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CHAPTER II

A brief history of Fabianism: co-opting the left and right

“To speak of scientific management in school and society without crediting the influence of the Fabians would do great disservice to truth, but the nature of Fabianism is so complex it raises questions this essay cannot answer. To deal with the Fabians in a brief compass as I'm going to do is to deal necessarily in simplifications in order to see a little how this charming group of scholars, writers, heirs, heiresses, scientists, philosophers, bombazines, gazebos, trust-fund babies, and successful men and women of affairs became the most potent force in the creation of the modern welfare state, distributors of its characteristically dumbed-down version of schooling.”

—John Taylor Gatto, Underground History of American Education

As a child and teenager attending private school, I never had any time for history. I hated school with a passion and experienced its regimentations as suffocating and oppressive. Every class was an ordeal to be endured, and my overall ambition was simply to avoid as much as possible being in any way influenced, shaped, or informed by the “masters” and their regimens. In terms of historical facts, I retained almost nothing of what we were taught in history (just a bit about Mussolini getting the trains to run on time). So for me to be writing a historical work overflowing with names, dates, and events, all of which I fear may be numbing to the reader, and to find my own interest so keen, is ironic, to say the least. But then, a large part of my ennui at school related to my felt sense that what I was being taught was not the real truth.

Another, even deeper reason for my ennui at school was that the methods of teaching—which as we'll see directly relate to Fabian methods of social engineering—were very much meant to be soul-deadening and mind-crushing. It was only that I would not, or could not, submit to them. As it happens, the first thing that really tipped me off that something was missing from my family's “official” history was the Fabian link to my grandfather. And one of the first really shocking discoveries was that two of the schools which my siblings and I had attended also had Fabian affiliations, even though there was no reason to think my grandfather had anything to do with our being sent there. In fact, in all the time I spent with my family, I don't remember ever once hearing anyone mention the Fabian Society.

Yet once I began to follow that lead, I quickly found out that the Fabians are the conspiracy bugaboo of the right. This presented a problem so far as finding reliable information about them, because a great deal of the unofficial history of the Society seems to be confined to websites with axes to grind. Actually, what I was initially looking for was some sort of concrete evidence of sexual abuse in my family history, since all the signs seemed to point that way. The Jimmy Boyle/Kray connection certainly did, and I began to wonder: Did the Fabian octopus share a tentacle or two with that of organized crime and child sexual abuse?

Early Fabians tended to downplay their interest in—or debt to—Karl Marx but there can be little doubt that they were inspired by his work, directly or otherwise. I say directly because Marx lived in London from 1849 up to his death in 1883, and spent countless hours working on his Das Kapital in the reading room of the British Museum (which then housed the British Library collection). George Bernard Shaw was introduced to Marx's work by Henry Hyndman, who discovered The Communist Manifesto in 1864 and formed Britain's first socialist political party, The Social Democratic Federation, in 1881. He was the first author to popularize Marx's works in English and introduced them to Shaw around 1882. The Fellowship of the New Life (which later became the Fabian Society) was founded the following year, in 1883, the year of Marx's death.¹

Shaw described Marx's Kapital as

not a treatise on Socialism: it is a jeremiad against the bourgeoisie…. It was addressed to the working classes; but the working man respects the bourgeoisie, and wants to be a bourgeois. Marx never got a hold of him for a moment. It was the revolting sons of the bourgeoisie itself…like myself, bourgeois, who painted the flag red. The professional and penniless younger son classes are the revolutionary element in society: the proletariat is the Conservative element…. Marx made me a Socialist and saved me from becoming a literary man. (1949, pp. 49–50)

The Fellowship of the New Life dissolved in 1898, after which the Fabian Society grew to become a preeminent academic society in the UK. Many Fabians participated in the formation of England's Labour Party in 1900. The party's constitution, written by Sidney Webb, borrowed heavily from the founding documents of the Fabian Society. As seen in the Labour Party Foundation Conference in 1900, the Fabian Society claimed 861 members and sent one delegate. (See World Heritage Encyclopedia, no date given.) The Society grew throughout 1930–1940 over many countries under the British rule, and many future leaders of these countries were influenced by the Fabians during their struggles for independence from the British. These leaders included India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (whose fashion sense—“the Nehru jacket”—influenced the counterculture²), Obafemi Awolowo, who later became the premier of Nigeria's defunct Western Region, and the founder of Pakistan, barrister Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Lee Kuan Yew, the first prime minister of Singapore, had a political philosophy strongly influenced by the Fabian Society. In the twenty-first century, the Fabian Society's influence is felt through Labour Party leaders and former prime ministers of Great Britain, such as Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

The name Fabian was apparently suggested by the spiritualist Frank Podmore, after the brilliant third century Roman general, Quintus Fabius (Maximus Verrucosus, 303-203 BC). Fabius was made a dictator in 221-217 BC, and, with a small band of fighting guerrillas and superior cunning, successfully defended Rome from Hannibal's mighty Carthaginian army. Fabius's tactics involved “gradualism” and “terrorism,” delaying tactics which were greatly disapproved of by his soldiers and the civilians, and which earned him the name of “the Delayer.” After these tactics triumphed, however, his skill and wisdom was more appreciated.

Moving past the more or less established history of Fabianism, I found a compelling, and damning, description of the Fabian plan as central to the whole “New World Order” millennia-long Conspiracy (big “C”), in an archived essay called “Fabian Influence on Council Developments in New Zealand” (Christian, 2006). One premise of the information was that the Fabian Society was behind the various Labour movements in Britain and that it concealed elitist, and even capitalist, interests. This was something I could vouch for from direct experience, having grown up in a wealthy socialist family (we were called “champagne socialists”) who were above all business people but also actively involved in local (and, I was slowly discovering, global) politics, in seemingly reformist and New Left movements such as the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), all having, sometimes obvious sometimes less so, ties to the Fabian Society.

According to another online source (Cassivellaunus, 2013), the Fabian Society has 7000 members, 80 percent (5,600) of whom are members of the Labour Party, amounting to about three percent of the general Labour Party membership (about 190,000 in 2010). The Fabian percentage increases dramatically in the higher reaches of the Labour Party.³ George Bernard Shaw declared the aim of Fabian educational reform as entailing the creation of a minister for education, with “control over the whole educational system, from the elementary school to the University, and over all educational endowments” (S. Webb, 1889, p. 55). This allegedly led to the creation of a wide range of interconnected organizations, societies, and movements. In education, councils like the London County Council, university societies, and schools like the London School of Economics, Imperial College, and London University. In culture, the New Age movement (Annie Besant was a founding Fabian), the Central School of Arts and Crafts, the Leeds Arts Club, the Fabian Arts Group, and the Stage Society. In economics, the LSE again, the Royal Economic Society, the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR). In law, the Haldane Society (named after Fabian Society member Lord Haldane). In medicine: the Socialist Medical League. In religion, the Labour (later Socialist) Church movement, the Christian Socialist Crusade, the Christian Socialist League, the Christian Socialist Movement. And so on (you get the picture).

Shaw expressed a desire to make the Fabians “the Jesuits of Socialism,” while H. G. Wells (number four on the Fabian executive after Webb, Pease, and Shaw) proposed to turn the whole Society into a ruling order, similar to the “Samurai” in his A Modern Utopia. That the Fabians consciously sought the company, collaboration, and support of the wealthy and powerful is evident from Fabian writings such as Beatrice Webb's Our Partnership, which abound in references to “catching millionaires,” “wire-pulling,” “moving all the forces we have control over,” while at the same time taking care to “appear disinterested” and claiming to be “humble folk whom nobody suspects of power” (B. Webb, 1948, p. 196).

The reliable John Taylor Gatto affirms this view in Underground History of American Education:

As the movement developed, Fabians became aristocratic friends of other social-efficiency vanguards like Taylorism or allies of the Methodist social gospel crowd of liberal Christian religionists busy substituting Works for Faith in one of the most noteworthy religious reversals of all time. Especially, they became friends and advisors of industrialists and financiers, travelers in the same direction. This cross-fertilization occurred naturally, not out of petty motives of profit, but because by Fabian lights evolution had progressed furthest among the international business and banking classes!…Fabian practitioners developed Hegelian principles which they co-taught alongside Morgan bankers and other important financial allies over the first half of the twentieth century. (2006, p. 182)

Gatto trumps and essentially invalidates a large subculture of conspiracy theorists and right-wing, anti-socialist writers, by pointing out:

One insightful Hegelianism was that to push ideas efficiently it was necessary first to co-opt both political Left and political Right. Adversarial politics—competition—was a loser's game. By infiltrating all major media, by continual low-intensity propaganda, by massive changes in group orientations (accomplished through principles developed in the psychological-warfare bureaus of the military), and with the ability, using government intelligence agents and press contacts, to induce a succession of crises, they accomplished that astonishing feat. (2006, pp. 182–183)

“When I was young, my friends at Oxford consisted largely of Fabian Socialists, and not a few of the dons were themselves Socialists. Today, of course, they would not call themselves Fabian Socialists, but Marxian Communists.”

—G. K. Chesterton

A few more suggestive facts: Hubert Bland, cofounder of the Fabian Society and a bank employee-turned-journalist, worked for the London Sunday Chronicle, a paper owned by newspaper magnate Edward Hulton. It was allegedly Bland who recruited his friend and fellow journalist George Bernard Shaw to the Fabian Society (Cassivellaunus, 2013). Hulton's son, Edward G. Hulton, was the owner of Picture Post and “almost certainly a loyal agent of MI6's Section D” (Dorril & Ramsay, 1990).⁴ He was also the founder of the 1941 Committee, a think tank that recruited “star” writers J. B. Priestley and Tom Wintringham, and that also included David Astor (more on him soon), Sir Richard Acland, and my grandfather. Alec mentions Acland in his short memoir in reference to Acland and Priestley's Common Wealth, in which Alec “took a very active part.” Acland was also a Quaker, which Alec later became.

G. B. Shaw's friend, Fabian Society leader Sidney Webb, married Beatrice, daughter of Richard Potter, a wealthy financier with international connections who was chairman of the Great Western and Grand Trunk railways of England and Canada. Beatrice was also a close friend of Rothschild associate and Conservative Prime Minister Arthur Balfour. Rothschild and Balfour were founding members of the Round Table. When I first wrote this chapter I included the data point that my grandfather was one of the two “Round Table's main British backers” during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.⁵ I found this startling, to say the least, since I understood the Round Table to be a massive, multinational organization and though my grandfather was rich, I didn't think he was that rich. Eventually I got ahold of the book that contained this quote, Zilliacus: A Life for Peace and Socialism, by Archie Potts, and discovered that Potts was referring to the East-West Round Table, an organization about which there is very little information but which had to do with peace negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, something my grandfather was apparently deeply involved in. Whether there was any connection between this Round Table and the Round Table of Rothschild and Balfour is something I have been unable to find out. At the very least, with my grandfather as the vesica piscis between the two, some of the same names and causes seem to crop up around both.

For example, the aforementioned David Astor, alleged MI6 agent and editor of the UK paper The Observer, was the grandson of William Waldorf (the first). He lobbied for the release of Myra Hindley in the 1970s along with Lord Longford. My grandfather visited Hindley in jail and my brother wrote letters to her. Astor was also affiliated with the Round Table Group. According to author and Lobster editor Stephen Dorril, Astor

created the Europe Study Group to look at the problems of Europe and the prospects for a non-nationalist Germany. At the core of the group were a number of emigré Germans destined to play a role in the European Movement, such as the future leader writer on the Observer, Richard “Rix” Lowenthal. Interviewed for recruitment by MI6, Astor was turned down for a full-time post but was subsequently used by MI6 officer Lionel Loewe to establish contact with the German opposition. Employed as the press officer in Lord Mountbatten's Combined Operations Headquarters in London, Astor continued with his group, which drew on the ideas of the Cecil Rhodes-inspired Round Table Group and its belief that “the British Empire should federate.” (Dorril, 2002, p. 456)

This places my grandfather squarely in the circles of the other Round Table Group—the one laying the groundwork for the European Union and a one world government—and, by inevitable extension, MI6. The shared interests alone (leaving aside the uses Alec was putting his money to) make it inevitable their paths would have crossed. Yet these interests appear to have little to do with socialism, at least as I grew up understanding it.

Meanwhile, Round Table founding member Lord Rothschild “was personally involved, with Sidney Webb, in the restructuring of the University of London into which the Fabians’ London School of Economics (LSE) was incorporated in 1898” (Cassivellaunus, 2013) (LSE was founded by the original Fabians, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Graham Wallas, and George Bernard Shaw; Annie Besant and Bertrand Russell were early participants). Rothschild also provided funds for the LSE and served as its third president, “after his relative Lord Rosebery” (B. Webb, 1948, pp. 182, 214). LSE is connected, not just to the various Fabian groups, but also to Gay Liberation and PIE, the Paedophile Information Exchange, a faction within the Labour government in the 1970s, more on which later. (Economist John Maynard Keynes was a key figure at LSE. The school's alumni include my grandfather's pal John Saville, Harold Laski—cofounder of the New School for Social Research, Nicholas Humphrey, Edwina Currie, David Rockefeller, Mick Jagger, Zecharia Sitchin, Naomi Klein, John F. Kennedy, and—the subject of my last book, Prisoner of Infinity—Whitley Strieber.)

In Fabian Freeway, Rose L. Martin describes Keynes as the “Spiritual heir and latter-day facsimile” of the occultist Count Cagliostro. Rather like my brother, Keynes cut

a magnificent figure: six feet three, and superbly tailored; an authority on wines, fine foods and beautiful women; patron of the arts, and master of the English language which he only distorted by design. He, too, posed as the possessor of elusive secrets, key to the Higher Mysteries of economics and public finance…. An alchemist who succeeded in substituting paper for gold, a mystifier who claimed that money multiplied itself in the spending, Keynes compelled bankers to do his bidding and imposed his schemes on the highest personages in an age of political unreason. (Martin, 1966, p. 323)

Keynes is known today as the father of deficit spending:

The system promulgated by Keynes, as even his most loyal disciples admit, was in reality no system at all. It was a rationale and a tool for achieving total political control, at a gradually increased tempo, over the economic life of a nation…. It is generally agreed today that there is hardly a political economist of prominence in America who—even when he appears critical of Keynes—has not been influenced by the Keynesian method. If he had resisted seriously, it is safe to say he would not be prominent.⁶

Another Fabian line of connection with industrial interests was apparently the chocolate manufacturers Rowntree's, which funded many Fabian projects (Cassivellaunus, 2013). The alliance between Northern Dairies and Rowntree Macintosh meant that (until our parents split) our house was always full of chocolates, and we even got to visit the Rowntree Macintosh factory as kids. One of my favorite books as a child was Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, by Roald Dahl (with whom I corresponded briefly when I was young, though I don't think I ever met him; Dahl did propaganda work for British Intelligence in World War II⁷). Willy Wonka, as illustrated in the book and later depicted in the movies, wears a top hat and a purple jacket, like the infamous Child Catcher from Chitty Chitty Bang Bang (and like my brother in his last years, though he preferred red). Chitty Chitty Bang Bang was based on the book by MI5 agent Ian Fleming and it was probably the movie that was most beloved in my early childhood. More recently, the Child Catcher has been compared to Jimmy Savile.

Savile's predations have been linked to those of an ice cream manufacturer and retailer, Peter Jaconelli (BBC News, 2014b), in Scarborough, Yorkshire, a town I visited as a child. Northern Dairies had its own ice cream products and also provided milk to other companies. (When I was an adolescent, we lived opposite a famous ice cream shop called Burgess's.) The link between ice cream, chocolate, and predatory child molestation rings would seem to pertain not only to works of children's fiction.

The Fabian Society has also apparently been of particular interest to the Rockefellers—David Rockefeller did his senior thesis on Fabian Socialism at Harvard (“Destitution Through Fabian Eyes,” 1936), and studied left-wing economics at LSE. The Rockefellers have allegedly funded many Fabian projects, including the LSE, which “in the late 1920s and 1930s received millions of dollars from the Rockefeller and Laura Spelman Foundations, becoming known as ‘Rockefellers baby.’” The International Monetary Fund (IMF), established in 1944 along with the World Bank, was also reputedly a Rockefellers project, and the IMF provided several loans to Labour governments, in 1947, 1969, and 1976.

Another important loan of $4.34 billion was negotiated in 1946 by Fabian economist John Maynard Keynes and facilitated by his friend and collaborator Harry Dexter White who operated within the US Treasury as well as the IMF. All these loans were organised under successive Fabian Chancellors Hugh Dalton, Roy Jenkins and Denis Healey. (Cassivellaunus, 2013)

$4.34 billion was an astronomical amount in 1946, and if these facts are accurate, it's easy to imagine how far-reaching and pervasive the Fabian influence might have become, via the organizations and agendas fueled by such monies.

Hugh Dalton is mentioned in The Dust Has Never Settled by Robin Bryans (a very oblique exposé on government corruption, occult secret societies, and child abuse), with reference to his title as “the Minister of Economic Warfare,” as a possible procurer of children for sexual use (it's hard to tell with Bryans's cryptic phrasings). Roy Jenkins is a lot easier to nail down, but we'll get to him later. John Maynard Keynes is linked directly to two close associates of my grandfather, including John Boyd Orr, who my grandfather met in the USSR in the 1950s. Boyd Orr was the first director-general of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and the cofounder and first president (1960–1971) of the World Academy of Art and Science. He gave an address to the Fabian Society on “food policy” in 1940, three years after my grandfather founded his own company. In the 1950s, he became president of Northern Dairies.

According to the aforementioned anti-Fabian site, the Fabian Society “developed an obsession with economics” early on and “its members met regularly to study and discuss Karl Marx and his economic theories”.⁸ Literally dozens of different organizations sprung up over the decades prior to the Sixties, including the Social Science Research Council, some of whose documents are held at the London School of Economics library, under such titles as “Outline proposals for development of Albany Trust, 1967–1978” and “Study of Human Sexuality in Britain: proposals for establishing an institute of social behaviour.” The Albany Trust was founded, the same year homosexuality was legalized, in the apartment of one of my grandfather's (seemingly) close associates, J. B. Priestley, the chairman of the aforementioned 1941 Committee, with whom my grandfather started the CND. The Albany Trust is generally associated with civil liberties and gay rights, hence is seen as being left-leaning. Yet there's evidence to suggest it may have been funding the right too, such as its involvement with the Conservative Group for Homosexual Equality (CGHE).

The abuse research blog The Needle (2013) implies that the CGHE was implicated in the promotion of Elm Guest House, a now-notorious child brothel in Barnes, London. The CGHE was founded in 1975 by Professor Peter Campbell, of Reading University, who was chairman or vice-president through most of the Thatcher years. Campbell also edited the newsletter and has been named as a visitor to the Elm Guest House. According to The Needle, “The minutes from the founding meeting clearly show that, despite being labelled as an organization that promoted gay equality, it was from inception a ‘pro-pedophile organization.’”