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Foreword by Bob Moses

In a democracy trapped between ideals it intones and practices it condones, Jay Gillen’s difficult, profound, unsettling, seminal description encapsulates our national conundrum as, of all things: Pastoral Plays in Mathematics Classes of Schools of Poverty. Because the national conundrum, or drama, has so many layers and twists, Jay has written “program notes,” as he calls them, to point the audience toward certain threads in the drama, inviting us to take action. These notes trumpet good news: our national conundrum is not frozen in place, stuff happens, young people—in the past, present, and future—have decided and will decide not to take it anymore.

In Jay’s synopsis:

• Underground-Railroad insurgents harbor nineteenth-century runaway slaves,

• Local NAACP insurgents in Mississippi harbor twentieth-century Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) field secretaries,

• Classrooms of Idealized Algebra Project Students (CIAPs) harbor twenty-first-century education insurgents.

We SNCC field secretaries in the Civil Rights Movement understood how young we were, but as Jay now instructs us, we were no younger than nineteenth-century insurgent runaway slaves, over three-quarters of whom were also between thirteen and twenty-nine years of age. Striking, now that these program notes name it: “Of course! It just never occurred to us to think of runaway slaves as a Young People’s Project.”

Classrooms of Insurgent Algebra Project students organize in the spirit of Ella Baker and, not unlike insurgent runaways and Mississippi SNCCs, position themselves to:

• be central actors

• step into history

• follow their own interests

• get down to and understand root causes

• move the plot along

• face a system that does not lend itself to their needs

• devise means by which to change the system.

Jay, the deep-thought teacher/organizer, reflects aloud about Ella’s distinctions:

Central to Miss Baker’s spirit was her insistence that “radical” organizing must get down to the root causes of things. “We not only must remember where we have been,” she said, “but we must also understand where we have been.”... You can only understand something that you have dwelt with: talked over, questioned, argued about, thought through, practiced, applied, worked out, acted out, done. The act of understanding, necessarily oral and physical to some extent, never ends. Deeper and deeper and deeper, the same knowledge or “information” burrows and tunnels and seeps into and saturates the soil of your being, till everything you “knew” looks different as you talk with people and do things with them, trying to understand. (Preface, p 10)

Reflection that invites us to reflect in turn on two educational manifestations of our national conundrum:

(1) Schooling tends to treat persons as things, subjects as objects.

Young people, however, reject this treatment. Students in any school can and do participate in the “enormously rich and heroic drama” of the country. “Protected spaces” do exist within which the young people dramatize and drive home their human personhood, with “elaborate style” of language, dress, gesture, and stance, enacting symbolic strategies and plans. Jay’s program notes encourage us to interpret insurgent student styles as “pragmatic tools” that help move the action along, preferably in a “desired direction,” but in any case, moving the country to change, as young people have done before. Better that than the walking dead.

Situating Classrooms of Insurgent Students in these “protected spaces” links lowly high-school algebra classrooms to the high drama of our national evolving concept of Constitutional personhood. Local NAACP insurgents harbored 1960s SNCC voter registration field secretaries in their private homes, but the much maligned 1957 Civil Rights Act afforded SNCCs a public “crawl space”—partially protected—to enact voter registration organizing: The State of Mississippi locked up SNCC voter registration insurgents, but Civil Rights Division Justice Department Feds held the jail-house key. In that Mississippi Theater of the Civil Rights Movement three constitutional forces were on plain display: (1) Insurgent youth, a “We The People” preamble force, pushed all branches of (2) the Federal Government to regulate (3) State action infringing “the privileges and immunities” of Constitutional People.

It is striking to reflect that it took a full century and three-quarters after the Constitution’s preamble was written to acquire federal government “protected spaces,” within which SNCC young people could organize insurgent Delta sharecroppers to reclaim an 1870 fifteenth amendment voting right.

Educating for Insurgency frames the country’s conund­rum as partly about the autonomy of young people.

We have no consensus as a society about when a small child, maturing into an adult, attains a fully autonomous will and identity. It is clear to most people today, though to fewer people in, say, 1787, that treating Africans as things rather than as persons is an egregious trespass. The case of adolescence is less clear, but young people challenge older adults to think about the consequences of making a mistake in evaluating their autonomy. If it is an error to treat a person as a thing, then it is an error to treat someone who possesses full autonomy as if they do not. (Introduction, p 20–21)

The parallel question of the autonomy of slaves arises in the nation’s opening act, the 1787 Constitutional Convention. There, the citizens of several states gather as “We The People,” and in Article IV, Section 2, Paragraph 3 tip the Constitutional hat to the former slave James Somerset: “No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.” Representatives of the southern states insisted on this clause to counter the effects of the Somerset case, decided fifteen years earlier:

• An African nine year old endures a middle passage in 1749.

• He serves twenty years of personal slavery for Charles Stuart.

• Twenty-nine years old, he accompanies his master to England in 1769.

• He plots his escape into freedom October 1, 1771.

• Slave catchers capture him on November 2, 1771.

• His plot god-mother secures a writ of habeas corpus.

• Judge Mansfield, chief justice of the King’s Bench, releases him.

• English planters push a trial to protect the commodities markets.

• June 22, 1772, Judge Mansfield declares James Somerset free.

Thus the Constitution’s “Somerset clause” removes American slaveholding from the jurisdiction of English common law—the Play within the Play within the Play that provides a historical marker for this book’s second educational manifestation of our national conundrum.

(2) Discussions of the roles of young people generally suffer from a pervasive literalism.

If “Organizing in the Spirit of Ella” animates the discussion about treating persons as things, Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man provides similar animation for considering how schools read young people too simplistically:

To Ellison, surviving as black people in America requires cleverness about how things are not what they seem, of how the contexts of language and history complicate any literal-minded interpretations of things, and make us vulnerable to real dangers if we ignore their complexities. (Introduction, p 33)

Ellison’s protagonist is chastened again and again as his people and the country try to teach him that no words or symbols correspond in any simple way to “reality.” (Introduction, p 35)

Charles Stuart was not mature enough as a human being to understand his Constitutional property, James Somerset, whose words and symbols for twenty years, evidently, could not be taken literally. Somerset spent his life telling white folk how to think about the things he knew about. He, seeking freedom, played the role Ralph Ellison gives to the college president, Dr. Bledsoe, who sought, on his own terms, a different concept of freedom: “‘I mean it son,’ he said. ‘I had to be strong and purposeful to get where I am. I had to wait and plan and lick around…Yes, I had to act the nigger!’ he said, adding another fiery, ‘Yes!’”

Ellison’s protagonist, a twentieth century James Somerset incarnation, is staggered by Bledsoe’s “disgusting sea of words”: “He was looking me in the eye now, his voice charged and sincere, as though uttering a confession, a fantastic revelation which I could neither believe nor deny. Cold drops of sweat moved at a glacier’s pace down my spine.”

Stuart, the slaveholder, like Ellison’s protagonist, could neither believe nor deny the “slave” Somerset’s apostasy.

It is an open question whether our country is mature enough to have an honest understanding about the past and present public school education of its youth. Getting down to and understanding the root cause of the education crisis will be no easier than understanding the root cause of “Weapons of Mass Destruction,” a task that has proved too much for the Obama Administration and for much if not most of the country. A nation that could neither believe nor deny Secretary of State Colin Powell’s fantastic revelation of “Weapons of Mass Destruction”—ignorant and dishonest about root causes—stunned itself into a war of massive “collateral damage.”

Who will have access to knowledge and how, is not a question to be settled once and for all, but the ground of a dramatic contest that we are already engaged in. The action we seek must take no delight in the slaughter or waste of anybody’s children, nor refuse consciousness of tragedy and history; rather we must allow ourselves to be affected by what young people in poverty desire and do, so that both we and they may act more gracefully, in more successful courtship. (Part IV, p 170)

Not anybody’s children, not even our own.