Читать книгу Once Were Lions: The Players’ Stories: Inside the World’s Most Famous Rugby Team - Jeff Connor - Страница 6

The British Isles gave rugby to the world. Of that there is no doubt. The trouble is that, as with so many sports invented or codified in these islands, the world insisted on taking ‘our’ ball and running away with it. It happened fairly early in rugby union, when it soon became clear that France and a few Empire countries had mastered rugby and the pupils were only too anxious to teach the ‘masters’ a thing or two.

Despite the present ascendancy of the southern hemisphere countries, the number of British and Irish ‘firsts’ in rugby constitutes a history to be proud of, including William Webb Ellis’s glorious disdain for the rules in 1833 which marked the beginning of the sport of rugby union; the first international played in 1871 at Raeburn Place in Edinburgh with Scotland beating England; both those nations competing for the first international trophy, the Calcutta Cup, in 1879 and ever since; the foundation of the first Unions; and the first schism over professionalism which led to the establishment of rugby league in 1895 in the guise of the Northern Rugby Football Union.

The honour of being the first truly international ‘tourists’ did not go to any of the home unions, however. In 1882, a team from New South Wales in Australia crossed the Tasman Sea and played seven games against club and provincial sides in New Zealand. The concept of the rugby ‘tour’ was born.

Six years later, in 1888, what has become recognized as the first Lions tour took place. It is remarkable to reflect that in that long gone heyday of amateurism, it was two professional cricket players doubling as sporting entrepreneurs, Arthur Shrewsbury and Alfred Shaw, who proposed and organized the first ever tour by a team from the British Isles. They had seen in Australia how popular matches against the England cricketing side had proved, and proposed to the Rugby Football Union that a similar exercise should be tried with rugby players from the British Isles.

The latter part of Queen Victoria’s long reign saw the British Empire at its zenith. Migration to the Colonies by entire families was a regular feature of life in Britain, and certainly the nabobs of the Colonial Service and the various armed forces loved nothing better than to take their British traditions with them. So it was natural that the fast-developing and already very popular sport of rugby football should be exported to countries like South Africa, Australia and New Zealand where the climate suited the game. Attempts to establish rugby in other warmer colonies such as India largely failed—the Calcutta Cup is made of the melted-down silver rupees of the Calcutta Rugby Club which disbanded in 1878 after just five years of existence.

The colonials, both immigrants and natives, considered themselves equal subjects of the Queen Empress, and liked nothing better than to prove their prowess against the ‘old country’ on the cricket pitch in particular. In retrospect, the two entrepreneurs were knocking at an open door when they decided to try and repeat the success of touring cricket teams with a rugby side.

To promote their case, Shrewsbury and Shaw enlisted the help of a very popular sportsman, Andrew Ernest ‘A.E.’ Stoddart of Middlesex County Cricket Club and Blackheath Rugby Football Club, who was with them in the English cricket side in Australia and who would go on to captain England at both rugby and cricket. He was, by all accounts, a born leader of men.

The politics of rugby organization at that time explain why the RFU’s permission was sought, rather than the International Board which had been formed by the then Scottish Football Union and their Irish and Welsh counterparts in 1886. The RFU haughtily refused to join the Board until 1890 and still saw themselves as the supreme body of world rugby. In truth, so did most people in the fledgling sport.

Perhaps surprisingly, given its reputation for extreme conservatism at that period, the RFU gave a sort of tacit approval for the first tour, in so far as they did not try to ban it. They stopped well short of fully sanctioning the tour, however, and issued stern warnings about the issue of payment to the players—the promoters could make a profit, but the participants could not. Many Lions will tell you things have not changed.

The RFU’s overriding concern about any such tour was a perceived threat to the amateur status of players. Driven by class considerations as much as anything, at that time the rules on combating professionalism were incredibly strict as the various rugby unions fought against even those who wanted to at least compensate players for loss of earnings. Anyone who took so much as petty expenses for playing rugby was summarily banned sine die, while a player could be deemed professional, and thus expelled from rugby, if he even took part in a game where any one of the other 29 players was being paid. It was massive discrimination against working people in an age when club and Union officials were uniformly middle or upper class and could afford their time off work. Politics, professionalism, arguments over expenses, debates going back and forth with the sport’s administrators—these themes will recur again in this book.

Shrewsbury, Shaw and Stoddart employed an agent to find players in the then heartlands of the game, the Scottish Borders and the northern counties of England. Some 22 men signed up from ‘working class’ clubs such as Swinton, Salford and Hawick.

Since the tour was going to last eight months, it is inconceivable that some form of compensation was not paid to men who, in some cases, surrendered jobs to take part.

From the outset, an important principle was established. The tourists would be ‘British’ with, initially, players from England, Scotland and Wales. Shrewsbury and Shaw had realized that a team of such a nature would appeal to the large expatriate community in both Australia and New Zealand, Scots being particularly prevalent in the latter country. In the end, the party consisted of sixteen players from English clubs, four from clubs in Scotland, and one each from Wales and the Isle of Man, W.H. Thomas and A.P. Penketh respectively. Two of the Scots, the Burnetts of Hawick, became the first brothers to tour together for the Lions, while among the ‘English’ players were Irish-born Arthur Paul and Dewsbury’s Scottish exile Angus Stuart, so from the start the tourists really were British and Irish, though not yet known as ‘Lions’.

At the last minute the RFU put the whole tour in doubt when one of the 22 tourists, J.P. Clowes of Halifax, was declared a professional and thus cast into the rugby wilderness. His ‘crime’ was to accept £15 in expenses for his kit for the tour. And given the draconian ‘catch all’ nature of the rules on professionalism, every player who played with him or against him would face a similar sentence.

The RFU Committee made their point clear in a statement recorded for posterity in the minutes: ‘The Rugby Football Union has decided, on the evidence before them, that J.P. Clowes is a professional within the meaning of the laws. On the same evidence they have formed a very strong opinion that other players composing the Australian team have also infringed those laws and they will require from them such explanation as they think fit on their return to England.’ That decision was announced just one day before the party was due to sail. The British and Irish Lions were almost strangled at birth by officialdom, and the whole affair heightened feelings on the issue of ‘broken time’ payments, among other things, which would lead to the foundation of professional rugby league just seven years later. Not for the last time, the world’s most famous rugby tourists had sparked controversy.

Anxious not to slay their golden goose, Shaw and Shrewsbury reacted by pacifying the RFU while honouring their commitment to Clowes, who went Down Under with the party but did not play in a single match under rugby football rules—nice work if you can get it.

The touring party left Britain on 8 March 1888, and returned on 11 November. In their time in Australia and New Zealand, the first Lions played 35 rugby matches, winning 27, drawing 6 and losing 2, scoring 300 points for the loss of 101. The tour was split into three sections, the first sojourn of 9 matches in New Zealand followed by 16 in Australia and then back to New Zealand for 10 games.

The first ever match played by the Lions was against Otago in Dunedin on 28 April 1888, the score being 8–3 to the visitors. The honour of being the first team to beat the tourists went to the Taranaki Clubs of New Zealand, victors by a single point. Auckland was the only other home side to triumph, in the final match of the first leg of the tour. From then until they embarked for home, the tourists were unbeaten. It was a fine record, but much more important was the effect the tourists had on rugby in those faraway lands.

The rules of the game were somewhat different in those days. A try, originally known as a touchdown, only gave a team the right to ‘try’ a conversion, which could earn the scoring side two or three points and was known as a goal. The confusion over scoring was because there were differences in the scoring system between various countries, with a penalty goal worth two or three points in some countries, and a drop goal worth up to four depending on where you were playing. The first standardized scoring across the rugby world did not arrive until 1891 after England’s RFU joined the International Board, when a try was set at two points; a ‘goal’, i.e. try and conversion, earned five points; a penalty was worth four; and a drop goal also scored four.

There were also variations in the rules and refereeing standards and practices between north and south—another constant refrain that still bedevils rugby. In the early tours, the home sides made the adjustments to accommodate the tourists, who had developed forms of play which the other countries considered as breaches of the offside law. It was the Lions heeling from the scrummage that proved most controversial on the first tour, but the New Zealanders in particular soon became masters of this imported art.

The first tourists had expected that Australia would prove the tougher part of the tour, but in the end it was New Zealand, where immigrants and natives alike had taken to the sport with great gusto, that proved a far more difficult territory. Their provincial sides in particular learned quickly from the visitors, not least the marvellous passing game among the backs. This was a revelation to the New Zealand teams, which had concentrated on the ‘dribbling’ game involving gangs of players moving the ball forward with their feet or with the ball ‘up the jumper’.

Opinions vary as to how much the tourists imparted to their hosts—‘I challenge anyone to tell me what the 1888 side taught us’ wrote subsequent New Zealand captain T.R. Ellison, though one of his successors as captain, Dave Gallaher, wrote ‘the exhibitions of passing which they gave were most fascinating and impressive to the New Zealander, who was not slow to realise the advantages of these methods. One may safely say that, from that season, dates the era of high-class rugby in the colony.’

If Gallaher is to be believed, then the first tourists accomplished something wonderful for world rugby, as they played their part in helping to create the passion for good rugby which still permeates the sport in New Zealand. For their role in bringing about the players who became the All Blacks, those first tourists deserve our thanks, though not many of New Zealand’s humbled opponents over the years might agree.

A triumphal progress, then, but one tinged with tragedy. In August, the captain of the side, Bob Seddon of Lancashire, was out rowing on the Hunter River in New South Wales when his scull capsized and he was drowned. He was by all accounts a popular figure, and his loss was deeply felt both by the tourists and their hosts—a memorial was erected to him in the nearby town of Maitland. Some 120 years later, it is well maintained by local enthusiasts.

Seddon’s place as captain was taken by A.E. Stoddart, who went on to become the star of the tour with his all-round skills. As one of the triumvirate who had put together this first tour, Stoddart may well have made some money, but if so, he was not saying. When some of the tourists tired of their schedule, he also invited a friend from the cricket world to come and play for the Lions—which is how C. Aubrey Smith, the gentlemanly actor of Prisoner of Zenda fame, otherwise known as Sir Charles Aubrey Smith KBE, a future captain of England’s cricket side, became the only Hollywood star ever to turn out for the Lions.

After all the travel—it took six weeks to sail there and back—the tourists returned to some plaudits for their pioneering efforts but also a strict ruling by the RFU. Every player who came back to Britain was forced to swear an affidavit on their return stating that they had not been paid for playing on the tour. The RFU were satisfied though suspicious, and one player did not have to sign—Angus Stuart stayed on in New Zealand and played for its national side in 1893 before returning to Britain and taking up rugby league as a coach.

One final element of controversy emerged from that first tour, and the RFU at last found something to get really angry about. While in Victoria, the players took part in exhibition matches of football played under Victorian or what we now call Australian Rules. It was in these matches that C. Aubrey Smith made his appearances for the Lions, never having actually played rugby before. The surprising thing is how well the visitors managed, winning 6, drawing 1 and losing 11 of the 18 matches which undoubtedly lined the pockets of Shrewsbury and Shaw and may well have enriched some of the players. No one really knows what went on in the background, but as a touring entity, the side from Britain and Ireland was undoubtedly a profitable enterprise—for some.

The seeds had been sown by these first tourists, and the full flowering of the touring concept did not take long to emerge. In 1891, with the full approval of the RFU, a second tour was planned, this time to South Africa at the invitation of the Western Province Union, the South African Rugby Board being still in its infancy.

As before, it was a previous visit by an England cricket side which inspired the thought of a rugby tour, but in those days South Africa was probably bottom of the rugby heap. The matches were not expected to be close as South African rugby was so far behind that of Britain and Ireland. It was feared no one would want to see a mismatch, and Cecil Rhodes, one of the richest men in Africa and Prime Minister of the Cape Colony as well as an ardent imperialist, had to step in to underwrite the whole tour. The exercise thus became something of a missionary outing, with the tourists keen to show the colonials just how the game should be played, in the hope they would learn quickly and become stiffer opposition in years ahead. They certainly did that.

With official sanction, and former RFU Secretary Edwin ‘Daddy’ Ash as manager, this time most of the tourists were better exponents of the game than their predecessors. Drawn entirely from England and Scotland, there were 9 internationalists in the squad of 21 players, with the remainder all from big clubs and a sizeable contingent from Cambridge University’s then dazzling squad. Students could also usually afford to take a long break from their studies, and it is obvious from the fact that so few ‘northerners’ appeared in the squad that the bitter struggle over ‘broken time’ payments—compensation for lost wages—was already affecting the selection policies.

This tour introduced a new concept to world rugby—the international Test series. A team representing all of South Africa—though this technically was not an independent country in its own right—would play the Lions three times in the course of the tour, losing all three Test Matches.

Despite the fears of disparity between the teams, large numbers came out to support the home sides, with 6,000 reported to have attended the first Test. There was also great excitement about the tour across South Africa, with the considerable political differences between the various regions such as the Cape Colony and the Transvaal being set aside for the duration.

The statistics do not lie. The Lions went unbeaten through all 20 matches, notching 226 points for the loss of just 1, and that in the opening match against the Cape Town Club. It remains the most one-sided tour to date.

Captained by Bill Maclagan, who had played 26 times for Scotland, the visitors were just too big and strong, too skilful and experienced, for the willing but technically unsound South Africans. In only one match, on brick-hard ground in Kimberley against Griqualand West, did the visitors feel in any real danger, the Lions eventually winning 3–0, though Stellenbosch in the final match actually held the visitors to just 2–0.

A bigger problem for the tourists was the many days of backbreaking travel in horse-drawn vehicles between the various venues, as well as the generous hospitality of their hosts. Centre Paul Clauss described the tour as ‘champagne and travel’, and some fans would say that this succinct description of Lions tours has never been bettered.

Without a doubt, the tour transformed South African rugby, not least because of a gift made by a shipping magnate. The party had travelled on the Dunottar Castle of the Union Castle Line, and its owner donated a magnificent trophy to be presented to the province that performed best against the Lions. The tourists selected Griqualand West, who became the first proud owners of the cup competed for by the South African provinces to this day and named after the man who donated it, Sir Donald Currie.

More importantly, the South African rugby players took to heart all the lessons they had learned from the 1891 Lions. One of the Lions, the Rev. H. Marshall, wrote that the tourists had ‘initiated the colonists of South Africa into the fine points and science of the rugby game’. Maclagan and his men did their missionary work all too well, as subsequent touring parties would find to their cost.

The third tour was again to South Africa, which could be reached in 16 to 17 days by boat rather than the 6 weeks it took to sail to Australia or New Zealand. Well organized and funded by the various provincial unions across South Africa, the 1896 tour was memorable for several reasons—it featured a sizeable contingent from Ireland for the first time, it included the first defeat of the Lions in an international Test, and the whole exercise officially made a profit, showing that the Lions were by now welcome visitors wherever they went.

The touring party featured players only from English and Irish clubs and was missing those players from the northern English clubs who had ‘defected’ to rugby league on its formation in 1895. The choice of players for touring also reflected the massive infighting that had split the RFU from the SFU—the name Scottish Rugby Union was not adopted until 1924—and the Welsh Union over issues related to professionalism.

The squad was captained by Johnny Hammond of Blackheath and Cambridge University, who at 36 was the oldest Lions captain to date. Irish vice-captain Tom Crean, already an internationalist with nine caps, actually led the side on more occasions, age presumably having withered Hammond. Though we will learn more about his heroic nature, Crean, it should be said, must not be confused with his contemporary fellow Irishman of the same name, who accompanied both Scott of the Antarctic and Ernest Shackleton on their Polar expeditions. One of the Lions tourists, Cuthbert Mullins of Oxford University, was actually a native of South Africa, and he later went back home to practise as a doctor.

It is perhaps an insight into the inclusive nature of the Lions as representing all of Britain and Ireland that, on arrival in South Africa, the three Roman Catholics in the party—Crean, and Louis and Eddie Magee—wanted to attend Sunday mass rather than take part in an excursion. The management decreed that all religious people would be able to attend their various churches that morning and the excursion would start later. The Lions, it seemed, happily answered to a Higher Power.

That Power looked kindly on them. The Lions went undefeated through the tour until the final game. They had beaten South Africa in three Tests, and won against every provincial side except one, Western Province, which gained a 0–0 draw. They had scored 320 points for the loss of 45, yet such apparently one-sided statistics hid the fact that South African rugby had vastly improved.

In their final match in Cape Town, the Lions found out just how much the sport had moved on in South Africa. Wearing their famous green jerseys for the first time, South Africa were led by Barrie Heatlie, who rejoiced in the nickname ‘Fairy’—it is not known why. His side had developed their forward play to such an extent that the Lions buckled, and when the referee, Alf Richards, who just happened to be a former South African internationalist, ruled against the Lions’ favourite tactic of wheeling the scrummage, things began to look bad for the visitors.

South Africa then gained a controversial try, not least because the scorer, Alf Larard, had been reinstated as an amateur on immigrating to the country from England where he had been involved in the row over ‘broken time’ payments which had led to the establishment of rugby league the previous year. Also, by a strict interpretation of the rules, the ball had been won from an offside position before being passed to Larard for his try, which was converted.

The visitors mounted a late rally, but could not score. South Africa had beaten the Lions 5–0, and the victory caused a sensation across that country. The row over the debatable score rumbled on for days, and some would say has never stopped, as the northern hemisphere and southern hemisphere nations still disagree over the laws of the game and their interpretations.

We are indebted to Walter Carey, one of the tour party, for an insider’s account of the 1896 tour. He would eventually make his home in South Africa as Bishop of Bloemfontein and is most famous for coining the motto of the Barbarians: ‘Rugby is a game for gentleman in any class, but no bad sportsman in any class.’

Carey wrote that the tour had been ‘very happy’ and praised the ‘scrupulously fair’ play of the host teams. He added: ‘I hope and pray that South African teams will always play like gentlemen.’ His missionary zeal is perhaps understandable, given that he did become a clergyman.

Carey also described the tour’s star player Tom Crean in glowing terms as ‘the most Irish, the most inconsequent, the most gallant, the most lovable personality one could ever imagine and made the centre of the whole tour’. Over the years the Lions have featured many such personalities, and a goodly number of them have been Irish.

Sadly, within a few years of that happy tour in 1896, South Africa was torn apart by the Boer War. It seems almost incredible that so soon after their tour as Lions, several of the 1896 touring party were back as combatants. Two of them, Tom Crean and Robert Johnston, both won the Victoria Cross for acts of gallantry in that conflict—it was not just on the rugby battlefield that Lions were heroic.

Crean in particular appears to have been practically born heroic. Blessed with good looks and a magnificent physique, Crean was what the Irish call a ‘broth of a boy’, who loved nothing better than good wine, good company of both sexes and plenty of singing. In short, an ideal Lions tourist. From Dublin, he had just qualified as a doctor in 1896 and he had already been decorated for heroism. At the age of 18, he received a Royal Humane Society award for saving the life of a 20-year-old student who had got into difficulties in the sea off Blackrock in Co. Dublin. He enjoyed South Africa so much he stayed on in Johannesburg and, in 1899, joined up as an ordinary trooper, seeing action at the Relief of Mafeking and being wounded in battle.

Serving as a surgeon captain in 1901, Crean won his VC for continuing to attend to the wounded under fire. Presented with the medal in 1902 by King Edward VII, his citation read:

Thomas Joseph Crean, Surgeon Captain, 1st Imperial Light Horse. During the action with De Wet at Tygerskloof on the 18th December 1901, this officer continued to attend to the wounded in the firing line under a heavy fire at only 150 yards range, after he himself had been wounded, and only desisted when he was hit a second time, and as it was first thought, mortally wounded.

As if that wasn’t enough, Crean went on to win the Distinguished Service Order and commanded the 44th Field Ambulance brigade which served in the trenches in the First World War. He was again wounded several times.

Sadly, his health failed as a result of his wartime injuries, and he began to drink heavily and developed diabetes. His private practice in London failed, and he was declared bankrupt shortly before his death in 1923, aged just 49. You will read in this book of how life after the Lions has often been an anti-climax for individual players, but that could not be said of war hero Crean.

It was said at one time that the two most famous men in South Africa were Cecil Rhodes and Tom Crean. Crean’s heroism as a player and in combat were not forgotten—in the third of their special Boer War centenary commemorative stamps issued by the South African Post Office in 2001, he was one of two people honoured with their own stamp.

Amazingly, the other Lion to win a VC, Robert Johnston, was a member of the same club as Crean, Wanderers. Born in Donegal, Johnston celebrated his 24th birthday on the Lions tour and he and Crean became fast friends. Indeed, they joined the Imperial Light Horse together, and served through various battles including Elandslaagte. It was there that Johnston won his VC. The citation read that at a critical moment when the advance was checked, Johnston ‘moved forward under heavy fire at point blank range to enable a decisive flanking movement to be carried out’.

After initial treatment to his wounds, Johnston was transferred to a field hospital where the doctor who treated him was none other than Tom Crean. His friend’s treatment proved successful, as Johnston made a full recovery and after serving as a prisoner of war camp commandant, he lived until 1950.

The unexpectedly long duration of the Boer War did not prevent a fourth tour taking place, though in 1899 the venue was Australia rather than South Africa. The squad was captained and managed by the Rev. Matthew Mullineux who had toured in 1896 and was then a member at Blackheath.

Reverend Mullineux was perhaps not the best player around, never receiving an England cap, but he was at least a modest realist. In the first Test against Australia in Sydney, he could not perform to the same level as those around him, and having seen his team soundly beaten by 13–3, Mullineux promptly dropped himself. England international Frank Stout took over as on-field captain for the remaining three Tests, all of which were won by the Lions to give them the first Test series victory in Australia.

The touring party featured representatives from all four home nations, but the star of the side was the sole Welsh international, Gwyn Nicholls of Cardiff, who brought a new dynamism to the position of centre. He ended the tour as top try scorer, with C.Y. Adamson of Durham gaining the most points thanks to his prodigious kicking. On a tour where the Lions won 18 of their 21 matches, scoring 333 points for the loss of 90, Adamson amassed 135 points by himself, a tour record that would stand for many years.

It might seem incredible to modern sensitivities, but just a year after the cessation of hostilities in the Boer War, a Lions squad toured South Africa. The war may have split South Africa asunder, but it wasn’t going to get in the way of the national passion for rugby. And just as the spectacular victory of South Africa in the 1995 World Cup did much to heal wounds in the post-apartheid era, so did the 1903 tour help the normalization process after the Boer War. It also helped that, for the first time, a host country defeated the Lions in a Test series.

Captained by Mark Morrison of Scotland, the 1903 Lions featured internationalists from Scotland, Ireland and Wales, but none from England. Led by Morrison, the forwards gave a good account of themselves, though South Africa’s scrummaging power was beginning to become a mighty weapon. In the backs, however, only Reg Skrimshire of Wales could match the South Africans, whose passing and kicking skills had vastly improved even in the short space of four years.

In the first Test in Johannesburg, South Africa were captained by Alex Frew, who had played alongside Morrison for Scotland in their Triple Crown-winning year of 1901. The Lions had suffered several reverses and injuries in the provincial matches before that first Test, and would go on to win just 11 of their 22 matches on tour. Both the first and second Tests were draws, which set the scene for a tense closing encounter in Cape Town.

Digging out the green jerseys which they had worn in their first victory over the Lions back in 1899, the South Africans were well prepared, but became nervous when a downpour turned the pitch into a quagmire—conditions which were thought to favour the players of Britain and Ireland. Thousands of spectators watched from beneath umbrellas as South Africa persevered with their game plan, which involved their much better backs. Though the Lions had a try disallowed and there was yet more controversy over the winning try by South Africa, which came off a suspiciously forward pass, at the end most people agreed that the home side had thoroughly deserved their 8–0 victory.

The green jerseys were there to stay on South African torsos and the Lions had suffered their first-ever series loss. It was not to be the last, but at least they had a swift opportunity to wipe the slate clean as the very next year saw a tour to Australia and New Zealand. The 1904 squad was again captained by a Scot, the remarkable David ‘Darkie’ Bedell-Sivright, a veteran of the 1903 tour and the only man from that squad to play again for the Lions the following year.

Bedell-Sivright was a swarthy individual, a fearsome forward, and a real character on and off the field—he was alleged to have rugby tackled a cart horse. He once stated: ‘When I go on to the rugby field I only see the ball, and should someone be in the road, that is his lookout.’ He was very popular with the Australians and he loved them and their country, staying on for a year after the tour before returning home to study medicine. He was not enamoured of Australian referees, however. In the match against Northern Districts, Denys Dobson of Oxford University was sent off by the local referee, one Hugh Dolan. His offence was to say ‘What the devil was that for?’—a near-blasphemy to Mr Dolan who ushered Dobson from the field, thus making him the first Lion ever to be sent off.

Bedell-Sivright intervened on behalf of his team member and the Lions left the field, returning after 20 minutes without Dobson but ready to thump the home side, which they did 17–3. In interviews after the match, the Lions captain explained his stance to reporters: ‘He [Bedell-Sivright] regarded Mr Dolan as an incompetent referee. The team had borne with his incapacity so long as it merely affected them in their play, but when he chose to take up a position which reflected on their personal honour, they thought it time to show their resentment.’

An inquiry was held by the New South Wales Rugby Union and no action was taken against Dobson for his ‘improper expression’. It was a whitewash by officialdom—and not the last time this would happen with the Lions.

Bedell-Sivright’s side featured internationalists from all four home countries as well as two New Zealanders, medical students Pat McEvedy and Arthur O’Brien. Paddy Bush of Cardiff, a brilliant fly-half, marshalled the outstanding Welsh backs of the time. The Lions duly swept all before them in Australia, winning every one of their 14 matches, including the 3 Tests by a combined score of 50–3.

It was a different story entirely in New Zealand, where the Lions cause was not helped by Bedell-Sivright breaking his leg in the first match at Canterbury. The low point of the tour was the only Test against New Zealand, in which the Lions suffered their first defeat by the nation who would come to haunt them in the decades ahead. It was a case of dominant home forwards beating inventive Lions backs, which would also be a regular occurrence in the history of the tourists. Captain Bedell-Sivright remarked patronizingly that the colonials would not dare to come to Britain: ‘you might succeed occasionally against local underdog teams…but would be out of your class against national combinations,’ he is reported to have said.

How wrong could he have been. In retrospect, that 9–3 victory was the beginning of the rise of New Zealand rugby which would reach full glory the following year with the 1905 tour to the ‘old countries’ and the start of the All Blacks legend.

Both the principals in that notorious sending off, Dobson and Bedell-Sivright, would meet strange ends. The former was killed by a charging rhinoceros in Africa in 1916, while Bedell-Sivright died from an infected insect bite during the Dardanelles campaign in the Great War.

After tours in successive years, the next Lions did not leave home shores again until 1908, when Arthur F. ‘Boxer’ Harding, a 1904 tourist, captained the squad on its visit to Australia and New Zealand. In one way this was the least representative squad to tour in the 20th century, as only players from England and Wales featured. Scotland had fallen out with the RFU over the issue of New Zealand paying three shillings a day in expenses to its players on their 1905 tour to Europe.

‘There can be no halfway house in rugby football’, wrote J.A. Smith, the secretary of the SFU.

The daily allowance made to the players is directly antagonistic to the true spirit of amateur Rugby football. The payment means that, in addition to every possible expense, including uniforms, laundry, entertainments, gratuities and medical attendance, each player has received at least one pound and one shilling a week for himself, and my committee consider that this payment is tantamount to professionalism in a very insidious form.

The Scots made it clear they would not play against New Zealand’s ‘professionals’, and when England sided with the All Blacks, the SFU broke off relations with the RFU. Ireland also withdrew its cooperation on the same grounds.

The 1908 Lions therefore played in jerseys made up of hoops of white and red, the traditional English and Welsh colours, and that is one of the reasons many books and commentators refer to this as the Anglo-Welsh tour. But they were billed as the British touring party, and the invitation and organization were done in the now customary manner, so Lions they were, though by all accounts there was not the usual atmosphere of friendliness in the camp.

Selecting from just two nations and taking unproven players was to prove a pivotal point in the history of the British and Irish Lions. For after they returned a well-beaten side, the Welsh Rugby Union complained about the selection of players being for reasons of social class rather than distinction on the field. Two years later, that complaint would be formalized.

Whatever the reason for their failings, it certainly seems to be the case that the squad was weak when you consider the 1908 side’s results. As well as two losses to provincial sides in Australia, they lost seven of their matches in New Zealand, including two of the three Tests against the All Blacks.

To be fair, in the middle Test of the three, the Lions were unlucky to get only a draw, but Harding’s men apparently enjoyed too much of the lavish hospitality of their hosts and greatly underperformed in the final deciding Test, in which the All Blacks ran riot, scoring 9 tries and 29 points in all against none by the tourists.

The 1908 Lions did not even go down fighting, but then there had been a strange atmosphere in the party ever since they had lost one of their best players in the middle of the tour. In the biggest scandal to engulf the early Lions, Frederick Stanley Jackson, a Cornish giant who played for Leicester, was alleged to have been a professional rugby league player called John Jones from Swansea. Jackson was a star player, a lethal goal kicker who had helped Cornwall to the county championship, which in turn gave them entry to the 1908 Olympic Games where the men from the Duchy won the silver medal, losing to Australasia, i.e. Australia and New Zealand combined.

An Olympic medallist and one of the best-known players in the sport of rugby union involved in a murky business—not surprisingly, the newspapers had a field day, and the RFU had to act. A terse telegram was sent to tour manager George Harnett: ‘Jackson is suspended. Return him forthwith.’

The player set off for Sydney, leaving his close friend and fellow Leicester player and Lion, John Jackett, in tears on the quayside. Jackett himself had a notorious past which was already well known—a muscular Adonis, he had posed as a nude model, strictly for art’s sake of course.

But Jackson never made it home. Instead, he was greeted by pressmen at Sydney, and categorically denied any knowledge of the charges against him. He then disappeared, only to resurface in New Zealand after the Lions had finished their tour. Jackson had gone back to find a Maori woman that he had met during the tour, and it truly was a love match—they had four children, one of whom, Everard, would become an All Black prop before losing a leg fighting in the desert campaign in the Second World War.

Happy with his new wife in his new homeland, Frederick Jackson also played for New Zealand—funnily enough, at rugby league. He was capped for his new country in 1910 against the Northern Union, the then name of the British rugby league touring side, which beat New Zealand 52–20. Jackson lived until 1957, and despite research by his family, no one has ever been able to prove whether he was indeed either Jackson or Jones. The man himself never let on.

The Jackson scandal was just one of several problems for the 1908 Lions. This debacle of a tour was to prove a catalyst for the biggest change in the set-up of the Lions. Before the next tour to South Africa in 1910, and stung by the fact that the ‘colonials’ had become the masters of world rugby, the four home unions took a hand and decided that, from then on, the tourists would represent them as fully as any side which turned out in the white, blue, green or red jerseys of their home unions. Players selected for Tests would also be recognized—by some people at any rate—as full internationalists. The British and Irish Lions were formally born, though not yet called Lions.