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A Moveable Feast: Stephen Haweis, Students and Paris

Throughout Eileen Gray’s life she kept many publications, letters, articles, magazines and photographs of people whom she knew and who shaped her life, both personally and professionally. Included in this interesting contemporary milieu were Wyndham Lewis, Aleister Crowley, Gerald Festus Kelly, Clive Bell, Kathleen Bruce, Jessie Gavin, Roger Fry (1866-1934), Natalie Clifford Barney (1876-1972), Nancy Cunard (1896-1965), Loïe Fuller (1862-1928), Lucie Delarue Mardrus (1874-1945), Chana Orloff (1888-1968), and Gabrielle Bloch. It is through the diaries, notes, letters and archives of those family, friends, acquaintances and associates who featured in her life during this time that a fuller understanding of Eileen Gray, from art student to artist emerges.

2.1 Eileen Gray, 1898-1900, black and white photograph © NMI

Gray’s library also contained a number of publications by the writer and painter Stephen Haweis and letters from his niece René Chipman (1903-1986).¹ Haweis was described, by some, as a suitor and a fellow student who emigrated to Dominica and kept writing to Gray all of his life, sending her ‘unasked for’ photographs ‘looking like a very, very old chimpanzee’. Gray commented, ‘No sense of pudeur (modesty)’.² However, Gray wrote to Haweis until Haweis’s death on 17 January 1969. It is through Haweis’s memoirs and those of his circle that one gains more insight into Gray’s Paris of the early 1900s, into the teachings of the various art schools, and into their friends and student life. Haweis’s memoirs and correspondence are a veritable anthology of who was who in Paris at that time. He kept in touch with many from both their London and Parisian days. His memoirs and letters describe in depth their circle, and the correspondence with Gray reveals much about her personality, beliefs and ideas.

2.2 Loïe Fuller dancing the Tanz de Lilie, 1896, black and white photograph © IMAGNO/Austrian Archives/Topfoto

Eileen Gray and Stephen Haweis had much in common. Haweis, like Gray, came from a distinguished family which was also marked with controversy and scandal. His maternal grandfather Thomas Musgrave Joy (1812-1866) was a fashionable portrait painter who gave drawing lessons to Prince Albert and did portraits of the royal children and their pets at Windsor Castle. Mary Eliza Haweis, Stephen’s mother, was born in 1848. When she was eighteen, she sold a painting to the Royal Academy and painted two portraits on commission. The following year she married the renowned Reverend Hugh Reginald Haweis of St James’s Church, Marylebone. The young couple became very popular in London society and were presented at Court. Mary Eliza became an arbiter of fashion during the 1870s and 80s and was one of the cognoscenti. The couple’s first child died in infancy, and thereafter his parents had two sons and a daughter. Like Gray, Haweis was the youngest; he was born Stephen Hugh Willyams on 23 July, 1878.

2.3 Stephen Haweis, 1923, sepia tint photograph © Photo courtesy of the Marine Biological Laboratory Archives and the History of Marine Biological Laboratory website (history.archives.mbl.edu)

The Reverend was a little over five feet tall, crippled from childhood in one leg because of a pony riding accident, and of an ivory complexion (his grandmother was a native of the British Indian province of Baluchistan). Like Stephen, he became renowned for his small stature. He became a spellbinding preacher, wrote many popular religious books, and was in great demand as a public lecturer. His sermons drew admiring crowds for decades. Gray said to Haweis, ‘About your father I remember my mother and eldest sister (Ethel) eleven years older than me used to go on Sunday evenings (was it to Camberwell I can’t remember) to listen to your father preaching, immensely impressed and convinced of his importance’.³ Gray recalled ‘hearing people speak of him as a brilliant seductive person!’⁴ The Reverend was appointed Lowell Lecturer in Boston, Mass. in 1886 and went on lecture tours in America in 1893-94. When he was a curate, the Archbishop of Canterbury had regarded him as his protégé, but because of indiscreet behaviour he fell out of favour and was offered no preferment; though, prudently, nothing was done to put its outstanding preacher outside the boundaries of the Church.

Stephen’s mother strove to repair the effect of her husband’s extravagances on their income by writing and illustrating a number of magazine articles and books for women on dress, deportment and decoration in the home, through which she gained an enviable reputation. Her magazine columns on interior decoration and fashion encouraged readers to reject Victorian fussiness in favour of the new ‘Art’ furniture. She also encouraged her readers to choose the best aspects of the Aesthetic Movement in their dress. Her books The Art of Beauty, 1878 and The Art of Decoration, 1881 were illustrated with Pre-Raphaelite and Aesthetic designs. She was also renowned for her literary adaptations, notably Chaucer for Children, 1877 where she retold Chaucer’s tales, making them suitable for Victorian readers. She was a very proud woman in that despite having to earn money she retained the status of a gentlewoman. Her assiduous work enabled her to pay for Stephen’s education at Westminster School and to send him to Peterhouse College, Cambridge.

Again like Gray, Haweis had to convince his family, especially his mother, to allow him to take up art lessons. He said, ‘Mother was against my taking up art unless I thought I was going to do really well. With support better than starvation I should have done far more and better, but everybody believed that I should have done well but I had only £63 to spend on my first year in Paris. My heart broke down through my father’s complete neglect and robbery of about a third of my inheritance’.⁵ His mother died in 1898, before he could take a degree, whereupon he decided not to continue at Cambridge as he wished to become a painter, and to that end he went to study in Paris in 1899. He never forgot his mother. His studio in Paris was described as being filled with family treasures, notably mementos of his mother. His cape was lined with the dress she wore when presented to Queen Victoria. He kept place cards from his mother’s dinner parties, inscribed with the names of important Londoners. He saved her clothing, her amber beads, sewing boxes full of tiny heirlooms, mother of pearl daisies wound with silk thread, miniature patchwork quilts, embroidered baby clothes, a copybook belonging to his great-great grandfather, an hourglass, a leather hood which adorned the family’s falcon, the plaster cast of the hand of his brother who had died in infancy and an Etruscan vase which contained the ashes of his mother’s dog.⁶

2.4 James Maclaren Smith, Firenze, 1880s, black and white photograph © NMI

2.5 Lonsdale Gray, Eileen, Thora and a friend Captain French in the French Alps, year unknown, black and white photograph © NMI

Haweis’s father died early in 1901. He had greatly resented his son who, devoted to his mother, appears to have been a quiet, attractive, hard-working young man. He had a streak of stubbornness in his make-up, for his mother had once written, ‘Stephen has the Haweis temper’. His father had undoubtedly cheated Stephen of a substantial legacy, but his mother had left sufficient money to make him not entirely dependent on the sale of his work and, indeed, enough to enable him to travel.

Both Haweis and Gray were the children of broken marriages. Despite the Gray family’s position in society, Gray recalled her parents eating dinner in silence at either end of a very long table.⁷ Just as Haweis lost his mother in 1898 and his father in 1901, Gray lost her father, and she went to Territet in Switzerland to bury him, much grieved in late February 1900.

In June later that year she lost her brother Lonsdale who drank poisoned water while in South Africa. As Gray had doted on her father, Stephen adored his mother. However, unlike Haweis, Gray destroyed many of her family papers. Throughout their correspondence Gray and Haweis discussed such personal matters. On 5 June 1958 Gray wrote, ‘I was very interested in the letter talking about your father though you don’t say really in what way he was responsible for your unhappiness’. She continued, ‘My own childhood was probably as unhappy and worse in many ways than yours and the shaky hand is a consequence of years of sleepless nights and misery of many kinds but as Kipling used to say that’s another story’. Despite Haweis’s strained relationship with his father, Gray dryly comments towards the end of this letter: ‘Anyway you had a mother who loved you’. Gray had a terrible shake in her hand towards the end of her life. In another letter Gray says that the shake in her hand is due to her childhood. ‘It all comes from having been so frightened at night (for years) when I was a child and there is no cure for it’.⁸

The Haweis family quarrels continued through Haweis’s brother Lionel, who took the side of his father. The bitterness and feuding caused by his family remained with him throughout his life. In a poem written in 1960 Haweis wrote his own epitaph; ‘Who shall say what I might have said, killed by a father’s hate and heart, before I failed in love and art, when I lie dead’.⁹ It was through his niece René Chipman that the truth of what his father and brother did to Stephen was finally acknowledged. When Lionel died, Haweis wrote to his friend Jean Roosevelt saying of his family, ‘I think nobody has ever needed me and certainly nobody has ever needed my sister, so this grand and glorious family which began in about the twelfth century is passing out of the picture regretted by none and noticed by few’.¹⁰ John Ellis Roosevelt said, ‘We learned from Mrs Chipman and from reading through Hawys’ (sic) papers that he, Hawys, (sic) had come to the conclusion that his father was an S.O.B and a crook, with psychological and sexual problems to boot and that Hawys’ (sic) brother Lionel (Mrs Chipman’s father) was at best a dam (sic) fool’.¹¹ In the last year of his life Chipman went through her father’s memorabilia and wrote to Stephen apologising to him for ‘my disbelief of you in the past’. Astonished and horrified at her father and grandfather’s behaviour she confessed to Stephen ‘so far I have wronged you’.¹²

Similarly Gray’s situation with her family became strained due to her sister Ethel’s marriage to Henry Tufnel Campbell. This man had an overwhelming influence on her mother. In her letters Gray describes equally complicated family stories. ‘My brother who was left all my grandfather’s money, as I told you he [Gray’s grandfather] was angry with my mother and left her nothing, which provoked feuds (my mother entirely under the influence of my brother-in-law who grabbed and ruled) in Ireland’.¹³ Gray’s grandfather Jeremiah Lonsdale Pounden died in 1887, leaving his estate to James Mclaren Stuart Gray, twentieth Lord Gray – who had become Lord Gray upon the death of his mother on 24 December 1918. However, on 6 May 1919 The Irish Times reported:

The death occurred at Brighton, after a short illness, of the right Hon. James McLaren Stuart Gray, Baron Gray. He succeeded his mother, Eveleen Baroness Gray, on her death in December 24 1918 and became the twentieth holder of the title. His sister, the Hon Ethel Eveleen, wife of Henry T Campbell Esq of 7 Collingwood Gardens, London SW and Brownswood Co Wexford, succeeds him to the title.¹⁴

Gray describes quite an uncomfortable situation amongst family members after this. ‘The shadow of that horrible atmosphere is still there as it seems to be with you it is undeniable that those are the years that mark one for life. My sister was very popular at school, she was a great flirt and took things easily, and then married and escaped. I escaped too, to Paris’. Gray remained close with her sister Thora (1875-1966) and Thora’s husband Eric Clough Taylor (1883-1947). In her later years, like Haweis, contact with her family was with her niece Prunella Clough (1919-1999). This she shares with Haweis, and in one letter affectionately sends Haweis ‘poems written by my brother-in-law (Clough Taylor) before he died as I think you might like them’.¹⁵

2.6 Thora and Eileen Gray, Palermo, 1895-1897, black and white photograph © NMI

For Gray the Slade School had been the initiation into the avant-garde, the world of the déclassé and cosmopolitan artists. However, the school did nothing to encourage individuality, particularly in a woman. In Haweis’s memoirs Gray is listed as amongst his circle of friends from the 1900s. Haweis arrived in Paris in 1899 befriending Irish artist Paul Henry and Scottish artist Francis Cadell when they all enrolled in the Académie Julian. In his memoirs he says that he was there between 1899 and 1900. He then returned to England sometime in 1900, but was back in Paris at the École Colarossi in 1902 where he was attending night drawing classes and where he met his future wife Mina Loy (1882-1966).¹⁶ Gray and Haweis attended the École at the same time.

In Paul Henry’s autobiography An Irish Portrait, 1951, he provides much insight into the city of Paris at that time and what the Académie Julian was like for Gray when she enrolled in 1903.¹⁷ ‘Paris in those years was filled with students from all over the globe, all filled with a high resolve to learn as much as they could and to seize every opportunity to perfect themselves in their particular arts’.¹⁸ Henry describes in detail the Académie, which was in stark contrast to the Slade. ‘The Académie Julian was not in any sense of the word a teaching institution. It was not a school with regular classes and teachers, it granted no degree, and there were no prizes. As long as you paid up, behaved properly and did not steal the easels, you were free’.

2.7 Eileen Gray, 1902, black and white photograph © NMI

Haweis’s circle was described as a blend of dabblers in black magic, spinsters and elderly ladies.¹⁹ Descriptions of Haweis also vary. Loy described him as preferring the female sex to his own and added that his lady friends were not an attractive lot. According to Loy he served as a token of masculinity in their lives. Many found Haweis irritating because he attempted to ingratiate himself with those with a more luxurious standard of living, and he was known for charming women with a monthly allowance.²⁰ Haweis’s memoirs and letters reveal a man who had an equal number of male as well as female friends. He compensated for his lack of stature by an eccentric personality and dress. He is described as having ‘flashing black eyes, olive skin, and glossy dark hair, hanging down like a curtain about his head, gave him the appearance of a young Italian who had stepped from a picture by Raphael’.²¹ Haweis wanted to stand out. Paul Henry wrote of him, ‘we had to find other ways of showing to the world that we were not as other men’. He continued; ‘Stephen Haweis was just down from Cambridge and he was one of the most colourful persons in the quarter, his small neat figure was dressed in brown corduroy, he wore a black beret and his long hair was cut straight across his forehead like a Florentine page; collarless he looped around his neck or throat a long string of amber beads. Sometimes in place of the beads he wore a jade green live snake which often caused much commotion in the studio when it wandered among the easels’.²² Haweis at times flaunted his eccentricities possibly because he had to live up to the reputation of his father. Henry says that ‘Haweis, like his father, was something of an oddity, but I liked him in spite of his eccentricities which I cannot describe as poses because they were the natural expression of a very vivid personality’.²³

Gray also was strikingly attractive. In her autobiography Kathleen Bruce gives a description of Gray during this period, as lovable but remote in personality.

2.8 Self Portrait of an Artist, by Kathleen Bruce, 1949, detail showing Bruce inside the front cover of the book © NMI

She was fair, with wide set pale blue eyes, tall and of grand proportion, well born and quaintly and beautifully dressed. But for a rather vague look and an absent minded manner, she would have been wonderful. I thought she was wonderful, when, one night she told me that she lived her whole life in terror because there was madness in her family. I thought her not only wonderful to look at, but also the most romantic figure I had ever seen.²⁴

Gray’s appearance also caught Haweis’s attention. He describes many female painters, sculptors and society women in his memoirs. He considered Gray one of the beauties of those Paris days.

There were several amazingly beautiful girls in our Paris of the early 1900s. Mina (Loy) was half English, half Jewish Hungarian, whose complexion was so perfect that the students betted upon its truth, and would not believe their eyes when a scrub on the studio towel left it ... perfectly white. Her mouth was an incredible wonder and almost plum coloured. It was as beautiful as Eileen’s shoulders, which were the most perfect I ever saw ... things beautiful which live forever in memory and for which to be grateful. Of course there are always beauties where many young people of different nationalities are gathered together, yet some remain like planets among the stars, more radiant than others.

These notes in his memoirs are typewritten but at the end of the paragraph describing these women Haweis pencilled in ‘The Hon. Eileen Gray’. He continued,

It is not only for their beauty that these girls are to be remembered, nor for their talent, though some of them were talented enough and one was a genius. They marked the end of an era, and created a new one without knowing very much about it. To repeat, ad nauseam, most of the girls were as poor as the men, but they cared for ‘beauty’ and were not content to be dull echoes of the prevailing fashion.²⁵

2.9 Eileen Gray, 1900s, black and white photograph © NMI

The Anglo-Irish aristocracy based their ideas of the French on the popular novels of la vie de bohème and thus saw France as a nation of seducers. The artistic quarter of Montmartre was depicted as a sordid area with dangers lurking in every side street. In George Moore’s (1852-1933) Confessions of a Young Man, 1886, stories of free love were just the sort of thing which concerned respectable people. Haweis also knew Moore, who came to Paris sporadically with Walter Sickert (1860-1942). Haweis said that Moore and Sickert were old friends and ‘frequently dined with us at the Restaurant Garnier in the Boulevard Raspail. They both enjoyed young people, though it appeared to me that Moore’s interest in them was highly specialised and referred principally to girls’.²⁶ Moore was an Irish novelist, short-story writer, poet, art critic and dramatist. He came from Carra, County Mayo. Originally he wanted to be a painter and studied in Paris during the 1870s, where he befriended the many leading French artists of the day. Whether Gray was ever introduced to him is unclear; but through Haweis she must have been aware of this Irishman who had made such an impression in Paris. Haweis’s comments about Moore and Sickert are quite revealing. ‘We treated George Moore with great respect. He was a celebrity, but some of us rather enjoyed the off-hand, friendly contempt with which Walter Sickert treated him and which Moore never quite seemed able to tackle’.²⁷ The sordidness, which Moore described in his novel Confessions of a Young Man, 1886, of this district of Paris with its bohemian artists and free love seemed unreal at times to Haweis, ‘I went to study in Paris and incidentally I did not find it any wickeder than anywhere else. Whether it be that I am so pure that evil cannot touch me or whether I am so depraved that evil is the natural breath of my nostrils I have never been able to determine but I often think of Nietzsche saying “behold when I looked at wickedness of men it was seldom more than four shoes broad and three months long”’.²⁸ He differed somewhat from Gray who explained in a letter to Haweis years later that ‘At that time, I was always in a dream, and had no grasp on realities so-called: parental sternness, and terror by night left me with a complex, dread of people that I still have. Until I knew them well, they leave me with a feeling of frustration, because the real “Me” retreats to an immense distance, while the creature that is apparent, seizes on any nonsense to pretend that it is really there. Probably to you this doesn’t make sense’.²⁹ Gray’s personality always tended towards introversion and in her later life she tells him, ‘that I am “en marge de la vie” and have no grasp on material, practical realities. I know that I would like to be quit of them, and yet problems of another kind interest me enormously’.³⁰

2.10 Paris VI – Montparnasse, circa 1900, black and white photograph, © Roger Viollet /Topfoto

Montparnasse by all accounts in 1902 was a pastoral outpost on the edge of the city and still retained traces of peaceful country life. The area would soon undergo rapid transformation. Work had just begun on extending the Boulevard Raspail and houses and shops were being replaced by multi-storied modernist buildings and artists’ studios. Across the Seine women art students may have been leading disciplined and respectable lives – however as art students they were still viewed with disdain. Bruce summed up public opinion in her autobiography. ‘In the first years of the twentieth century to say that a lass, perhaps not out of her teens had gone prancing off to Paris to study art was to say that she had gone irretrievably to hell’.³¹ Nonetheless, women artists were already studying there in increasing numbers, and lived without outraging public opinion. Clive Holland, a British journalist, wrote, ‘That the life they lead differs from that led by their male companions, both as regards its freedom and its strenuousness, goes without saying; but its (sic) sufficiently Bohemian for the most enterprising feminine searcher after novelty’.³² Haweis described life as exceedingly difficult for artistic women who, when left to their own devices, had few choices once their financial support ran out, other than prostitution. The American expatriate painter Romaine Brooks (1874-1970), a friend of both Gray and Haweis, recalled her adventures in the turn-of-the-century Montmartre, where her attempts to earn a living included stints as an artist’s model and a brief career as a music-hall performer. Many female art students boarded in family-style pensions; the more emancipated found their own apartments. Most young women rented rooms in the studio complexes around Montparnasse and set up housekeeping on a modest budget. Many students, including Paul Henry, first lodged at the Hôtel de la Haute Loire, at 203, boulevard Raspail. Haweis amusingly comments that ‘the memoirs of the concierge in the old Hôtel de la Haute Loire should be interesting reading. There are so many who went there in search of cheap accommodation who were poor, but very often talented. It was from there so many of us went away when we had found even cheaper roofs shared in stern virtue or unquestionable sin’.³³ Within a short time, Henry and Haweis managed to find a ‘ramshackle, and out-at-elbows, but adorable studio’ in a now-demolished building in the rue de la Grande Chaumière, a street more redolent of art and artists.

2.11 Countess Markievicz in uniform, 1915, photographic negative glass, Keogh Photographic Collection © National Library of Ireland

There was a well in the garden, from whence they drew water, and the toilets, which were in the courtyard, were appalling. Haweis describes in detail the studio off the courtyard where he lived. It was clearly subdivided between those with money and those without. ‘At one sad moment I lived in an underground studio in Paris, a cellar which had once been endured by two brothers who became famous illustrators in the Saturday Evening Post.³⁴ Its claim to be a studio at all rested upon its having a top light; it had no other. Above my head, on the ground floor, dwelt Countess Markievicz and her very large Polish husband, but they did not concern themselves with those who frequented the bowels of the earth beneath’. In later notes that he had edited he said:

Before I married I had a studio which had a top light only for the good and sufficient reason that it was underground. Above was the studio of the beautiful Miss Gore Booth, the Irish patriot, who was married to a Polish Count Markievicz. I knew them slightly, but was not included in the gay parties which often took place over my head. I complained of the light in that wretched studio, which by the way had formerly been occupied with the Leyendecker brothers who made brilliant pictorial covers for the Saturday Evening Post in the USA. Rodin did not seem to think the light of a studio made much difference. ‘I can paint anywhere,’ he said. ‘I spread my watercolours out on the floor and colour them all together. Anywhere any light is good enough, no?’ It helped cure me of the superstition that a studio must have a north light.

Paul Henry also recalled Constance Gore Both. ‘The only other person I knew was Miss Gore Booth who afterwards married Count Markievicz, who had been one of my fellow students at Julians. The Gore Booth as we called her was very attractive and gay’. Whether Gray ever had the opportunity of making this Irish patriot’s acquaintance is mere speculation. Gavin and Bruce later took a studio together at rue Delambre, as did Loy. Bruce also found a studio for Wyndham Lewis on the rue Delambre. By 1902 Haweis had a studio on the rue Campagne Première as did Gerald Kelly. Gray independently rented a flat in the rue des Saints-Pères on her own. Gray’s mother thought that her daughter’s life was ‘modest and terribly proper’ because her apartment looked so ordinary.³⁵ Those who had less money shared studios. Haweis recorded ‘we shared what we had with the nearest; girls and boys lived in studios side by side in an intimacy unthinkable in any other place in the world, often as virtuously as though they had two chaperones apiece, of course sometimes they drifting into free unions, that were often not without beauty and dignity’.³⁶ Haweis talks about those with money and then says ‘but those who inhabited Poverty Corner had little to do with them. They ate at restaurants (when they ate) like Garnier’s which became Leduc’s, Henriette’s, or the Hole in the Wall’.³⁷

The artistic woman student had to quickly find her feet and work slavishly to achieve her goal. Without guidance and financial support student life in Paris, especially for a woman, was exceedingly difficult. ‘There is plenty of human wreckage floating about in the Quarter; and the tragedy of unfulfilled promise, unaccomplished hopes, is closely knit with student life’.³⁸ Haweis noted in his memoirs that there was almost a competition amongst the students to see who could live for less, as he noted, ‘I knew one ever so cheerful girl who beat me to the minimum by ten pounds’.³⁹ He also noted how ‘death took a hand once in a while’ when a young shy Russian woman art student was found dead of starvation in her studio, her arm outstretched, holding a letter containing a cheque from home. He recalled many casualties from poverty in the artistic field. ‘She was not the only one to die of Paris, and privacy and poverty. It was impossible to pause, we were working. One did not listen to hard luck tales except from one’s nearest and dearest; there were too many of them’.⁴⁰

Gray arrived in Paris just a few years after it became possible for men and women to work together in any class, let alone in life drawing – where the question of the nude was on everyone’s mind. Frenchwomen already attended the École des Beaux-Arts, but they were still barred from the Prix de Rome, a coveted award that assured official recognition following a year’s study in Italy at the Villa de Medici. In 1903 women finally won the right to compete for this fellowship, as did foreign art students, who had been excluded until then and who rejoiced at the news. Not all women welcomed the opportunity as it was considered liberal to study the nude alongside a male student, and some doubted that ‘the female art student who was kept at a distance from real art because of the nude model would accept the shared life of the Villa Medici with young men’.⁴¹ Foreign female art students, like Gray, who were Irish, English or American, were long regarded by French men as more masculine than their French sisters, who were thought to represent the quintessentially feminine.⁴² As the numbers of foreign female students increased at the turn of the century their presence would have presumably constituted less of an affront to propriety. Foreign students usually enrolled in the popular academies of the Latin Quarter or Montparnasse, where no entrance exams were required and women could choose from a variety of classes. All followed a similar structure. An instructor known as the maître chose models, collected fees, and saw to the details of daily life. The École Colarossi was popular among foreign students, and classes had been integrated there for several years when Gray arrived.⁴³ The more conservative Académie Julian offered separate instruction for women, with three different studios ‘arranged to satisfy different sensibilities – one for drawing from the nude model, one for working from a draped model, and a third which had a separate staircase and entrance for amateurs who didn’t wish to even glimpse a nude model’.⁴⁴ The more experienced women artists felt that access to the male model, draped or nude, was not the most important issue. They maintained that only their full participation in the academic system through membership of the salons’ selection committees would put an end to hostilities between the sexes. Although women painters had won a more equitable status, their success was thought to depend primarily on their social standing. As in London and Dublin, women were seen as amateurs who would either marry or become teachers.

2.12 Mixed art class, England, 1900, black and white photograph ©Topfoto

2.13 Académie Julian mixed class, 1904, black and white photograph, © Roger Viollet/Topfoto

The choice of art school was paramount, since it put the painter in touch with her future mentor. Gray and her friends choose the École Colarossi. Noted for its informal tone and modest fees, the school was located at 10 rue de la Grande Chaumière, above a plethora of studios. It was open from 6 a.m. until 10 p.m. There was an abundance of ateliers, and life drawing classes were not segregated. In the morning, models posed for genre painting which depicted everyday life, or ordinary people in work or recreation, while afternoon classes were devoted to the practice of croquis or quick sketches. There were the standard drawing, painting, watercolour and sculpture classes. These were supplemented by free instruction in anatomy at the Beaux Arts. In addition there were special classes in costume and in decorative arts. Gray attended the drawing classes. ‘Life of the schools is intensely interesting, often amusing, and sometimes even tragic’.⁴⁵ In her autobiography Bruce describes how new figure models were chosen every Monday morning. ‘At the end of the studio passed one by one a string of nude, male models. Each jumped for a moment onto the model throne, took a pose, and jumped down. The model for the week was being chosen’.⁴⁶ Clive Holland describes how female and male students worked alongside one another. ‘The stronger natures among the girl art students will probably decide upon attending one of the mixed classes, and there they will work shoulder to shoulder with their brother art students, drawing from the costume or the living model’.⁴⁷ However, Bruce was shocked to view Gray attending such classes alongside male students, especially while drawing a male nude model. She describes her as ‘standing composedly with her head critically on one side’. Gray is calmly ‘appraising’.

2.14 Académie Julian life drawing class, 1910, black and white photograph, © Roger Viollet/Topfoto

In Bruce’s autobiography she explains that at first none of the three friends (Gray, Gavin and herself) spoke French. Bruce also gives in-depth details of her daily routine and daily expenditure on food. She rose early at 6 a.m and went bathing. Then she had ‘a roll for breakfast with a cup of chocolate when funds were good, and so back to work at the art school at 8 a.m. At twelve, lunch in a little restaurant, and back to work at one. No tea. Dinner at seven. Occasionally back to the night class, occasionally a club dance or the gallery of the opera, but more usually home to bed’. Bruce’s daily expenditure on food was 95 centimes. She won a competition shortly after arrival and as a result did not have to pay fees. She was then appointed Massier where she became responsible for posing the model on the Monday morning, calling time for classes, stoking the fire and opening windows at lunchtime.

The integration of the students often resulted in men’s conversation evolving around whether the various foreign women were gentiles (sexually encouraging) or a nouvelle (a new female student). One female student at the Colarossi wrote ‘what seems simply rowdy in the men immediately appears unattractive in the girls ... we do have it harder’.⁴⁸ Haweis also remarks on this in his memoirs, ‘Soon clean, neatly dressed American and English girls were seen in the Latin Quarter and they had come to study art but not so assiduously as the art students studied them’.⁴⁹ Of the Parisian lack of reserve one student noted, ‘There is a childish joy in living, in letting oneself go the way nature seems to like it best, without much concern about whether it is good or bad’.⁵⁰ Haweis noted that those ladies who fell for this Parisian lack of reserve sullied their own reputation. ‘Due to champagne and association with French girls a few girls encountered trouble and such risks had to be curtailed. An American girls club started which tried its best to provide protection for pure maidens – with considerable success – but the sinful remained outside’.⁵¹ Anatomy classes at the École des Beaux-Arts provided a forum where students watched their professor articulate the movement of the bones with plaster casts, skeletons and at times cadavers. Mina Loy describes in detail one such anatomy class. ‘It (the cadaver) was hung from an iron hook fixed in its cranium to a seated posture on a rickety chair’, she recalled, ‘When the lecturer hurrying across the platform to specify a muscle lifted its arm and, on being dropped, that arm slid off the dead man’s thigh’.⁵² The corpses for this class were mostly fished out of the river Seine.

Certain teachers were particularly admired in the Colarossi. Raphael Collin (1850-1916) was one such. ‘His force and exaltation of temperament impresses one as being the rare gift or the finer inflorescence of character’.⁵³ Others were the Orientalist Louis Giradot (1858-1933), Gustave Courtois (1852-1923), the Czech Alphonse Mucha (1860-1939) who taught decorative arts, Pascal Dagnan-Bouveret (1852-1929) and the Norwegian Christian Krohg (1852-1925). Night-time drawing classes were also available, where it was said the level of accomplishment was higher. Both Loy and Haweis attended these classes.⁵⁴ The Colarossi’s reputation grew and it drew large numbers of students. One could learn as much outside of class as in. The most interesting discussions took place in the cafés – as described in Chapter 1. However, to attend the cafés a lady needed to be chaperoned. One solution was to visit other students in their studios or to dine in expensive restaurants. Students would also hire models to their studios and share the cost.

Gray soon transferred to the Académie Julian. Of the private schools the Académie, founded in 1868 by Rodolphe Julian (1839-1907), reproduced most faithfully the discipline of the École des Beaux-Arts and they were seen as rivals. If one wanted access to the most successful painters of the day it was the place to enrol. Its liberal enrolment policies attracted many international students and, though it received no subsidy of any sort, Julian rented ateliers, which he could open and close as demand dictated, keeping costs at a minimum. ‘Paris in those years was filled with students from all over the globe, all filled with a high resolve to learn as much as they could and to seize every opportunity to perfect themselves in their particular arts’.⁵⁵ The academy prospered and so could award prizes and fees were reduced to a moderate sum. The staff included a number of the professors from the École des Beaux-Arts or some who had previously studied there. But, as Henry noted, it was more than just the professors who contributed to the school’s reputation. ‘I often thought that in the free companionship there and mixing with a large cosmopolitan crowd I learnt more than could ever be taught by the formal masters in the schools’.⁵⁶ Julian felt that women should be given the same opportunities afforded to male artists, and the presence of women in the ateliers is recorded as early as 1873. Due to impropriety and some awkwardness in the shared studios, studios were established exclusively for women in 1876-77. Julian responded more to the needs of bourgeois families, who felt that the study of art was essential for the education of their daughters but they were fearful of mixed classes.⁵⁷ The school’s brochure actually prided itself on its segregated classes, where in ‘an atmosphere of impeccable character and advanced technical values’, a woman could ‘acquire a professional attitude which, quite unlike the plague of amateurism, had made these women’s classes successful’.⁵⁸ Women were taught by the same professors as their male counterparts. Marie Bashkirtseff (1858-84), who enrolled in the Académie in 1877, elected to attend the women’s atelier primarily because she felt that there was no essential difference between the classes, since the women also drew from the male nude.⁵⁹ Henry noted that during his time at the Académie ‘There was also an Académie Julian for women somewhere or another... but the number of women students must have been considerable to judge by the number of portfolios which I passed daily’.⁶⁰

An elaborate system of competitions involving both men and women took place. Rivalry among students was apparent but also considered engaging. Once a month all the students competed together. Examining professors did not know either the sex or the name of the students until the results were announced. Women often fared much better in these competitions, especially in portraiture.⁶¹ Standards remained high and competition was keen. Those who showed talent were encouraged, and received valuable advice and criticism. Exhibitions of work and prizes prepared the students for the experience of exhibiting in the Salon where standards were exceedingly high. In fact Julian was confident that his students’ work would be shown in the Salon. The Salon was the official art exhibition of the Académie des Beaux-Arts in Paris. From 1881 onward it was organised by the Société des Artistes Français. In 1903 a group of painters and sculptors led by Auguste Rodin and Pierre-Auguste Renoir organised the Salon d’Automne in response to what many believed to be a bureaucratic and conservative organisation.

Professors were chosen for their ability to teach and for the influence that they exerted on their students. Some students favoured one instructor, whereas others worked with several. The programmes of studies for men and women were similar. Henry wrote ‘In the studios nude models, male and female stood all day. The students of sculpture worked in one set of studios and painters in another. Twice a week the masters came in to inspect our work. If for any reason you did not feel inclined to have your work criticised you either absented yourself or just turned the drawing around with its face to the wall’.⁶² The school was described as an overcrowded hive of activity, ‘a congerie of studios crowded with students, the walls thick with palette scrapings, hot airless and extremely noisy’.⁶³ Henry also describes life at the Académie. ‘The studios of the Julian group were crowded and overflowing, and teachers and masters of all kinds were available’.⁶⁴ Women were provided with the services of a ‘bonne’ or assistant who ran errands for them. As in the men’s studios the work was almost entirely technical, with long sessions of life classes. By 1885 there was a course of lectures on anatomy and perspective and dissections of dead bodies were performed in the students’ presence. Fees were double for women, possibly because of the extra expense of providing segregated studios. The first women’s atelier was located on the second floor at 27 Galerie Montmartre in the Passage des Panoramas. It was ‘located near one of the principal boulevards and approached by a flight of steps leading up to the first landing. A small door opened into a moderate sized room with a skylight, a stove in the centre, an evident lack of ventilation and a platform on which sat a draped model’.⁶⁵ As the number of students increased, a second studio for women was opened in the nearby rue Vivienne, but this later closed. The main studio for men moved to the rue du Faubourg St Denis. Eventually the Passage des Panoramas became the site of Jean-Paul Laurens’s (1838-1921) studio, the site of popular women’s classes which continued until the beginning of the First World War. Haweis describes Laurens. ‘He was very kind to me, but he could be quite the reverse at times. He was a big man, not unlike a highly civilised gorilla, and it was the custom of the class to follow him around from easel to easel, listening to all the criticisms he made upon the different studies’. In 1888 another women’s studio was added at 28 rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré, and a more permanent atelier soon opened at 5 rue de Berri, just off the Champs Élysées, with 400 square metres of space. In addition to classes for drawing and painting, there were sculpture, watercolour and miniature painting classes. William Bouguereau (1825-1905) taught there. Henri Chapu (1833-1891), followed by Raoul Verlet (1857-1923) and Paul Landowski (1875-1961) taught sculpture. About 1890 two more women’s studios opened, one at 28 rue Fontaine and the other adjacent to the men’s atelier at 5 rue Fromentin. Jules Lefebvre (1836-1911) and Tony Robert-Fleury (1837-1912) took charge of these studios. In that year the main studio for men was transferred to 31 rue du Dragon. A further women’s atelier opened at 55 rue du Cherche-Midi nearby and occupied the entire building. This is possibly where Gray studied.

2.15 Jean-Paul Laurens in his studio, 1912, black and white photograph © Roger Viollet /Topfoto

Other popular ateliers for women were those run by well-known painters such as Carolus-Duran (1837-1917) and Édouard Krug (1829-1901). Women often studied at several of these academies simultaneously, or progressed from one to another, or entered one to continue later at another. Paul Henry offers an explanation as to why students, such as Gray, moved on from the Académie Julian saying ‘a prolonged course of making accurate drawings from the nude model had taught me that however earnest and painstaking I might be, I might go on for years just doing this one thing and I had seen enough of the results of such teaching in the schools to realise it was a blind alley’.⁶⁶

2.16 Frances Hodgkins, November 1912, black and white photograph © Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand

Haweis in his memoirs said that he did not remain long at the Académie as he decided to study at other studios in the Montparnasse quarter. He studied at the Académie Julian in 1899-1900. Henry and Haweis later enrolled in a new art school, the Académie Whistler, better known as the Académie Carmen, where they became inseparable. The two friends, along with Scottish artist Francis Cadell explored Paris, meeting frequently for walks around the city and immersing themselves in its artistic and cultural life. He then went on to study in other studios under the famous Czech artist and illustrator Alphonse Mucha and Eugène Carrière (1849-1906). Haweis is recorded as attending evening classes at the École Colarossi in 1902. After becoming interested in photography, he met Auguste Rodin and subsequently photographed many of the sculptor’s pieces.

Attending several studios enabled students to compare what each offered and choose what they wished from each. During her early years in France, Gray apparently took summer classes in Caudebec-en-Caux, Normandy under the guidance of Frances Hodgkins (1869-1947).⁶⁷ Hodgkins became the first female teacher employed at the École Colarossi in 1910. Regrettably, Gray destroyed her artwork from this student period. Only a very competent figurative study remains.⁶⁸ That Gray became an accomplished artist during these formative years at the Académie Julian is proved by the fact that she had a painting accepted at the Salon. Writing to Haweis on 17 October 1965 she says; ‘I was pleased to get a painting received at the Salon, chiefly because it reduced the family opposition to my staying in Paris’.⁶⁹

2.17 Old Woman, Caudebec, by Frances Hodgkins, 1901, watercolour and gouache © Collection of the Dunedin Public Art Gallery

After completing their art studies both Gray and Haweis’s lives went in separate directions. Gray settled permanently in Paris, taking her apartment in the rue Bonaparte by 1906, and she continued the studies in lacquer which she began in London. Haweis, now married, began working for Rodin. Gray’s circle expanded, primarily through her flowering profession as a designer of lacquer furniture and with developing friendships and acquaintances with many from the Left Bank cognoscenti. Stephen Haweis maintained contact with many of their circle throughout his life, including Gertrude Stein (1874-1946), Augustus John (1878-1961), Romaine Brooks, Gerald Kelly, John Lavery, Katherine Constance Lloyd (op. 1923-1940) and William Somerset Maugham. But by 1950 he wrote to Eileen Gray that he heard ‘very little from anybody of Paris from their early days’.⁷⁰ However, through their letters they discuss what happened to the people in their milieu.

2.18 Gertrude Stein with her brothers, Paris, 1906, black and white photograph © The Granger Collection/ Topfoto

Out of their Parisian circle of 1902-3 Gray remained close with Jessie Gavin. Gavin was born in 1876 to Crichton Strachan Gavin and Ann Sophia Lord. In 1915 she married René Raoul Duval, a wealthy restaurateur, and subsequently changed her name to Jacqueline (Jackie). After Haweis married Loy, Gray and the Duvals went on holiday for four weeks to Tunisia. In 1905 Gray also travelled to Algiers with the Duvals, where she caught typhoid and nearly died. She convalesced in the south of France in Hyères. In her letters Gray writes how she was so very fond of Gavin. A distance had occurred for a time between them due to the influence of two other friends, Yolande de Gail and Olive Pixley who was also friends with Gray’s sister Thora.⁷¹ Gavin died in 1939. Gray wrote to Haweis saying; ‘One by one all those friends have gone and even others who came after, but I still miss Gavin’.⁷²

Kathleen Bruce changed her name to Scott on her first marriage, and later became Baroness Kennet, subsequently enjoying a career as a renowned British sculptor. Bruce had befriended Gray and Gavin at the Slade and had lived with Jessie Gavin when they first arrived in Paris. Bruce remained at the Colarossi until 1906. She befriended Rodin, but returned to London by 1907 where she met Captain Robert Falcon Scott (1868-1912) and married him in 1908. In February 1913, while sailing back to New Zealand to greet Scott on his return, she learned of his death in Antarctica the previous March in 1912. In 1922 she married Edward Hilton Young, first Baron Kennet (1879-1960). She exhibited at the Royal Academy between 1913 and 1947, and was very successful as a sculptor, primarily of bronze portrait busts and semi allegorical figures. Her style conformed to conventional academic sculpture and did not reflect new trends. A book of photographs, Homage, a book of Sculpture by Kathleen Scott, with a foreword by Stephen Gywnn was published in 1938.

2.19 Kathleen Scott (née Bruce, later Lady Kennet) with her son Sir Peter Markham Scott; (Edith Agnes), by Graphic Photo Union, 1913, bromide print © National Portrait Gallery, London

Bruce in her letters to Haweis informed him that she had fallen into great poverty after Scott’s death.⁷³ Haweis empathised with her. Gray was not as understanding. For reasons known only to Bruce she gave Jessie Gavin and Gray – her two friends – pseudonyms in her autobiography. Eileen was Hermione and Jessie was Joselyn. Bruce thought Gray’s behaviour at the École Colarossi unconventional and unbecoming of a lady.⁷⁴ The friendship between Gray, Gavin and Bruce became strained when Bruce noticed an affection developing between Gray and Gavin, of which she disapproved. ‘I was never at ease with them, but it was many years before I discovered why’.⁷⁵ ‘One evening a tall, thin, shy, nice looking youth in corduroys and a Norfolk jacket came in. This was Joselyn [Jessie], wearing a wig and a slightly blackened moustache. “We’ll go to places and play chess where you can’t go without a man’”.⁷⁶ After certain hours is was considered highly improper for a lady to be unchaperoned by a gentleman in certain cafés. Gray seemingly recalled ‘with much amusement the time when she and Jessie entered a bar and the band struck up the Spanish national anthem because Jessie in her male attire looked so Spanish’.⁷⁷ This was unorthodox behaviour in Bruce’s eyes.

Bruce’s tentative relationship with Gray finally fell sour when Bruce’s cousin Henry, a musician for whom she had affection became enamoured with Gray. Henry Bruce was half Greek, half Scottish and often took Gray out all night. Gray described him as good-looking and well read.⁷⁸ Gray forgot nothing. Betrayal even in small doses remained with her for many years. Writing to Haweis many years later in 1958, Gray remarked about Kathleen Bruce that she was ‘a treacherous creature under an exterior of remarkably good fellowship’.⁷⁹ In a later letter she remarked; ‘Her (Bruce’s) life was a steady and gloriously calculated ascension. She did write her memoirs but I don’t remember the name of the book’.⁸⁰ Gray lied to Haweis, as she actually owned a copy of Bruce’s memoirs, Self Portrait of an Artist published in1949.⁸¹

Gray had lost touch with Gerald Kelly when he returned to London.⁸² Kelly stated that the reason the group of friends disbanded and lost contact was due to Haweis’s marriage to Loy. He wrote: ‘Stephen Haweis had a curious position among the students in Paris. He married a very beautiful woman but I never saw anything of him afterward’.⁸³ Kelly’s Irish connections were exceedingly strong and he exhibited regularly at the Royal Hibernian Academy (RHA) between 1905 and 1969, at the Oireachtas Art Exhibition in 1932 and the Ulster Academy of Arts in 1948. Kelly’s first patron was the Irish art collector, dealer and critic Sir Hugh Lane. He was recommended to Lane by another Irish artist, Sarah Purser (1848-1943), resulting in Lane awarding Kelly his first twenty commissions. Kelly was knighted in 1945 and died in London in 1972. Gray followed Kelly’s successful and prestigious career, writing to Haweis ‘that certainly Kelly had the right temperament to be successful as an artist’.⁸⁴ By the 1960s she rarely visited London but wrote in a letter to Haweis dated 27 November 1961, ‘I didn’t get to see Kelly’s show at the RA or hear anything about it, I am rarely in London, but had I been, would certainly have gone’. Despite his success in England Gray felt that, ‘No one outside of England has ever heard of Kelly, yet he was of the same generation as Picasso, Léger, Miró, Rouault, Modigliani and their light shines all over the world’.⁸⁵

Haweis lamented the loss of his friendship with Paul Henry. In the late spring-early summer of 1900 Henry met Emily Grace Mitchell (1868-1953), who would become his wife in 1903. This relationship came between the two men, as Grace saw Haweis as an unfit associate who would lead Henry into sinful ways.⁸⁶ In December of 1900, due to lack of finances and the need to earn a living, Henry departed Paris for London. Years later, just as with Gray, Henry and Haweis resumed correspondence.

They also all separated from Crowley. If Gray was secretly engaged to Crowley there is the suggestion that she did it to render Stephen Haweis jealous. Gray and Haweis lost contact with Aleister Crowley after his marriage to Rose Kelly. Gerald Kelly fell out with Crowley due to the scandalous elopement with his sister.⁸⁷ Gray appears to have remained amicable with him, whereas Haweis seems quite resentful about Crowley. He describes in his letters how people fell under Crowley’s influence and how he had a lifelong regret at losing two particular friends due to a ‘quarrel promoted by that rascal Crowley’.⁸⁸ In another letter he refers to him as, ‘that leper Aleister Crowley’.⁸⁹ Despite losing her contact with Crowley, Gray remained interested in the occult, which had been advocated and practised by Crowley and their group during their time in Paris. In her letters to Haweis, Gray reveals that she has purchased two books by the American writer Max Freedom Long (1890-1971). Long had lived a long time in Hawaii as a teacher, and witnessed the native Hawaiians practising magic. He was taught a great deal by Kahunas (natives who have occult knowledge). Absorbed into the culture and thinking, from 1936 Long published a series of books on his teachings called the Huna. He also set up a foundation called the Huna Fellowship in 1945. Fascinated by his ideas Gray firstly purchased The Secret Science Behind Miracles in 1948, saying to Haweis how Long ‘discovered an unknown religion which strange to say, worked’.⁹⁰ Then in 1953 she bought The Secret Science at Work telling Haweis that ‘the book has been written for people who intend to learn seriously their theory and to practise it’.⁹¹

2.20 Augustus John, by George Charles Beresford, 1902, sepia platino type print © National Portrait Gallery, London

Mary Katherine Constance Lloyd is mentioned in several letters between Gray and Haweis.⁹² Lloyd was from Birmingham and her career flourished during the 1920s and 30s. She had attended the Slade in 1896-97. She was good friends with Gwen John (1876-1939), who had also attended the Slade in 1895-98. Both Haweis and Gray also knew Augustus John. Gwen John became Rodin’s model in 1904 and eventually his lover. By 1903 Lloyd was in Venice painting a series of cityscapes. During the 1950s Haweis learned that ‘Lloyd was still painting and had her first successful solo show at 72 years of age at Groupils in London’.⁹³ Lloyd went to Dominica and stayed with Haweis for two months at the beginning of 1953. He looked forward to her visit writing, ‘I think it will be great fun meeting one who belongs to our time in Paris’.⁹⁴ Gray asks after Katherine Constance Lloyd in numerous letters.⁹⁵ Fearful that many from their milieu have died, Gray complains that ‘All the old birds are giving up’.⁹⁶ However, Gray indicates that they were merely acquaintances, Gray being told that Lloyd disliked her.⁹⁷

ENDNOTES

1NMIEG 2003.449, NMIEG 2003.450 and NMIEG 2003.451, letters from Renée Chipman to Eileen Gray, 9 February 1974, 16 January 1975, and undated.

2Adam, Peter, Eileen Gray: Architect/Designer: A Biography, London, Thames and Hudson, 2000, p.11.

3Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, Easter Monday, year unknown.

4Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 5 June 1958.

5Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, memoirs dated 20 February 1900.

6Burke, Carolyn, Becoming Modern: the Life of Mina Loy, New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1996, p.82.

7Spalding, Francis, Prunella Clough Regions Unmapped, London, Lund Humphries, 2012, p.12.

8Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 25 January 1966.

9Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 9, Haweis writing his own epitaph, date unknown.

10Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Stephen Haweis to Jean Roosevelt, 1942.

11Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, transcript from John Ellis Roosevelt on Stephen Haweis’s life, date unknown.

12Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from René Chipman to Stephen Haweis, 7 May 1968.

13Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, Easter Monday, year unknown.

14’Fashionable Intelligence’, The Irish Times, 6 May 1919, p.6.

15Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 12 February1968.

16Ibid, Burke,p.76.

17Henry, Paul, An Irish Portrait, London, Batsford, 1951.

18TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers -7429/1, transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.19.

19Ibid, Burke,p.81.

20Ibid, Burke.

21Musée Rodin Archives, Pall Mall Gazette, ‘Two English Gentlemen in the Latin Quarter’, January 1904.

22TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429/1, transcript of Henry’s autobiography, p.25.

23TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429/1, transcript of Henry’s autobiography, p.26.

24Ibid, Bruce, p.5.

25Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3.

26Ibid.

27Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3.

28Ibid.

29Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 14 February 1963.

30Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, possibly December 1964.

31Ibid, Bruce, p.23.

32Holland, Clive, ‘Lady Art Student’s life in Paris,’ International Studio, 1903-4, pp.225-226.

33Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3, undated memoirs.

34The two brothers were American illustrators Joseph Christian Leyendecker (1874-1951) and his brother Frank Xavier Leyendecker (1876-1924).

35Adam, Peter, Eileen Gray: Her Life and Work, London, Thames and Hudson, 2009, p.20.

36Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3, undated memoirs.

37Ibid.

38Ibid, Holland, p.38.

39Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3, undated memoirs.

40Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3, undated memoirs.

41Goyon, Maximilienne, ‘L’Avenir de nos filles,’ L’Académie Julian, December, 1903, p.3.

42Clausen, Meredith, ‘The École des Beaux-Arts: Towards a Gendered History,’ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 69, No. 2, June, 2010, p.155.

43Holland, Clive, ‘Student Life in Paris’, The Studio and Illuminated Magazine of Fine and Applied Arts, Vol. 27, 1903, p.38.

44Burke, Mary Alice, Elizabeth Nourse, 1859-1938: A Salon Career, Washington, Smithsonian, 1983, p.31.

45Ibid, Holland, p.38.

46Scott, Kathleen, Self Portrait of an Artist, London, John Murray Editions, 1949, p.26.

47Holland, Clive, ‘Student Life in Paris’, The Studio Magazine, London, S.N., Vol. 27, 1903, p.38.

48Woods, Alice, Edges, Indianapolis, Bowen-Merrill, 1902, p.232.

49Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3.

50Modersohn-Becker, Paula, Paula Modersohn-Becker: The Letters and Journals, editions Gunter Busch and Liselotte von Reinken, New York, Taplinger, 1983.

51Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 3.

52Ibid, Burke, Carolyn,p.77.

53Whiting, Lilian, Paris the Beautiful, Boston, Little Brown and Co., 1908, p.377.

54Ibid, Burke, Carolyn, p.76.

55TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1,transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.19.

56TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1, transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.14.

57Fehrer, Catherine, ‘Women at the Académie Julian in Paris’, The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 136, No. 1100, Nov. 1994, p.753.

58Fehrer, Catherine, ‘New Light on the Académie Julian,’ Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1984, p.212.

59Bashkirtseff, Marie, Journal de Marie Bashkirtseff, Paris, Mazarine, 1980, p.314.

60TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1, transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.16.

61Ibid, Fehrer, p.754.

62TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1, transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.16.

63Ibid, Adam, p.28.

64TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1, transcript of Henry’s autobiography, p.19.

65Klumpe, A.E., Memoirs of an Artist, L. Whiting, Boston, 1940, p.52.

66TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7429.1,transcript of Paul Henry’s autobiography, p.35.

67Constant, Caroline, Eileen Gray, London, Phaidon, 2000, p. 9.

68NMIEG: 2000. 115, drawing of a nude study.

69Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 17 October1965.

70Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 17 October 1965. Ibid?

71NMIEG 2003.306, letter from Eileen Gray to Gavin, undated.

72Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 1 November 1966.

73TCD Archive, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109,letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 4 March 1952.

74Ibid, Scott, p.26.

75Ibid, Scott, p.25.

76Ibid, Scott, p.36.

77Ibid, Adam, p.21.

78Adam, Peter, Eileen Gray: Architect/Designer: A Biography, London, Thames and Hudson, 1987, p.34.

79Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 5 June 1958.

80Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Box 1 catalogued correspondence, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 5 July 1958.

81NMIEG 2003.52,Scott, Kathleen, Self Portrait of an Artist, London, John Murray Editions, 1949.

82Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 27 November 1961, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 14 February 1963, and letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 17 October 1965.

83Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Gerald Kelly to Mrs Philip J. Roosevelt, 8 April 1969.

84Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis papers, Box 1, catalogued correspondence, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 27 November 1961.

85Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis papers, Box 1 catalogued correspondence, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 14 February 1963.

86TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432.102a,letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 2 March 1953.

87Adam, Peter, Eileen Gray: Her Life and Work, London, Thames and Hudson, 2009, p.25.

88TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 21 November 1951. Ladbroke Black (1877-1940), a journalist, who was on a brief trip to Paris in autumn 1899. Haweis had introduced him to Henry and Black had been at Cambridge with Crowley, Kelly and Haweis. TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 4 March 1952.

89TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 15 June 1952.

90Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 20 November 1967.

91Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 12 February 1968.

92TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 19 June 1952.

93TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-109, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 21 November 1951.

94TCD Archives, Paul Henry Papers – 7432/71-10, letter from Stephen Haweis to Paul Henry, 23 December 1952.

95Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis Papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 2, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 30 March 1962, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, Monday 17 December possibly 1962, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 14 February 1963, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 17 October 1965, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 1 November 1966, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 8 August 1968.

96Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 1 catalogued correspondence, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, 17 December year unknown, and letter dated 30 March 1962.

97Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Stephen Haweis papers, Arranged Miscellaneous Memoirs, Box 1 catalogued correspondence, letter from Eileen Gray to Stephen Haweis, Sunday 1 November year unknown.