 15, 1784.

[352] See Voltaire’s Siécle de Louis XIV, ch. xxv..

[353] At the end of his letter to Cave, quoted post, 1742, he says:—‘The boy found me writing this almost in the dark, when I could not quite easily read yours.’ A man who at times was forced to walk the streets, for want of money to pay for a lodging, was likely also at times to be condemned to idleness for want of a light.

[354] At the back of this letter is written: ‘Sir, Please to publish the enclosed in your paper of first, and place to acc’t of Mr. Edward Cave. For whom I am, Sir, your hum. ser’t J. Bland. St. John’s Gate, April 6, 1738.’ London therefore was written before April 6.

[355] Boswell misread the letter. Johnson does not offer to allow the printer to make alterations. He says:—‘I will take the trouble of altering any stroke of satire which you may dislike.’ The law against libel was as unjust as it was severe, and printers ran a great risk.

[356] Derrick was not merely a poet, but also Master of the Ceremonies at Bath; post, May 16, 1763. For Johnson’s opinion of his ‘Muse’ see post under March 30, 1783. Fortune, a Rhapsody, was published in Nov. 1751. Gent. Mag. xxi. 527. He is described in Humphrey Clinker in the letters of April 6 and May 6.

[357] See post, March 20, 1776.

[358] Six years later Johnson thus wrote of Savage’s Wanderer:—‘From a poem so diligently laboured, and so successfully finished, it might be reasonably expected that he should have gained considerable advantage; nor can it without some degree of indignation and concern be told, that he sold the copy for ten guineas.’ Johnson’s Works, viii. 131. Mrs. Piozzi sold in 1788 the copyright of her collection of Johnson’s Letters for £500; post, Feb. 1767.

[359] The Monks of Medmenham Abbey. See Almon’s Life of Wilkes, iii. 60, for Wilkes’s account of this club. Horace Walpole (Letters, i. 92) calls Whitehead ‘an infamous, but not despicable poet.’

[360] From The Conference, Churchill’s Poems, ii. 15.

[361] In the Life of Pope Johnson writes:—‘Paul Whitehead, a small poet, was summoned before the Lords for a poem called Manners, together with Dodsley his publisher. Whitehead, who hung loose upon society, sculked and escaped; but Dodsley’s shop and family made his appearance necessary.’ Johnson’s Works, viii. 297. Manners was published in 1739. Dodsley was kept in custody for a week. Gent. Mag. ix. 104. ‘The whole process was supposed to be intended rather to intimidate Pope [who in his Seventeen Hundred and Thirty-Eight had given offence] than to punish Whitehead, and it answered that purpose.’ CHALMERS, quoted in Parl. Hist. x. 1325

[362] Sir John Hawkins, p. 86, tells us:—‘The event is antedated, in the poem of London; but in every particular, except the difference of a year, what is there said of the departure of Thales, must be understood of Savage, and looked upon as true history.’ This conjecture is, I believe, entirely groundless. I have been assured, that Johnson said he was not so much as acquainted with Savage when he wrote his London. If the departure mentioned in it was the departure of Savage, the event was not antedated but foreseen; for London was published in May, 1738, and Savage did not set out for Wales till July, 1739. However well Johnson could defend the credibility of second sight [see post, Feb. 1766], he did not pretend that he himself was possessed of that faculty. BOSWELL. I am not sure that Hawkins is altogether wrong in his account. Boswell does not state of his own knowledge that Johnson was not acquainted with Savage when he wrote London. The death of Queen Caroline in Nov. 1737 deprived Savage of her yearly bounty, and ‘abandoned him again to fortune’ (Johnson’s Works, viii. 166). The elegy on her that he composed on her birthday (March 1) brought him no reward. He was ‘for some time in suspense,’ but nothing was done. ‘He was in a short time reduced to the lowest degree of distress, and often wanted both lodging and food’ (Ib. p. 169). His friends formed a scheme that ‘he should retire into Wales.’ ‘While this scheme was ripening’ he lodged ‘in the liberties of the Fleet, that he might be secure from his creditors’ (Ib. p. 170). After many delays a subscription was at length raised to provide him with a small pension, and he left London in July 1739 (Ib. p 173). London, as I have shewn, was written before April 6, 1738. That it was written with great rapidity we might infer from the fact that a hundred lines of The Vanity of Human Wishes were written in a day. At this rate London might have been the work of three days. That it was written in a very short time seems to be shown by a passage in the first of these letters to Cave. Johnson says:—‘When I took the liberty of writing to you a few days ago, I did not expect a repetition of the same pleasure so soon; … but having the enclosed poem, &c.’ It is probable that in these few days the poem was written. If we can assume that Savage’s elegy was sent to the Court not later than March 1—it may have been sent earlier—and that Johnson’s poem was written in the last ten days of March, we have three weeks for the intervening events. They are certainly not more than sufficient, if indeed they are sufficient. The coincidence is certainly very striking between Thales’s retirement to ‘Cambria’s solitary shore’ and Savage’s retirement to Wales. There are besides lines in the poem—additions to Juvenal and not translations—which curiously correspond with what Johnson wrote of Savage in his Life. Thus he says that Savage ‘imagined that he should be transported to scenes of flowery felicity; … he could not bear … to lose the opportunity of listening, without intermission, to the melody of the nightingale, which he believed was to be heard from every bramble, and which he did not fail to mention as a very important part of the happiness of a country life’ (Ib. p. 170). In like manner Thales prays to find:—

‘Some pleasing bank where verdant osiers play,

Some peaceful vale, with nature’s paintings gay.

*

There every bush with nature’s musick rings;

There every breeze bears health upon its wings.’

Mr. Croker objects that ‘if Thales had been Savage, Johnson could never have admitted into his poem two lines that point so forcibly at the drunken fray, in which Savage stabbed a Mr. Sinclair, for which he was convicted of murder:—

“Some frolic drunkard, reeling from a feast, Provokes a broil, and stabs you in a jest.”’

But here Johnson is following Juvenal. Mr. Croker forgets that, if Savage was convicted of murder, ‘he was soon after admitted to bail, and pleaded the King’s pardon.’ ‘Persons of distinction’ testified that he was ‘a modest inoffensive man, not inclined to broils or to insolence;’ the witnesses against him were of the lowest character, and his judge had shewn himself as ignorant as he was brutal. Sinclair had been drinking in a brothel, and Savage asserted that he had stabbed him ‘by the necessity of self defence’ (Ib. p. 117). It is, however, not unlikely that Wales was suggested to Johnson as Thales’s retreat by Swift’s lines on Steele, in Miscellanies in Prose and Verse (v. 181), published only three years before London:—

‘Thus Steele who owned what others writ,

And flourished by imputed wit,

From perils of a hundred jails

Withdrew to starve and die in Wales.’

[363] The first dialogue was registered at Stationers’ Hall, 12th May, 1738, under the title One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty Eight. The second dialogue was registered 17th July, 1738, as One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty Eight, Dialogue 2. Elwin’s Pope, iii. 455.

David Hume was in London this spring, finding a publisher for his first work, A Treatise of Human Nature. J. H. Burton’s Hume, i. 66.

[364] Pope had published Imitations of Horace.

[365] P. 269. BOSWELL. ‘Short extracts from London, a Poem, become remarkable for having got to the second edition in the space of a week.’ Gent. Mag. viii. 269. The price of the poem was one shilling. Pope’s satire, though sold at the same price, was longer in reaching its second edition (Ib. p. 280).

[366]

‘One driven by strong benevolence of soul

Shall fly, like Oglethorpe, from pole to pole.’

Pope’s Imitations of Horace, ii. 2. 276.

‘General Oglethorpe, died 1785, earned commemoration in Pope’s gallery of worthies by his Jacobite politics. He was, however, a remarkable man. He first directed attention to the abuses of the London jails. His relinquishment of all the attractions of English life and fortune for the settlement of the colony of Georgia is as romantic a story at that of Bishop Berkeley’ (Pattison’s Pope, p. 152). It is very likely that Johnson’s regard for Oglethorpe was greatly increased by the stand that he and his brother-trustees in the settlement of Georgia made against slavery (see post, Sept. 23, 1777). ‘The first principle which they laid down in their laws was that no slave should be employed. This was regarded at the time as their great and fundamental error; it was afterwards repealed’ (Southey’s Wesley, i. 75). In spite, however, of Oglethorpe’s ‘strong benevolence of soul’ he at one time treated Charles Wesley, who was serving as a missionary in Georgia, with great brutality (Ib. p. 88). According to Benjamin Franklin (Memoirs, i. 162) Georgia was settled with little forethought. ‘Instead of being made with hardy industrious husbandmen, it was with families of broken shop-keepers, and other insolvent debtors; many of idle habits, taken out of the jails, who being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for.’ Johnson wished to write Oglethorpe’s life; post, April 10, 1775.

[367] Horace Walpole (Letters, viii. 548), writing of him 47 years after London was published, when he was 87 years old, says:—‘His eyes, ears, articulation, limbs, and memory would suit a boy, if a boy could recollect a century backwards. His teeth are gone; he is a shadow, and a wrinkled one; but his spirits and his spirit are in full bloom: two years and a-half ago he challenged a neighbouring gentleman for trespassing on his manor.’

[368] Once Johnson being at dinner at Sir Joshua’s in company with many painters, in the course of conversation Richardson’s Treatise on Painting happened to be mentioned, ‘Ah!’ said Johnson, ‘I remember, when I was at college, I by chance found that book on my stairs. I took it up with me to my chamber, and read it through, and truly I did not think it possible to say so much upon the art.’ Sir Joshua desired of one of the company to be informed what Johnson had said; and it being repeated to him so loud that Johnson heard it, the Doctor seemed hurt, and added, ‘But I did not wish, Sir, that Sir Joshua should have been told what I then said.’ Northcote’s Reynolds, i. 236. Jonathan Richardson the painter had published several works on painting before Johnson went to college. He and his son, Jonathan Richardson, junior, brought out together Explanatory Notes on Paradise Lost.

[369] Sir Joshua Reynolds, from the information of the younger Richardson. BOSWELL. See post, Oct. 16, 1769, where Johnson himself relates this anecdote. According to Murphy, ‘Pope said, “The author, whoever he is, will not be long concealed;” alluding to the passage in Terence [Eun. ii. 3, 4], Ubi, ubi est, diu celari non potest.’ Murphy’s Johnson, p. 35.

[370] Such as far and air, which comes twice; vain and man, despair and bar.

[371] It is, however, remarkable, that he uses the epithet, which undoubtedly, since the union between England and Scotland, ought to denominate the natives of both parts of our island:—

‘Was early taught a BRITON’S rights to prize.’