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[161] Will. Malms., p. 724; Gesta Stephani, p. 56.

[162] Will. Malms., p. 724. See Appendix E.

[163] Such are the alternatives presented by Henry of Huntingdon (p. 266). The treacherous counsel alluded to was that of his brother the legate (Gesta Stephani, p. 57). According to John of Hexham (Sym. Dun. ii. 302), Stephen acted "ex indiscretâ animi simplicitate."

[164] Will. Malms., p. 725.

[165] See Appendix F: "The Defection of Miles of Gloucester."

[166] Will. Malms., p. 725; Cont. Flor., p. 118. Here the Continuator's chronology is irreconcilable with that of our other authorities. He states that the Empress removed to Gloucester on October 15, after a stay of two months at Bristol. This is, of course, consistent, it should be noticed, with the date (August 1) assigned by him for her landing.

[167] The text is taken from the transcript in Lansdowne MS. 229, fol. 123, collated with Dugdale's transcript in his MSS. at the Bodleian Library (L. 21). It will be seen that Dugdale transcribed verbatim, while the other transcript begins in narratio obliqua.

[168] "Sciatis quod" (D.).

[169] "Mei" (D.).

[170] "Me" (D.).

[171] These were specially excepted from the grants of royal demesne made by HenryII. to his son, the second earl.

[172] Cont. Flor., p. 129; Will. Malms., p. 712; Gesta, p. 72.

[173] Ibid.; John Hex., p. 308; Hen. Hunt., p. 275.

[174] Gesta, p. 72.

[175] "Ob illiusmodi eventum vehementer exhilarata, utpote regnum sibi juratum, sicut sibi videbatur, jam adepta" (Cont. Flor., p. 130).

[176] Cont. Flor., 130.

[177] "Simul et ejusdem civitatis sumens dominium" (ibid.).

[178] "Ut ipsam tanquam regis Henrici filiam et cui omnis Anglia et Normannia jurata esset, incunctanter in ecclesiam et regnum reciperet" (Will. Malms., p. 743). Compare the writer's description of the oath (1127) that the magnates "imperatricem incunctanter et sine ullâ retractione dominam susciperent" (p. 690).

[179] Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. 389. Mr. Howlett asserts that the evidence of William of Malmesbury as to the date (2nd and 3rd of March) "is refuted" by this charter, which places them a fortnight earlier (Introduction to Gesta Stephani, p. xxii.). But I do not think the evidence of the charter is sufficiently strong to overthrow the accepted date.

[180] "Pluvioso et nebuloso die" (Will. Malms., p. 743).

[181] Cont. Flor., p. 130; Will. Malms., p. 743.

[182] "Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo, quod omnia majora negotia in Anglia, precipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum, ejus nutum spectarent, si eam ipse in sancta ecclesia in dominam reciperet, et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret. Idem juraverunt cum ea, et affidaverunt pro ea, Robertus frater ejus comes de Gloecestrâ, et Brianus filius comitis marchio de Walingeford et Milo de Gloecestrâ, postea comes de Hereford, et nonnulli alii. Nec dubitavit episcopus imperatricem in dominam Angliæ recipere et ei cum quibusdam suis affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactum non infringeret, ipse quoque fidem ei custodiret" (Will. Malms., 743, 744). The parallel afforded by the customs of Bigorre, as recorded (it is alleged) in 1097, is so striking as to deserve being quoted here. Speaking of the reception of a new lord, they provide that "antequam habitatorum terræ fidejussores accipiat, fide sua securos eos faciat ne extra consuetudines patrias vel eas in quibus eos invenerit aliquod educat; hoc autem sacramento et fide quatuor nobilium terræ faciat confirmari."

[183] "Crastino, quod fuit quinto nonas Martii, honorifica facta processione recepta est in ecclesia episcopatus Wintoniæ," etc., etc. (ibid.).

[184] Const. Hist., i. 326 (note); Early Plantagenets, 22.

[185] English History for the Use of Public Schools, i. 83. The mistake may have arisen from a confusion with the departure of the Empress from Winchester a few days ("paucis post diebus") after her reception.

[186] History of England during the Early and Middle Ages, i. 478.

[187] Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxi. 377-380.

[188] Norm. Conq., v. 303. At the same time it is right to add that this is not a question of accuracy, but merely of treatment. In the marginal notes the two episodes are respectively assigned to their correct dates.

[189] Const. Hist., i. 318.

[190] Compare also, even further back, the action, in Normandy, of Gingan Algasil in December, 1135, who, on the appearance of the Empress, "[eam] ut naturalem dominam suscepit, eique ... oppida quibus ut vicecomes, jubente rege præerat, subegit" (Ord. Vit., v. 56).

[191] Will. Malms., p. 747.

[192] Ibid., p. 743.

[193] "Honorifica facta processione recepta est in ecclesia" (p. 744).

[194] "Idem prelatus et cives Wintonie honorifice in ecclesia et urbe Wintonie me receperunt" (Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxi. 378)

[195] "Præsul Wintonie ... cum dignioribus Wintonie civibus obvius ei advenit, habitoque in communi brevi colloquio, in civitatem, secundam duntaxat regni sedem, honorifice induxit" (p. 5). Note that in each case the "colloquium" preceded the entry.

[196] "Regisque castello, et regni coronâ, quam semper ardentissimé affectârat thesaurisque quos licet perpaucos rex ibi reliquerat, in deliberationem suam contraditis" (Gesta, 75).

[197] Norm. Conquest, v. 804 (note).

[198] As an instance of the crown being kept at Winchester, take the entry in the Pipe-Roll of 4 Hen.II.: "In conducendis coronis Regis ad Wirecestre de Wintoniâ," the crowns being taken out to be worn at Worcester, Easter, 1158. Oddly enough, Mr. Freeman himself alludes, in its place, to a similar taking out of the crown, from the treasury at Winchester, to be worn at York, Christmas, 1069. The words of Ordericus, as quoted by him, are: "Guillelmus ex civitate Guentâ jubet adferri coronam, aliaque ornamenta regalia et vasa" (cf. Dialogus, I. 14).

[199] Ordericus Vitalis.

[200] Gesta, 75; Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxi. 378.

[201] "He (sic) ordered that she should be proclaimed lady and queen."

[202] The Gesta itself is, on this point, conclusive, for it distinctly states that the Empress "solito severius, solito et arrogantius procedere et loqui, et cuncta cœpit peragere, adeo ut in ipso mox domini sui capite reginam se totius Angliæ fecerit, et gloriata fuerit appellari."

[203] Will. Malms., 744.

[204] To this visit (if the only occasion on which she was at Winchester in the spring) must belong the Empress's charter to Thurstan de Montfort. As it is not comprised in Mr. Birch's collection, I subjoin it in extenso (from Dugdale's MSS.):—

"M. Imperatrix H. Regis filia Rogero Comiti de Warwick et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Warewicscire salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Thurstino de Monteforti quod habeat mercatum die dominica ad castellum suum de Bellodeserto. Volo igitur et firmiter præcipio quatenus omnes euntes, et stantes, et redeuntes de Mercato prædicto habeant firmam pacem. T. Milone de Glocestria. Apud Wintoniam."

As Milo attests not as an earl, this charter cannot belong to the subsequent visit to Winchester in the summer. The author of the Gesta mentions the Earl of Warwick among those who joined the Empress at once "sponte nulloque cogente."

[205] Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 130.

[206] This he did on the ground that the recognition of Stephen as king by the pope, in 1136, was binding on all ecclesiastics (Historia Pontificalis). Vide infra, p. 69, n. 1.

[207] Will. Malms., p. 744. Oddly enough, Miss Norgate gives this very reference for her statement that in a few days the Archbishop of Canterbury followed the legate's example, and swore fealty to the Empress at Wilton.

[208] "Convenitur ibi ab eadem de principibus unus, vocabulo Robertus de Oileio, de reddendo Oxenfordensi castello; quo consentiente, venit illa, totiusque civitatis et circumjacentis regionis suscepit dominium atque hominium" (Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 131).

[209] "She then made her way to London by a roundabout path. She was received at Oxford by the younger Robert of Oily," etc. (Norm. Conq., v. 306).

[210] English History, I. 83.

[211] Will. Malms.

[212] Cont. Flor. Wig.

[213] "Aliis quoque sponte, nulloque cogente, ad comitissæ imperium conversis (ut Robertus de Oli, civitatis Oxenefordiæ sub rege præceptor, et comes ille de Warwic, viri molles, et deliciis magis quam animi fortitudine affluentes)" (p. 74).

[214] Cont. Flor. Wig. (ut supra).

[215] Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. 388, 389. It will also be found in the Monasticon (iii. 87).

[216] Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. p. 379.

[217] Addl. MSS., 31,943, fol. 118.

[218] Ang. Sax. Chron., A.D. 1100.

[219] Relying on the explicit statement of the chronicler (Will. Malms., p. 732), that the Earl of Gloucester "fratrem etiam suum Reinaldum in tanta difficultate temporis comitem Cornubiæ creavit," historians and antiquaries have assigned this creation to 1140 (see Stubbs' Const. Hist., i. 362, n.; Courthope's Historic Peerage; Doyle's Official Baronage). In the version of Reginald's success given by the author of the Gesta, there is no mention of this creation, but that may, of course, be rejected as merely negative evidence. The above charter, however, certainly raises the question whether he had indeed been created earl at the time when he thus attested it. The point may be deemed of some importance as involving the question whether the Empress did really create an earl before the triumph of her cause.

[220] "Concilium archiepiscopi Cantuariæ Thedbaldi, et omnium episcoporum Angliæ" (p. 744). Strange to say, Professor Pearson (I. 478) states that "Theobald remained faithful" to Stephen, though he had now formally joined the Empress. On the other hand, "Stephen's queen and William of Ypres" are represented by him as present, though they were far away, preparing for resistance. An important allusion to the primate's conduct at this time is found (under 1148) in the Historia Pontificalis (Pertz's Monumenta Historica, vol. xx.), where we read "propter obedienciam sedis apostolicæ proscriptus fuerat, quando urgente mandato domni Henrici Wintoniensis episcopi tunc legationem fungentis in Anglia post alios episcopos omnes receperat Imperatricem ... licet inimicissimos habuerit regem et consiliarios suos."

[221] "Si qui defuerunt, legatis et literis causas cur non venissent dederunt.... Egregie quippe memini, ipsâ die, post recitata scripta excusatoria quibus absentiam suam quidem tutati sunt," etc. (Will. Malms., pp. 744, 745). Is it possible that we have, in "legati," a hint at attendance by proxy?

[222] Ibid., p. 746.

[223] Archæologia, xxvii. 110. See the charter in question in the Pipe-Roll Society's "Ancient Charters," Part I., p. 92.

[224] Arch. Journ. (1863), xx. 281-296.

[225] Ibid., p. 283. Mr. Way adopts the extension "Anglorum" throughout.

[226] "The only instances in which we have documentary evidence that she styled herself Queen of England occur in two charters of this period" (ibid.).

[227] Vide supra, pp. 61, 69.

[228] Pp. xi.-xiv. (see footnotes).

[229] The volume closes at p. 769.

[230] "A Fasciculus of the Charters of Mathildis, Empress of the Germans, and an Account of her Great Seal" (Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxi. 376-398).

[231] "On the Seals of King Henry the Second and of his Son, the so-called Henry the Third" (Transactions, vol. xi. part 2, New Series).

[232] Pp. 2, 3.

[233] Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. 383.

[234] Wells Liber Albus, fol. 10 (Hist. MSS. Report on Wells MSS.).

[235] Const. Hist., i. 326, 341, 342.

[236] "In Angliæ Normanniæque dominam eligimus."

[237] Cont. Flor. Wig., ii. 75. See Addenda.

[238] Ibid.

[239] "Pleraque tunc pars Angliæ dominatum ejus suscipiebat" (Will. Malms., p. 749).

[240] "Ejusdem civitatis sumens dominium ... totiusque civitatis suscepit dominium," etc. (Cont. Flor. Wig.).

[241] Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. 382, 383.

[242] It is very singular that Mr. Freeman failed to perceive this parallel, since he himself writes of Henry (1100). "The Gemót of election was held at Winchester while the precedents of three reigns made it seem matter of necessity that the unction and coronation should be done at Westminster" (Will. Rufus, ii. 348). Such an admission as this is sufficient to prove my case.

[243] Early Plantagenets, 22.

[244] Const. Hist., i. 339.

[245] Norm. Conq., v. 303, 304. The footnote to this statement ("William of Malmesbury seems distinctly to exclude a coronation," etc., etc.) has been already given (ante, p. 62). Mr. Birch confusing, as we have seen, the reception of the Empress with her election, naturally looks, like Mr. Freeman, to the former as the time when she ought to have been crowned: "The crown of England's sovereigns was handed over to her, a kind of seizin representing that the kingdom of England was under the power of her hands (although it does not appear that any further ceremony connected with the rite of coronation was then performed)" (Journ. B. A. A., xxxi. p. 378). This assumes that the crown was "handed over to her" at a "ceremony" in the cathedral, whereas, as I explained, my own view is that she obtained it with the royal castle.

[246] Norm. Conq., v. p. 305.

[247] Gesta, 79. In the word "inthronizandam," I contend, is to be found the confirmation of my theory, based on comparison and induction, of an intended coronation at Westminster. So far as I know, attention has never been drawn to it before.