Читать книгу The Mac's of '37 A Story of The Canadian Rebellion - John Price-Brown - Страница 6
ОглавлениеPROSPECTIVE REBELLION.
At this moment the saloon door opened and Sir Francis appeared.
"Ladies and gentlemen," he called out, "as a pleasant indication of our loyalty, I ask you to join us in three cheers for the King."
All the men present being either members of his own Council or employees, the cheers were heartily given.
"Three more for Sir Francis Bond Head, His Majesty's representative, the Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada," cried the Attorney-General. And the cheers were repeated.
"I thank you all," returned the Governor, "for this double expression of your loyalty; and I have no doubt if it could be heard on shore, it would find an echo throughout the Province."
Closing the door, he returned to the table around which the members of his Cabinet had gathered.
"I believe that is really a fair sample of the sentiment of our people," was his comment.
"I wish I were as confident as you are, sir," said the Attorney-General. "To my knowledge there are many places in this Province where no such cheers could be raised."
"If there are, it is purely MacKenzie's fault," returned the Governor, sharply. "We'll have to call that man to account before long. Even in York the people are against him, as his defeat at the polls in the last election demonstrates. No, in this city and this Province we are all loyal. What I desire to speak with you upon is the condition of Lower Canada. We are in receipt of bad news from there. Our eastern compatriots not only need our sympathy but our assistance also. Bands of armed men are secretly drilling all over that Province, and prowling about among the people, with the object of fomenting disloyalty and inciting rebellion. Papineau, the arch-rebel there, of whom better things might have been expected, is the leader of an obnoxious faction on the very verge of revolt. But we must remember that it is the French element, and not the English, that is producing the agitation. Yes, and let me repeat it, gentlemen, the English people are sound at the core in the Upper Province as well as in the Lower one. There may be a few demagogues among us; but they are really of little importance; and I assure you, they shall receive the punishment they deserve."
"I believe, sir, it is possible in this matter to labor under serious misapprehension," objected the Attorney-General again. "Distrust in this Province is widely disseminated, and we cannot over-estimate its influence."
"Pooh, pooh!" returned his Chief. "The very fact that at the last election, notwithstanding all the efforts of MacKenzie and his followers, the Government was sustained by such a large majority, proves that you are wrong in your conclusions."
"It has only made the malcontents more determined, your Excellency, and the spirit among the people more decisive. We carried the elections, it is true, but how we carried them is no indication of the stand that the people will take when put to the test," said Sheriff Jarvis.
"I believe with the Governor that the people are with us," said Colonel Fitzgibbon, "but to make our position surer, it would be a wise thing to call out the militia again, and give them a thorough drill, particularly when our corps of regulars is so small."
"That, too, I think quite unnecessary," replied Sir Francis, loftily. "If we commence to specially drill our men, the malcontents will at once believe that we are becoming alarmed, a most unjust and lamentable position for a strong Government to assume."
"Nevertheless, your Excellency, if you mixed as much among the people as I do, you would arrive at the conclusion that it would be a wise policy to pursue," said the Solicitor-General, who had not hitherto spoken. "Meetings are already being held in York and other counties to influence the people against the Government. At these meetings, I understand, they regularly discuss what they call a 'bill of rights,' which the people pledge themselves to support."
"What if they do, with the majority of the people, the country, and the Government against them," reiterated Sir Francis. "As I said before, the unrest in this Province is entirely due to the red-handed work of one man, who has cajoled a few others to follow him. What we require is to arrest him and his accomplices forthwith, and have them summarily tried for treason. That will put an end to the whole thing; and the less we trouble ourselves about the matter the better. But I affirm most positively, that apart from our treatment of MacKenzie we cannot over-estimate the importance of being ready to help our fellow-countrymen in the Lower Province the moment they need our aid."
Seeing the apparent uselessness of further opposition, this statement was received with dumb acquiescence; and taking it for approval, the Governor continued:
"Towards this end we have important data at our command. We have with us one of the officers of the Transit, Lieutenant Stuart, son of Lord Vancroft, who has made himself familiar with many of the facts in connection with the proposed insurrection in the Lower Province. I purpose calling him in to supply us with any information he may possess upon this lamentable subject. Sheriff Jarvis, will you kindly have one of the stewards show him in?"
Accordingly Lieutenant Stuart appeared, and, in answer to queries, supplied them with several important facts with which the members of the Government were unfamiliar. While busily digesting these, the Governor asked him to furnish other items of general interest.
"I know that Lower Canadian independence is the talk of the people," was his answer. "They have mottoes and banners floating everywhere. In some places, under the very nose of the Government, 'Papineau and the People,' 'Liberty,' 'Sons of Liberty,' 'Declaration of the Rights of Man,' etc., are strung everywhere. No one knows how they appear or who puts them up; but every morning new mottoes are found in new places. In Montreal malcontents are drilling, and muskets and rifles are being smuggled in from no one knows where."
"Has any blood been shed?" Sir Francis asked.
"Yes, in a dozen places at least, between the French and the English; several lives have already been lost, chiefly around St. Charles and St. Denis. It is believed that at these places the contest will be the keenest."
"You think, then, that rebellion in the Lower Province is a foregone conclusion?"
"Undoubtedly it is, sir; Papineau has already sent out secret orders."
"But on what basis? What are the wrongs that he wishes to have removed?"
"The injustice of the existing Constitution to the French people of the colony, and the bad system of laws that has been established are the claims they make," said Stuart.
"Both of which complaints are exceedingly indefinite," said the Governor.
"Bad administration is perhaps a more definite term," said Stuart. "The Lower Canadians want to have a direct voice in the administration of the affairs of the Province, and in the appointment of the members of the Legislative Council."
"Neither of which are they qualified ethically to possess, any more than they are here," said the Governor. "What else?"
"That the Council antagonizes the Assembly and ignores its mandates."
"As if the Council, composed of qualified gentlemen, responsible to Her Majesty's advisers, did not know what measures should be adopted for the best interests of the country much better than the boorish legislators."
"That may all be true, your Excellency," returned Stuart, "yet the House of Assembly claims that it ought to possess all the rights, immunities and privileges of the English House of Commons."
"A piece of extravagant impertinence!" exclaimed Sir Francis. "The demands of these people, both there and here, are preposterous. They put me out of all patience. I sincerely trust that my fellow-Governor, Lord Gosford, of the Lower Province, will judiciously and energetically meet the malcontents on their own ground, and crush out all resistance with promptitude; something which we will be glad to assist in if necessary."
"To come more to the point, your Excellency," said the Attorney-General, "what is the nature of the assistance that you propose to render?"
"Decidedly military. The moment assistance is required, I would despatch our regulars to Montreal by boat, leaving the militia to guard our own garrison."
"And yet you decline to drill the militia!"
"Only for the present, or until our way seems clear. But what of the Thousand Isles, Lieutenant Stuart? I understand there is much unrest and disturbance there. Captain Jerrold tells me that you personally visited many of the residential ones."
"I did, and I am of the impression that there is more talk than action among the islanders so far."
"And who are their leaders?"
"That is a hard question to answer," he said, evading a direct reply. "Some of the people talk of rebellion, some of annexation, while the loyalists pronounce both absurd. Rebellion there, when it comes, will be after its appearance in the east, I feel convinced."
"Misguided wretches, anywhere, east, west, or in the islands, wherever it be," ejaculated the Governor. "They do not know on which side their bread is buttered. The fact of it is, gentlemen," he continued, rising to his feet in order to give them a little closing speech, "I must remind you again of the similarity of Lord Gosford's position to my own. Each of us represents vice-regal power in his own particular Province. Each of us is working in every way for the best interests of his people. Take my own case, individually; if by my administration I increase the wealth and comfort of the people, I shall claim for myself the credit, which will be totally out of their power to withhold from me; whereas, if I diminish their wealth and comfort, it will be hopeless for anyone to shield me from blame. As, therefore, we have one common object in view, the question arises, which of us, the people or myself, has the greater power to do good to Upper Canada? Or in other words: Can the people do as much for themselves as I can do for them? My answer is emphatically 'No.' Gentlemen, I am exceedingly obliged to you for your presence, and the interesting discussion upon important matters that we have engaged in; that being over, I think we might with profit and pleasure join the ladies in our return."
As they withdrew from the saloon, Stuart's eyes again scanned the deck in search of Marie. He did not know as yet that a strain of royal blood, though dating back for three generations, flowed in her veins as well as in his. It was the charm of her personality, the beauty of her spirit, that attracted him. And then to know that she was the daughter of the wily freebooter of the Thousand Isles, a fact of which the Governor was unaware, enhanced the attraction. There was a spice of poetic romance in the situation. It was like a border feud transplanted across the ocean to the wooded islands of the west. He felt his interest deepening. What manner of man could this MacAlpine be, to be sire of such a maiden? When passing through the islands he had missed him, for although much talked of by his followers, he was informed that he was out in the west for the time being sailing the Caroline. How glad he was that he had refrained from mentioning his name. Still, what was it to him? He must and would be loyal to the King. Yet the more he thought, the more his interest deepened.
They had entered the bay again, on the inner side of the island, and as Stuart approached the ladies, he heard Jessie call out:
"Marie Stuart, see, there is the little cove you so often run your canoe into after paddling across the bay."
He was startled. The utterance of the name was like a sequence to his reverie. Could there possibly be a relationship between Miss Marie and himself?
"Yes," was Marie's answer, "we'll run in there again to-morrow."
