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‘August 25, 1763.

‘To the Reverend Dr. Taylor

in Ashbourne,

Derbyshire.’

Five other letters on the same subject are given in Notes and Queries, 6th S. v. pp. 324, 342, 382. Taylor and his wife ‘never lived very well together’ (p. 325), and at last she left him. On May 22nd of the next year Johnson congratulated Taylor ‘upon the happy end of so vexatious an affair, the happyest [sic] that could be next to reformation and reconcilement’ (p. 382). Taylor did not follow the advice to leave Ashbourne; for on Sept. 3 Johnson wrote to him:—‘You seem to be so well pleased to be where you are, that I shall not now press your removal; but do not believe that every one who rails at your wife wishes well to you. A small country town is not the place in which one would chuse to quarrel with a wife; every human being in such places is a spy.’ Ib. p. 343.

[1391] According to Mrs. Piozzi (Anec. p. 210) he was accompanied by his black servant Frank. ‘I must have you know, ladies,’ said he, ‘that Frank has carried the empire of Cupid further than most men. When I was in Lincolnshire so many years ago he attended me thither; and when we returned home together, I found that a female haymaker had followed him to London for love.’ If this story is generally true, it bears the mark of Mrs. Piozzi’s usual inaccuracy. The visit was paid early in the year, and was over in February; what haymakers were there at that season?

[1392] Boswell by his quotation marks refers, I think, to his Hebrides, Oct. 24, 1773, where Johnson says:—‘Nobody, at times, talks more laxly than I do.’ See also post, ii. 73.

[1393] See post, April 26, 1776, for old Mr. Langton’s slowness of understanding.

[1394] See ante, i. 320.

[1395] Mr. Best (Memorials, p. 65) thus writes of a visit to Langton:—‘We walked to the top of a very steep hill behind the house. Langton said, “Poor dear Dr. Johnson, when he came to this spot, turned back to look down the hill, and said he was determined to take a roll down. When we understood what he meant to do, we endeavoured to dissuade him; but he was resolute, saying, he had not had a roll for a long time; and taking out of his lesser pockets whatever might be in them, and laying himself parallel with the edge of the hill, he actually descended, turning himself over and over till he came to the bottom.” This story was told with such gravity, and with an air of such affectionate remembrance of a departed friend, that it was impossible to suppose this extraordinary freak an invention of Mr. Langton.’ It must have been in the winter that he had this roll.

[1396] Boswell himself so calls it in a Mr. letter to Temple written three or four months after Garrick’s death, Letters of Boswell, p. 242. See also Boswell’s Hebrides, Aug. 25, 1773.

[1397] Malone says:—‘Reynolds was the original founder of our Literary Club about the year 1762, the first thought of which he started to Dr. Johnson at his own fireside.’ Prior’s Malone, p. 434. Mrs. Piozzi (Anec. p. 122) says:—‘Johnson called Reynolds their Romulus, or said somebody else of the company called him so, which was more likely.’ According to Hawkins (Life, p. 425) the Club was founded in the winter of 1763, i.e. 1763-4.

[1398] Dr. Nugent, a physician, was Burke’s father-in-law. Macaulay (Essays, i. 407) says:—‘As we close Boswell’s book, the club-room is before us, and the table on which stands the omelet for Nugent, and the lemons for Johnson.’ It was from Mrs. Piozzi that Macaulay learnt of the omelet. Nugent was a Roman Catholic, and it was on Friday that the Club before long came to meet. We may assume that he would not on that day eat meat. ‘I fancy,’ Mrs. Piozzi writes (Anec. p. 122), ‘Dr. Nugent ordered an omelet sometimes on a Friday or Saturday night; for I remember Mr. Johnson felt very painful sensations at the sight of that dish soon after his death, and cried:—“Ah my poor dear friend! I shall never eat omelet with thee again!” quite in an agony.’ Dr. Nugent, in the imaginary college at St. Andrews, was to be the professor of physic. Boswell’s Hebrides, Aug. 25, 1773.

[1399] Mr. Andrew Chamier was of Huguenot descent, and had been a stock-broker. He was a man of liberal education. ‘He acquired such a fortune as enabled him, though young, to quit business, and become, what indeed he seemed by nature intended for, a gentleman.’ Hawkins’s Johnson, p. 422. In 1764 he was Secretary in the War Office. In 1775 he was appointed Under Secretary of State. Forster’s Goldsmith, i. 310. He was to be the professor of commercial politics in the imaginary college. Johnson passed one of his birth-days at his house; post, under Sept. 9, 1779, note.

[1400] ‘It was Johnson’s intention,’ writes Hawkins (Life, p. 423), ‘that their number should not exceed nine.’ Nine was the number of the Ivy Lane Club (ante, p. 190). Johnson, I suppose, looked upon nine as the most clubable number. ‘It was intended,’ says Dr. Percy, ‘that if only two of these chanced to meet for the evening, they should be able to entertain each other.’ Goldsmith’s Misc. Works, i. 70. Hawkins adds that ‘Mr. Dyer (post, 1780 in Mr. Langton’s Collection), a member of the Ivy Lane Club, who for some years had been abroad, made his appearance among us, and was cordially received.’ According to Dr. Percy, by 1768 not only had Hawkins formally withdrawn, but Beauclerk had forsaken the club for more fashionable ones. ‘Upon this the Club agreed to increase their number to twelve; every new member was to be elected by ballot, and one black ball was sufficient for exclusion. Mr. Beauclerk then desired to be restored to the Society, and the following new members were introduced on Monday, Feb. 15, 1768; Sir R. Chambers, Dr. Percy and Mr. Colman.’ Goldsmith’s Misc. Works, i. 72. In the list in Croker’s Boswell, ed. 1844, ii. 326, the election of Percy and Chambers is placed in 1765.

[1401] Boswell wrote on April 4, 1775:—‘I dine, Friday, at the Turk’s Head, Gerrard-street, with our Club, Sir Joshua Reynolds, etc., who now dine once a month, and sup every Friday.’ Letters of Boswell, p. 186. In 1766, Monday was the night of meeting. Post, May 10, 1766. In Dec. 1772 the night was changed to Friday. Goldsmith’s Misc. Works, i. 72. Hawkins says (Life, pp. 424, 5):—‘We seldom got together till nine; preparing supper took up till ten; and by the time that the table was cleared, it was near eleven. Our evening toast was the motto of Padre Paolo, Esto perpetua! Esto perpetua was being soon not Padre Paolo’s motto, but his dying prayer. ‘As his end evidently approached, the brethren of the convent came to pronounce the last prayers, with which he could only join in his thoughts, being able to pronounce no more than these words, “Esto perpetua” mayst thou last for ever; which was understood to be a prayer for the prosperity of his country.’ Johnson’s Works, vi. 269.

[1402] See post, March 14, 1777.

[1403] ‘After 1783 it removed to Prince’s in Sackville-street, and on his house being soon afterwards shut up, it removed to Baxter’s, which subsequently became Thomas’s, in Dover-street. In January 1792 it removed to Parsloe’s, in St. James’s-street; and on February 26, 1799, to the Thatched-house in the same street.’ Forster’s Goldsmith i. 311.

[1404] The second edition is here spoken of. MALONE.

[1405] Life of Johnson, p. 425. BOSWELL.

[1406] From Sir Joshua Reynolds. BOSWELL. The Knight having refused to pay his portion of the reckoning for supper, because he usually eat no supper at home, Johnson observed, ‘Sir John, Sir, is a very unclubable man.’ BURNEY. Hawkins (Life, p. 231) says that ‘Mr. Dyer had contracted a fatal intimacy with some persons of desperate fortunes, who were dealers in India stock, at a time when the affairs of the company were in a state of fluctuation.’ Malone, commenting on this passage, says that ‘under these words Mr. Burke is darkly alluded to, together with his cousin.’ He adds that the character given of Dyer by Hawkins ‘is discoloured by the malignant prejudices of that shallow writer, who, having quarrelled with Mr. Burke, carried his enmity even to Mr. Burke’s friends.’ Prior’s Malone, p. 419. See also ante, p. 27. Hawkins (Life, p. 420) said of Goldsmith:—‘As he wrote for the booksellers, we at the Club looked on him as a mere literary drudge, equal to the task of compiling and translating, but little capable of original, and still less of poetical composition.’

[1407] Life of Johnson, p. 425. BOSWELL. Hawkins is ‘equally inaccurate’ in saying’ that Johnson was so constant at our meetings as never to absent himself.’ (Ib. p. 424.) See post, Johnson’s letter to Langton of March 9, 1766, where he says:—‘Dyer is constant at the Club; Hawkins is remiss; I am not over diligent.’

[1408] Letters to and from Dr. Johnson. Vol. ii. p. 278 [387]. BOSWELL. The passage is as follows:—‘“If he does apply,” says our Doctor to Mr. Thrale, “I’ll black-ball him.” “Who, Sir? Mr. Garrick, your friend, your companion,—black-ball him!” “Why, Sir, I love my little David dearly, better than all or any of his flatterers do, but surely one ought, &c.”’

[1409] Pope’s Moral Essays, iii. 242.

[1410] Malone says that it was from him that Boswell had his account of Garrick’s election, and that he had it from Reynolds. He adds that ‘Johnson warmly supported Garrick, being in reality a very tender affectionate man. He was merely offended at the actors conceit.’ He continues:—‘On the former part of this story it probably was that Hawkins grounded his account that Garrick never was of the Club, and that Johnson said he never ought to be of it. And thus it is that this stupid biographer, and the more flippant and malicious Mrs. Piozzi have miscoloured and misrepresented almost every anecdote that they have pretented to tell of Dr. Johnson.’ Prior’s Malone, p. 392. Whatever was the slight cast upon Garrick, he was nevertheless the sixth new member elected. Four, as I have shown, were added by 1768. The next elections were in 1773 (Croker’s Boswell, ed. 1844. ii. 326), when five were added, of whom Garrick was the second, and Boswell the fifth. In 1774 five more were elected, among whom were Fox and Gibbon. Hannah More (Memoirs, i. 249) says that ‘upon Garrick’s death, when numberless applications were made to succeed him [in the Club], Johnson was deaf to them all. He said, “No, there never could be found any successor worthy of such a man;” and he insisted upon it there should be a year’s widowhood in the club, before they thought of a new election.’

[1411] Grainger wrote to Percy on April 6, 1764:—‘Sam. Johnson says he will review it in The Critical‘ In August, 1765, he wrote:—‘I am perfectly satisfied with the reception the Sugar Cane has met with, and am greatly obliged to you and Mr. Johnson for the generous care you took of it in my absence.’ Prior’s Goldsmith, i. 238. He was absent in the West Indies. He died on Dec. 16, 1766. Ib. p. 241. The review of the Sugar Cane in the Critical Review (p. 270) is certainly by Johnson. The following passage is curious:—‘The last book begins with a striking invocation to the genius of Africa, and goes on to give proper instructions for the buying and choice of negroes…. The poet talks of this ungenerous commerce without the least appearance of detestation; but proceeds to direct these purchasers of their fellow-creatures with the same indifference that a groom would give instructions for choosing a horse.

‘Clear roll their ample eye; their tongue be red;

Broad swell their chest; their shoulders wide expand;

Not prominent their belly; clean and strong

Their thighs and legs in just proportion rise.’

See also post, March 21, 1776.

[1412] Johnson thus ends his brief review:—‘Such in the poem on which we now congratulate the public as on a production to which, since the death of Pope, it not be easy to find anything equal.’ Critical Review, p. 462.

[1413] Pr. and Med. p. 50. BOSWELL. He adds:—

‘I hope

To put my rooms in order.

Disorder I have found one great cause of idleness.’

[1414] Ib. p. 51. BOSWELL.

[1415] It was on his birth-day that he said this. He wrote on the same day:—‘I have outlived many friends. I have felt many sorrows. I have made few improvements.’

[1416] Prayers and Meditations, p. 58. BOSWELL. In his Vision of Theodore (Works, ix. 174) he describes the state of mind which he has recorded in his Meditations:—‘There were others whose crime it was rather to neglect Reason than to disobey her; and who retreated from the heat and tumult of the way, not to the bowers of Intemperance, but to the maze of Indolence. They had this peculiarity in their condition, that they were always in sight of the road of Reason, always wishing for her presence, and always resolving to return to-morrow.’

[1417] See Appendix F.

[1418] It used to be imagined at Mr. Thrale’s, when Johnson retired to a window or corner of the room, by perceiving his lips in motion, and hearing a murmur without audible articulation, that he was praying: but this was not always the case, for I was once, perhaps unperceived by him, writing at a table, so near the place of his retreat, that I heard him repeating some lines in an ode of Horace, over and over again, as if by iteration, to exercise the organs of speech, and fix the ode in his memory:

Audiet cives acuisse ferrum

Quo graves Persas melius perirent,

Audiet pugnas….

Odes, i. 2, 21.

[‘Our sons shall hear, shall hear to latest times,

Of Roman arms with civil gore imbrued,

Which better had the Persian foe subdued.’

Francis.]

It was during the American War. BURNEY. Boswell in his Hebrides (Oct. 12, 1773) records, ‘Dr. Johnson is often uttering pious ejaculations, when he appears to be talking to himself; for sometimes his voice grows stronger, and parts of the Lord’s Prayer are heard.’ In the same passage he describes other ‘particularities,’ and adds in a note:—‘It is remarkable that Dr. Johnson should have read this account of some of his own peculiar habits, without saying anything on the subject, which I hoped he would have done.’ See post, Dec. 1784, note.

[1419] Churchill’s Poems, i. 16. See ante, p. 391.

[1420] ‘It is in vain to try to find a meaning in every one of his particularities, which, I suppose, are mere habits contracted by chance; of which every man has some that are more or less remarkable.’ Boswell’s Hebrides, Oct. 12, 1773. ‘The love of symmetry and order, which is natural to the mind of man, betrays him sometimes into very whimsical fancies. “This noble principle,” says a French author, “loves to amuse itself on the most trifling occasions. You may see a profound philosopher,” says he, “walk for an hour together in his chamber, and industriously treading at every step upon every other board in the flooring.”’ The Spectator, No. 632.

[1421] Mr. S. Whyte (Miscellanea Nova, p. 49) tells how from old Mr. Sheridan’s house in Bedford-street, opposite Henrietta-street, with an opera-glass he watched Johnson approaching. ‘I perceived him at a good distance working along with a peculiar solemnity of deportment, and an awkward sort of measured step. Upon every post as he passed along, he deliberately laid his hand; but missing one of them, when he had got at some distance he seemed suddenly to recollect himself, and immediately returning carefully performed the accustomed ceremony, and resumed his former course, not omitting one till he gained the crossing. This, Mr. Sheridan assured me, was his constant practice.’

[1422] Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, 3rd edit. p. 316. BOSWELL. ‘The day that we left Talisker, he bade us ride on. He then turned the head of his horse back towards Talisker, stopped for some time; then wheeled round to the same direction with ours, and then came briskly after us.’ Boswell’s Hebrides‘, Oct. 12, 1773.

[1423] Sir Joshua’s sister, for whom Johnson had a particular affection, and to whom he wrote many letters which I have seen, and which I am sorry her too nice delicacy will not permit to be published. BOSWELL. ‘Whilst the company at Mr. Thrale’s were speculating upon a microscope for the mind, Johnson exclaimed:—“I never saw one that would bear it, except that of my dear Miss Reynolds, and hers is very near to purity itself.”’ Northcote’s Reynolds, i. 80. Once, said Northcote, there was a coolness between her and her brother. She wished to set forth to him her grievances in a letter. Not finding it easy to write, she consulted Johnson, ‘who offered to write a letter himself, which when copied should pass as her own.’ This he did. It began: ‘I am well aware that complaints are always odious, but complain I must.’ Such a letter as this she saw would not pass with Sir Joshua as her own, and so she could not use it. Ib. p. 203. Of Johnson’s letters to her Malone published one, and Mr. Croker several more. Mme. D’Arblay, in the character she draws of her (Memoirs of Dr. Burney, i. 332), says that ‘Dr. Johnson tried in vain to cure her of living in an habitual perplexity of mind and irresolution of conduct, which to herself was restlessly tormenting, and to all around her was teazingly wearisome.’

[1424] See Appendix C.

[1425] Pr. and Med. p. 61. BOSWELL.

[1426] See ante, p. 346.

[1427] His quarter’s pension. See ante, P. 376.

[1428] Mr. Croker, misunderstanding a passage in Hawkins, writes:—‘Hawkins says that he disliked to be called Doctor, as reminding him that he had been a schoolmaster.’ What Hawkins really says (Life, p. 446) is this:—‘His attachment to Oxford prevented Johnson from receiving this honour as it was intended, and he never assumed the title which it conferred. He was as little pleased to be called Doctor in consequence of it, as he was with the title of Domine, which a friend of his once incautiously addressed him by. He thought it alluded to his having been a schoolmaster.’ It is clear that ‘it’ in the last line refers only to the title of Domine. Murphy (Life, p. 98) says that Johnson never assumed the title of Doctor, till Oxford conferred on him the degree. Boswell states (post, March 31, 1775, note):—‘It is remarkable that he never, so far as I know, assumed his title of Doctor, but called himself Mr. Johnson.’ In this, as I show there, Boswell seems to be not perfectly accurate. I do not believe Hawkins’s assertion that Johnson ‘was little pleased to be called Doctor in consequence of his Dublin degree.’ In Boswell’s Hebrides, most of which was read by him before he received his Oxford degree, he is commonly styled Doctor. Boswell says in a note on Aug. 15, 1773:—‘It was some time before I could bring myself to call him Doctor.’ Had Johnson disliked the title it would have been known to Boswell. Mrs. Thrale, it is true, in her letters’ to him, after he had received both his degrees, commonly speaks of him as Mr. Johnson. We may assume that he valued his Oxford degree of M.A. more highly than the Dublin degree of LL.D.; for in the third edition of the Abridgment of his Dictionary, published in 1766, he is styled Samuel Johnson, A.M. In his Lives of the Poets he calls himself simply Samuel Johnson. He had by that time risen above degrees. In his Journey to the Hebrides (Works, ix. 14), after stating that ‘An English or Irish doctorate cannot be obtained by a very young man,’ he continues:—‘It is reasonable to suppose … that he who is by age qualified to be a doctor, has in so much time gained learning sufficient not to disgrace the title, or wit sufficient not to desire it.’

[1429] Trinity College made him, it should seem, Armiger at the same time that it made him Doctor of Laws.

[1430] See Appendix D for this letter.

[1431] Pr. and Med. p. 66. BOSWELL.

[1432] Single-speech Hamilton, as he was commonly called, though in the House of Commons he had spoken more than once. For above thirty sessions together, however, he held his tongue. Prior’s Burke, p. 67.

[1433] See Appendix E for an explanation.

[1434] Pr. and Med. p. 67 BOSWELL.

[1435] See Appendix F.

[1436] Mr. Blakeway, in a note on this passage, says:—‘The predecessor of old Thrale was Edmund Halsey, Esq.; the nobleman who married his daughter was Lord Cobham. The family of Thrale was of some consideration in St. Albans; in the Abbey-church is a handsome monument to the memory of Mr. John Thrale, late of London, merchant, who died in 1704.’ He describes the arms on the monument. Mr. Hayward, in Mrs. Piozzis Autobiography, i. 9, quotes her marginal note on this page in Boswell. She says that Edmund Halsey, son of a miller at St. Albans, married the only daughter of his master, old Child, of the Anchor Brewhouse, Southwark, and succeeded to the business upon Child’s death. ‘He sent for one of his sister’s sons to London (my Mr. Thrale’s father); said he would make a man of him, and did so; but made him work very hard, and treated him very roughly.’ He left him nothing at his death, and Thrale bought the brewery of Lord and Lady Cobham.

[1437] See post, under April 4, 1781, and June 16, 1781.

[1438] Mrs. Burney informs me that she heard Dr. Johnson say, ‘An English Merchant is a new species of Gentleman.’ He, perhaps, had in his mind the following ingenious passage in The Conscious Lovers, act iv. scene ii, where Mr. Sealand thus addresses Sir John Bevil: ‘Give me leave to say, that we merchants are a species of gentry that have grown into the world this last century, and are as honourable, and almost as useful as you landed-folks, that have always thought yourselves so much above us; for your trading forsooth is extended no farther than a load of hay, or a fat ox.—You are pleasant people indeed! because you are generally bred up to be lazy, therefore, I warrant your industry is dishonourable.’ BOSWELL.

The Conscious Lovers is by Steele. ‘I never heard of any plays fit for a Christian to read,’ said Parson Adams, ‘but Cato and The Conscious Lovers; and I must own, in the latter there are some things almost solemn enough for a sermon.’ Joseph Andrews, Book III, chap. xi.

[1439] In the first number of The Hypochondriack Boswell writes:—‘It is a saying in feudal treatises, “Semel Baro semper Baro_,” “Once a baron always a baron.”’ London Mag. 1777, p. 493. He seems of Mr. Thrale’s inferiority by speaking of him as Thrale and his house as Thrale’s. See post, April 5 and 12, 1776, April 7, 1778, and under March 30, 1783. He never, I believe, is thus familiar in the case of Beauclerk, Burke, Langton, and Reynolds.

[1440] For her extraction see Hayward’s Mrs. Piozzi, i. 238.

[1441] Miss Burney records in May 1779, how one day at Streatham ‘Mr. Murphy met with a very joyful reception; and Mr. Thrale, for the first time in his life, said he was “a good fellow;” for he makes it a sort of rule to salute him with the title of “scoundrel,” or “rascal.” They are very old friends; and I question if Mr. Thrale loves any man so well.’ Mme. D’Arblay’s Diary, i. 210.

[1442] From the Garrick Corres, i. 116, it seems that Murphy introduced Garrick to the Thrales. He wrote to him on May 13, 1760:—‘You stand engaged to Mr. Thrale for Wednesday night. You need not apprehend drinking; it is a very easy house.’

[1443] Murphy (Life, p. 98) says that Johnson’s introduction to the Thrales ‘contributed more than anything else to exempt him from the solicitudes of life.’ He continues that ‘he looks back to the share he had in that business with self congratulation, since he knows the tenderness which from that time soothed Johnson’s cares at Streatham, and prolonged a valuable life.’ Johnson wrote to Mrs. Thrale from Lichfield on July 20, 1767:—‘I have found nothing that withdraws my affections from the friends whom I left behind, or which makes me less desirous of reposing at that place which your kindness and Mr. Thrale’s allows me to call my home.’ Piozzi Letters, i. 4. From Mull, on Oct. 15, 1773, he wrote:—‘Having for many weeks had no letter, my longings are very great to be informed how all things are at home, as you and mistress allow me to call it.’ Ib. p. 166. Miss Burney in 1778 wrote that ‘though Dr. Johnson lives almost wholly at Streatham, he always keeps his apartments in town.’ Mme. D’Arblay’s Diary, i. 58. Johnson (Works, viii. 381) tells how, in the house of Sir Thomas Abney, ‘Dr. Watts, with a constancy of friendship and uniformity of conduct not often to be found, was treated for thirty-six years with all the kindness that friendship could prompt, and all the attention that respect could dictate.’ He continues:—‘A coalition like this, a state in which the notions of patronage and dependence were overpowered by the perception of reciprocal benefits, deserves a particular memorial.’ It was such a coalition which he formed with the Thrales—a coalition in which, though the benefits which he received were great, yet those which he conferred were still greater.

[1444] On this Mrs. Piozzi notes:—‘No, no! Mr. Thrale’s manners presented the character of a gay man of the town; like Millamant, in Congreve’s comedy, he abhorred the country and everything in it.’ Hayward’s Piozzi, i. 10. Mrs. Millamant, in The Way of the World, act iv. sc. iv., says:—‘I loathe the country and everything that relates to it.’

[1445] ‘It is but justice to Mr. Thrale to say, that a more ingenuous frame of mind no man possessed. His education at Oxford gave him the habits of a gentleman; his amiable temper recommended his conversation, and the goodness of his heart made him a sincere friend.’ Murphy’s Johnson, p. 99. Johnson wrote of him to Mrs. Thrale:—‘He must keep well, for he is the pillar of the house; and you must get well, or the house will hardly be worth propping.’ Piozzi Letters, i. 340. See post, April 18, 1778. Mme. D’Arblay (Memoirs of Dr. Burney, ii. 104) gives one reason for Thrale’s fondness for Johnson’s society. ‘Though entirely a man of peace, and a gentleman in his character, he had a singular amusement in hearing, instigating, and provoking a war of words, alternating triumph and overthrow, between clever and ambitious colloquial combatants, where there was nothing that could inflict disgrace upon defeat.’

[1446] In like manner he called Mr. Thrale Master or My master. ‘I hope Master’s walk will be finished when I come back.’ Piozzi Letters, i. 355. ‘My master may plant and dig till his pond is an ocean.’ Ib. p. 357. See post, July 9, 1777.

[1447] Miss Burney thus described her in 1776:—‘She is extremely lively and chatty; and showed none of the supercilious or pedantic airs so scoffingly attributed to women of learning or celebrity; on the contrary, she is full of sport, remarkably gay, and excessively agreeable. I liked her in everything except her entrance into the room, which was rather florid and flourishing, as who should say, “It is I!—No less a person than Mrs. Thrale!” However, all that ostentation wore out in the course of the visit, which lasted the whole morning; and you could not have helped liking her, she is so very entertaining— though not simple enough, I believe, for quite winning your heart.’ Memoirs of Dr. Burney, ii. 88.

[1448] Mrs. Piozzi’s Anecdotes, p. 279. BOSWELL.

[1449] Johnson wrote to Mrs. Thrale on Oct. 13, 1777:—‘I cannot but think on your kindness and my master’s. Life has upon the whole fallen short, very short, of my early expectation; but the acquisition of such a friendship, at an age when new friendships are seldom acquired, is something better than the general course of things gives man a right to expect. I think on it with great delight; I am not very apt to be delighted.’ Piozzi Letters, ii. 7. Johnson’s friends suffered from this connection. See post, March 20, 1778, where it is said that ‘at Streatham he was in a great measure absorbed from the society of his old friends.’

[1450] Yet one year he recorded:—‘March 3, I have never, I thank God, since new year’s day deviated from the practice of rising. In this practice I persisted till I went to Mr. Thrale’s sometime before Midsummer; the irregularity of that family broke my habit of rising. I was there till after Michaelmas.’ Hawkins’s Johnson, p. 458, note. Hawkins places this in 1765; but Johnson states (Pr. and Med. p. 71), ‘I returned from Streatham, Oct. 1, —66, having lived there more than three months.’

[1451] Boswell wrote to Temple in 1775:—‘I am at present in a tourbillon of conversations; but how come you to throw in the Thrales among the Reynoldses and the Beauclerks? Mr. Thrale is a worthy, sensible man, and has the wits much about his house; but he is not one himself. Perhaps you mean Mrs. Thrale.’ Letters of Boswell, p. 192. Murphy (Life, p. 141) says:—‘It was late in life before Johnson had the habit of mixing, otherwise than occasionally, with polite company. At Mr. Thrale’s he saw a constant succession of well-accomplished visitors. In that society he began to wear off the rugged points of his own character. The time was then expected when he was to cease being what George Garrick, brother to the celebrated actor, called him the first time he heard him converse. “A TREMENDOUS COMPANION”’

[1452] Johnson wrote to Dr. Warton on Oct. 9:—‘Mrs. Warton uses me hardly in supposing that I could forget so much kindness and civility as she showed me at Winchester.’ Wooll’s Warton, p. 309. Malone on this remarks:—‘It appears that Johnson spent some time with that gentleman at Winchester in this year.’ I believe that Johnson is speaking of the year 1762, when, on his way to Devonshire, he passed two nights in that town. See Taylor’s Reynolds, i. 214.

[1453] It was in 1745 that he published his Observations on Macbeth, as a specimen of his projected edition (ante, p. 175). In 1756 he issued Proposals undertaking that his work should be published before Christmas, 1757 (p. 318). On June 21, 1757, he writes:—‘I am printing my new edition of Shakspeare‘ (p. 322). On Dec. 24 of the same year he says, ‘I shall publish about March’ (p. 323). On March 8, 1758, he writes:—‘It will be published before summer…. I have printed many of the plays’ (p. 327). In June of the same year Langton took some of the plays to Oxford (p. 336). Churchill’s Ghost (Parts 1 and 2) was published in the spring of 1762 (p. 319). On July 20, 1762, Johnson wrote to Baretti, ‘I intend that you shall soon receive Shakspeare’ (p. 369). In October 1765 it was published.

[1454] According to Mr. Seward (Anec. ii. 464), ‘Adam Smith styled it the most manly piece of criticism that was ever published in any country.’

[1455] George III, at all events, did not share in this blind admiration. ‘Was there ever,’ cried he, ‘such stuff as great part of Shakespeare? only one must not say so. But what think you? What? Is there not sad stuff? What? What?’ ‘Yes, indeed, I think so, Sir, though mixed with such excellencies that—’ ‘O!’ cried he, laughing good-humouredly, ‘I know it is not to be said! but it’s true. Only it’s Shakespeare, and nobody dare abuse him.’ Mme. D’Arblay’s Diary, ii, 398.

[1456] That Johnson did not slur his work, as has been often said, we have the best of all evidence—his own word. ‘I have, indeed,’ he writes (Works, v. 152), ‘disappointed no opinion more than my own; yet I have endeavoured to perform my task with no slight solicitude. Not a single passage in the whole work has appeared to me corrupt which I have not attempted to restore; or obscure which I have not attempted to illustrate.’

[1457] Steevens wrote to Garrick:—‘To say the truth, the errors of Warburton and Johnson are often more meritorious than such corrections of them as the obscure industry of Mr. Farmer and myself can furnish. Disdaining crutches, they have sometimes had a fall; but it is my duty to remember, that I, for my part, could not have kept on my legs at all without them.’ Garrick Corres. ii, 130. ‘Johnson’s preface and notes are distinguished by clearness of thought and diction, and by masterly common sense.’ Cambridge Shakespeare, i. xxxvi.

[1458] Kenrick later on was the gross libeller of Goldsmith, and the far grosser libeller of Garrick. ‘When proceedings were commenced against him in the Court of King’s Bench [for the libel on Garrick], he made at once the most abject submission and retractation.’ Prior’s Goldsmith, i. 294. In the Garrick Carres, (ii. 341) is a letter addressed to Kenrick, in which Garrick says:—‘I could have honoured you by giving the satisfaction of a gentleman, if you could (as Shakespeare says) have screwed your courage to the sticking place, to have taken it.’ It is endorsed:—‘This was not sent to the scoundrel Dr. Kenrick…. It was judged best not to answer any more of Dr. Kenrick’s notes, he had behaved so unworthily.’

[1459] Ephraim Chambers, in the epitaph that he made for himself (ante, p. 219), had described himself as multis pervulgatus paucis notus.’ Gent. Mag. x. 262.

[1460] See Boswell’s Hebrides, Oct. 1, 1773.

[1461] Johnson had joined Voltaire with Dennis and Rymer. ‘Dennis and Rymer think Shakespeare’s Romans not sufficiently Roman; and Voltaire censures his kings as not completely royal. Dennis is offended that Menenius, a senator of Rome, should play the buffoon; and Voltaire, perhaps, thinks decency violated when the Danish usurper is represented as a drunkard. But Shakespeare always makes nature predominate over accident…. His story requires Romans or kings, but he thinks only on men. He knew that Rome, like every other city, had men of all dispositions; and wanting a buffoon, he went into the senate-house for that which the senate-house would certainly have afforded him. He was inclined to show an usurper and a murderer, not only odious, but despicable; he therefore added drunkenness to his other qualities, knowing that kings love wine like other men, and that wine exerts its natural power upon kings. These are the petty cavils of petty minds; a poet overlooks the casual distinction of country and condition, as a painter, satisfied with the figure, neglects the drapery.’ Johnson’s Works, v. 109. Johnson had previously attacked Voltaire, in his Memoirs of Frederick the Great. (Ante, i. 435, note 2.) In these Memoirs he writes:—‘Voltaire has asserted that a large sum was raised for her [the Queen of Hungary’s] succour by voluntary subscriptions of the English ladies. It is the great failing of a strong imagination to catch greedily at wonders. He was misinformed, and was perhaps unwilling to learn, by a second enquiry, a truth less splendid and amusing.’ Ib. vi. 455. See post, Oct. 27, 1779.

[1462] ‘Voltaire replied in the Dictionnaire Philosophique. (Works, xxxiii. 566.) ‘J’ai jeté les yeux sur une édition de Shakespeare, donnée par le sieur Samuel Johnson. J’y ai vu qu’on y traite de petits esprits les étrangers qui sont étonnés que dans les pièces de ce grand Shakespeare un sénateur romain fasse le bouffon; et gu’un roi paraisse sur le théâtre en ivrogne. Je ne veux point soupçonner le sieur Johnson d’ètre un mauvais plaisant, et d’aimer trop le vin; mais je trouve un peu extraordinaire qu’il compte la bouffonnerie et l’ivrognerie parmi les beautes du théatre tragique; la raison qu’il en donne n’est pas moins singulière. Le poète, dit-il, dédaigne ces distinctions accidentelles de conditions et de pays, comme un peintre qui, content d’avoir peint la figure, néglige la draperie. La comparaison serait plus juste, s’il parlait d’un peintre qui, dans un sujet noble, introduirait des grotesques ridicules, peindrait dans la bataille d’Arbelles Alexandre-le Grand monte sur un âne, et la femme de Darius buvant avec des goujats dans un cabaret.’ Johnson, perhaps, had this attack in mind when, in his Life of Pope (Works, viii. 275), he thus wrote of Voltaire:—‘He had been entertained by Pope at his table, when he talked with so much grossness, that Mrs. Pope was driven from the room. Pope discovered by a trick that he was a spy for the court, and never considered him as a man worthy of confidence.’

[1463] See post, under May 8, 1781.

[1464] See post, ii. 74.

[1465] He was probably proposing to himself the model of this excellent person, who for his piety was named the Seraphic Doctor. BOSWELL.

[1466]

‘E’en in a bishop I can spy desert,

Secker is decent, Rundel has a heart.’

Pope. Epil, Sat. II. 70.

[1467] So Smollett calls him in his History of England, iii. 16.

[1468] Six of these twelve guineas Johnson appears to have borrowed from Mr. Allen, the printer. See Hawkins’s Life of Johnson, p. 366 n. MALONE.

[1469] Written by mistake for 1759. On the outside of the letter of the 13th was written by another hand—‘Pray acknowledge the receipt of this by return of post, without fail.’ MALONE.

[1470] Catherine Chambers, Mrs. Johnson’s maid-servant. She died in October, 1767. MALONE. See post, ii. 43.

[1471] This letter was written on the second leaf of the preceding, addressed to Miss Porter. MALONE.

[1472] Mrs. Johnson probably died on the 20th or 21st January, and was buried on the day this letter was written. MALONE. On the day on which his mother was buried Johnson composed a prayer, as being ‘now about to return to the common comforts and business of the world.’ Pr. and Med. p. 38. After his wife”s death he had allowed forty days to pass before his ‘return to life.’ See ante, p. 234, note 2.

[1473] See ante, p. 80.

[1474] Barnaby Greene had just published The Laureat, a Poem, in which Johnson is abused. It is in the February list of books in the Gent. Mag. for 1765.

[1475] Sir Cloudesly Shovel’s monument is thus mentioned by Addison in The Spectator, No. 26:—‘It has very often given me great offence; instead of the brave rough English Admiral, which was the distinguishing character of that plain gallant man, he is represented on his tomb by the figure of a beau, dressed in a long periwig, and reposing himself upon velvet cushions under a canopy of state.’

[1476]

‘That live-long wig, which Gorgon’s self might own,

Eternal buckle takes in Parian stone.’

Pope’s Moral Essays, iii. 295.

[1477] Milton’s Epigram is in his Sylvarum Liber, and is entitled In Effigiei ejus Sculptorem.

[1478] Johnson’s acquaintance, Bishop Newton (post, June 3, 1784), published an edition of Milton.

[1479] It was no doubt by the Master of Emanuel College, his friend Dr. Farmer (ante, p. 368), that Johnson was promised ‘an habitation’ there.