Читать книгу Atlanta - Yesterday, Today And Tomorrow - John R. Hornady - Страница 9

IT is typical of the spirit of Atlanta that little time was lost in lamenting over the losses and hardships of the past. With their zeal for the

cause of the Confederacy evidenced by such devotion and such sacrifices as few people are called upon to display, they turned their faces to the future with a supreme purpose to push on to better things, however discouraging the circumstances. As they had been loyal to the Stars and Bars, they would be loyal to the Stars and Stripes. As they had wrought in war, they would labor in peace, confident that the years would crown their efforts with a goodly heritage.

This attitude found expression on June 24, 1865, in a meeting held at the call of Mayor Calhoun, John M. Clarke, John Silvey, J. L. Dunning, J. W. Manning and W. R. Venable. This gathering was attended by many representative citizens, and following formal organization with Mayor Calhoun as chairman, a committee on resolutions was appointed, consisting of John M. Clarke, J. I. Whittaker, A. Austell, J. L. Dunning and G. W. Adair. This committee reported resolutions, the preamble of which read:

"Whereas, the Constitution of the United States makes ample provision for the freedom of speech, the power of the press, and the unalienable right of the people to peacefully assemble, and to counsel with each other on all matters of public concernment and national interest, and

"Whereas, the late war has left the State of Georgia in a most deplorable, disorganized and unsettled condition, we, therefore, as a portion of the people, have assembled this day to express our anxious solicitude for a speedy restoration to our original status in the Union, and hopefully anticipate that the day is near at hand when the sun of our former prosperity and happiness will again shine upon us with undiminished and even increased splendor, when each one may sit under his own ' vine and fig tree, with none to molest him or make him afraid.' "

The resolutions which followed, and which were adopted as expressing the views and purposes of those assembled, voiced a lofty sentiment, saying among other things:

"That we most earnestly desire a speedy restoration of all political and national relations, the restoration of mutual confidence and friendship, the uninterrupted intercourse of trade and commerce with every section; in fine, to hold and occupy our old position in the list of States, the sovereign and sole conservators of an unbroken and imperishable union.

"That we counsel a ready and willing obedience to the laws of our country, and with cheerfulness and patient industry the fulfillment of our mission."

Profound regret was expressed concerning the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, and confidence in the administration of President Andrew Johnson, was voted, together with an endorsement of James Johnson as provisional governor of Georgia.

Appointment of provisional officers for Georgia were of a character to create confidence on the part of the people. John Erskine, appointed Judge of the United District Court, had been a citizen of Atlanta before the war. He was well known to the citizens of the community and enjoyed their confidence. James L. Dunning was made United States Marshal, and he, also, was warmly received as a former citizen of the community. A. W. Stone, an Atlanta man, was appointed District Attorney, and thus the people felt that in their officials under the new regime they had men who knew them and who would deal justly with them.

Starting off under these fair prospects, Atlantans faced the future with optimism and confidence, but as the reconstruction machinery of the Federal Government began its slow but implacable movements, numerous situations developed which called for the exercise of the greatest fortitude. Most of these troubles here, as elsewhere in the South, were due to the colossal and amazing blunder of conferring the full rights of citizenship upon a vast horde of ignorant and bewildered blacks.

The question of negro dominance became a burning issue throughout the South immediately the full enfranchisement of the former slaves had become the purpose of the Congress of the United States, and Atlanta was no exception. The movement ''to disfranchise our intelligence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our political destiny," as I. W. Avery expressed it, was one to inflame the passions of the people to fever heat, and a tense situation prevailed throughout the closing half of 1866, continuing into the new year.

Feeling in Atlanta led, on February 28, to the publication of a notice calling a mass meeting for March 4, at the city hall, in order that the people might have an opportunity to express themselves. The call for this meeting was signed by the following representative citizens: Ira R. Foster, Joseph Winship, E. E. Hulbert, Lemuel Dean, J. H. Flynn, A. Austell, George Hillyer, H. Sells, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Mynatt, Richard Peters, E. E. Rawson, S. P. Richards, P. P. Pease, R. P. Zimmerman, Clark Howell, E. P. Howell, W. F. Meador, J. W. Simmons, F .M. Richardson, J. R. Wallace, H. C. Barrow, W. A. Fuller, W. W. Butts, J. D. Pope, W. C. Moore, R. M. Farrar, C. A. Pitts, J. J. Morrison, John Silvey, T. W. J. Hill, H. P. Farrow, J. A. Hayden, T. J. Healey, J. W. Loyd, J. Lemmons, E. F. Hoge, H. Muhlenbrink, L. S. Salmons, J. B. Campbell, J. E. Gullatt, A. A. Gaulding, J. A. Doane, A. K. Seago, Vines Fish, H. C. Hornady, J. C. Hendrix and C. C. Green.

Many of these names will be recognized as belonging to men who played a most conspicuous part in the building of Atlanta, and in shaping public thought throughout the State.

When the hour for the meeting approached, it became clear that control of the gathering was going to be difficult. A throng had assembled that taxed the capacity of the hall, and from snatches of conversation heard on all sides, it was evident that feeling ran deep. The task of the conservatives clearly was to keep the extreme element from dominating the gathering and precipitating some action that might make bad matters infinitely worse. The conservatives met no opposition in electing Richard Peters as Chairman and W. I. Scruggs as Secretary, and when a motion had been adopted providing for the creation of a committee on resolutions, the chair named on this committee Colonel Farrow, Colonel J. J. Morrison, T. W. J. Hill, V. A. Gaskill, E. E. Rawson, I. G. Mitchell, J. O. Harris, C. P. Cassin and E. E. Hulbert — all men who favored a conservative course. This committee reported resolutions reading as follows:

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this meeting that the people of Georgia should promptly, and without the least hesitation, accept the plan of restoration recently proposed by Congress.

"Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting there are persons in each and every county within this State sufficient in numbers and sufficient in integrity and ability, who are not debarred from voting and holding office by the provisions of this law, to perform all the functions of government.

"Resolved That we earnestly hope that as soon as practicable, all those who have the right to do so, will, in good faith, enter upon the duty of instituting for Georgia a legal State government.

"Resolved, That we, citizens of Fulton County, do hereby proclaim to our fellow citizens throughout the entire Union, a sincere purpose, on our part to heal the wounds inflicted by the unhappy past, and we take this method of extending to our fellow citizens of every state, a cordial and hearty invitation to come and settle in our midst, assuring them in the name of everything that is sacred that they shall be received and treated as friends, and as citizens of a common country.

''Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded to Governor Jenkins, and a copy to the Reconstruction Committee at Washington."

These resolutions were read amid a tense silence and at the conclusion of the reading it was evident from the lack of applause that the verbiage did not suit the majority of those present. Speeches in support of the resolutions were made by Colonel Farrow and Mayor Calhoun, but before a vote was taken Colonel L. J. Glenn obtained recognition, and thereupon offered the following:

"Resolved, 1. That in view of the present condition of the Southern States, and the passage of the military bill by the House of Representatives over the President's veto, we think it the duty of the people of Georgia to remain quiet, and thereby at least preserve their self-respect, their manhood and their honor.

''Resolved, 2. That in the event said bill has or does become a law, we trust Governor Jenkins, either alone or in connection with the governors of other Southern States, will at once take the necessary steps to have the constitutionality of the law tested before the Supreme Court of the United States.

"Resolved, 3. That we hereby tender to his excellency. President Johnson, our heartfelt thanks for the patriotic effort he has made to protect the constitution of the United States and the liberties of the people."

The reading of these resolutions brought forth prolonged cheers, which left no doubt as to the temper of the gathering. Then, no sooner than the tumult had subsided, a further demonstration was brought about by Colonel T. C. Howard, who offered an amendment to the Glenn resolution, denouncing the Sherman Military Bill as "harsh, cruel and unjust, as it surrenders life, liberty and estate to the arbitrary and despotic will of the military power." The bill was further described in this amendment as "degrading to the bitterest and last degree, as it sinks us below the legal status of our former slaves, surrenders the control and policy of the Southern States to the blacks, and by our own hands stigmatizes, disfranchises and disavows the men who have periled life, fortune and all worldly ambitions for our sakes; that by our assent to the principles and provisions of said bill, the Southern people commit political suicide by arraying themselves against the President of the United States, who, with sublime courage, has resisted the combined energies of the enemies of the government and constitution, by adopting and ratifying outrages on our liberties that would not be tolerated an instant by that tribunal while a vestige of that instrument remained," etc.

The fiery eloquence of Col. Howard swept the crowd, which was now ready for almost any extremes, but in the end, after much confusion and uncertainty, a motion to adjourn was made by Colonel R. J. Cowart, who expressed the view that the people were not then prepared to pass judgment upon a subject so grave and so far-reaching. The motion to adjourn carried, but immediately General L. J. Gartrell leaped to his feet and called in clarion tones for all who favored the Glenn resolutions to remain in the hall. Most of those present resumed their seats, and thereupon another meeting was organized with General Gartrell as chairman and J. G. Whitner as secretary.

As soon as the second meeting had become organized for business, Colonel Morrison asked if it was the intention to bar those opposed to the Glenn resolutions, and upon being answered in the negative, he made a vigorous speech in opposition. Other speakers were heard, and then a vote was taken, the result being an overwhelming majority for the Glenn resolutions.

Colonel Farrow, whose committee had offered the resolutions that went down in defeat, thereupon announced that an adjourned meeting would be held that night to further consider these resolutions, and the gathering dispersed. That night the Farrow resolutions were adopted, with an amendment calling upon the Governor to convene the Legislature immediately with a view of calling a convention to comply fully with the terms prescribed by the Sherman act.

At the night meeting ex-Governor Brown was called upon, and he made an earnest plea for conservative action upon the part of the people, pointing out the futility of resistance and the harm which might result were any save a constructive course followed by the South.

It was a day full of excitement, accompanied by no little feeling, but in the end both sides had their way, though it is doubtful if either side had much weight in determining future events; events which were being shaped in Washington and over which the people of the South had little or no influence.

The State of Georgia subsequently became a party to a suit before the Supreme Court of the United States in which it was sought to obtain an injunction against the operation of the Sherman act, but the only effect was to intensify the feeling of those who had determined to make a thorough job of discipling the South.

Under the provisions of the Sherman Law, Major-General John Pope was appointed Commander of the Third Military District, comprising Alabama, Georgia and Florida, and he arrived in Atlanta by special train from Chattanooga on Sunday, March 31, 1867. He was met at the station by a committee of local citizens and escorted to the leading hotel, where a reception was held in his honor. It was attended by many prominent citizens, all of whom were received by General Pope in a most gracious manner. He greeted them in civilian clothes and his deportment throughout was that of one who wished to make himself agreeable and to remove any tension which might exist.

One of the first acts of the military commander was to remove the headquarters of the district to Milledgeville. At the same time he announced that all civil officers then in office in the three States under his jurisdiction, would retain their positions until the expiration of their terms, ''unless otherwise directed in special cases." He expressed the hope that "no necessity will arise for the interposition of the military authorities in the civil administration," and pointed out that such a necessity could only arise "from the failure of the civil tribunals to protect the people, without distinction in their rights of person and property."

Altogether, the impression made by General Pope was most favorable, and there seems little doubt that he endeavored to discharge his difficult duties in a way to cause the least dissatisfaction, but in the end the good feeling which characterized his advent, disappeared and a clamor arose for his removal. He was removed on December 28, 1867, and Major-General George G. Meade was named as his successor. The change was received with enthusiasm by the people, but in the course of time General Meade became about as unpopular as his predecessor had grown. It is probable that both of these officials endeavored to discharge their duties with as little friction as possible, and the resultant dissatisfaction was due, not to any desire on their part to be harsh or extreme, but to the fact that the laws under which they worked were harsh and extreme and could not be interpreted and administered in a manner wholly foreign to their fundamental character, however well-intentioned the administrator might be.

The method of restoration to the Union was the point upon which the differences of this period largely turned, and it was while discussion upon this subject was at fever heat that a flaming and dramatic figure leaped to the front. With a fearlessness that astonished those given to equivocation, and with an eloquence that was as a consuming fire, Benjamin H. Hill stepped into the arena and exposed the reconstruction scheme in all its nakedness. Speaking before a great convention in Atlanta, with the people hanging upon his every word, he urged the sacredness of the Constitution, denounced the Sherman act as violative of that great document, and continued "I charge before Heaven and the American people this day, that every evil by which we have been afflicted has been attributable directly to the violation of the constitution. Tinkers may work, quacks may prescribe, and demagogues may deceive, but I declare to you there is no remedy for us, and no hope to escape the threatened evils, but in adherence to the constitution."

He then denounced in the most scathing terms those who would support a convention which they knew to be contrary to the constitution. "I shall discharge the obligation of the amnistry oath," he said. "It required me to support the constitution and the emancipation of the negro, and I do, but I will not bind myself to a new slavery — to hell — by violating it."

Many others of prominence and influence adopted a like attitude toward the approaching State Convention, holding that it was called in defiance of the fundamental law of the land and that to participate in it was to trample underfoot the one document under which liberty was guaranteed unto the people. Robert Toombs, former Governor Herschel V. Johnson and others were of like mind. The latter advised registration on the part of the people, but noncompliance with the terms imposed. He warned them " never to embrace their despotism," but to hope for a reaction in the North and West against "the overthrow of constitutional liberty."

The convention at which these brilliant orators poured out the vials of their wrath before a vast and embittered audience, was held in an immense arbor erected on Alabama Street, July 23, 1868. The day was fearfully hot, and the multitude composing the audience occupied hard wooden benches, but for five hours they listened eagerly to the words of such men as Robert Toombs, Benjamine Hill, Ralph J, Moses and Howell Cobb, their passionate sentences, as they described the evils of the reconstruction program, being greeted with storms of applause.

Governor Jenkins, who was active in the prosecution of the injunction proceedings in the United States Supreme Court, was also outspoken in his denunciation of the illegality of the methods proposed under the military acts; so much so that it brought on a sharp exchange of letters between General Pope and himself. These differences continued under the new military commander, General Meade, culminating finally in the removal of Governor Jennings from office and the appointment of Brigadier-General Thomas H. Ruger, to this position. This action was taken by General Meade on January 13, 1868, and the immediate cause was the refusal of Governor Jennings to authorize the patent of a bill, amounting to some forty thousand dollars, which money was to pay the cost of holding the state convention; a gathering which the governor held was unconstitutional. The State Treasurer, John Jones, was removed at the same time for the same cause, and he was succeeded by Captain Charles F. Rockwell, also of the United States army.

The order for the State Convention, about which so much bitter controversy raged, was issued by General Pope on November 19, 1867. It was to be held in Macon on December 5, 1867, and was for the purpose of framing a constitution for the civil government of the State of Georgia.

When this convention met there were twenty-two negroes among the delegates, and one of these was made a door-keeper while another was designated for the duties of messenger. Thus for the first time the black man made his appearance in a gathering of this character in the State of Georgia.

While the convention was in session and shortly after he had appeared before the body and delivered an address, General Pope was removed from office, and a few days thereafter his successor. General Meade arrived in Atlanta. He was met here by an enthusiastic citizenship, and was presented with a set of resolutions shrewdly designed to flatter him, and at the same time, afford the populace an opportunity to flay his predecessor. These resolutions were adopted at a mass meeting held at the City Hall in Atlanta on the night of January 4, and were presented to General Pope upon his arrival two days later.

In the preamble to this remarkable set of resolutions, the facts surrounding the attempt of General Pope to force the payment of the $40,000 heretofore referred to, were set forth, while the convention itself was denounced as ''conceived in fraud and brought forth in iniquity." It was also charged that the retiring general had been "surrounded while in this city by evil counsellors in civil life to whom he lent a listening ear, and whose thirst for office influenced them to counsel to further oppression and degradation of our people, in order that they might fatten on the spoils thereof."

The first part of these resolutions, which so seethed with the popular feeling of the hour, went on most ingeniously, ''While this meeting is unalterably opposed to the military acts of Congress, under which it proposed to 'reconstruct' the Southern States, and while it disclaims any wish (were it possible) to influence the action of Major-General George G. Meade, politically or otherwise, yet it can but express its gratitude that our people shall have in him, as military commander of this district, a gentleman and a soldier, who, we have reason to believe, mil uphold and not destroy the civil government of the State; who will uphold and not trample underfoot the civil laws he may find in force, and who will restore those set aside by his predecessor; who will guarantee freedom from fraud and corruption in registrars, managers and voters, in any future elections or registrations that may be had under said military acts; and who will tolerate, in its fullest extent, freedom of speech and of the press in the discussion of the great questions affecting the present and future welfare of the people of Georgia."

The resolutions concluded "Entertaining these views with reference to General Meade and to the course he will pursue in the administration of his office, we welcome him to our City, and trust he will continue his headquarters in Atlanta, as Commander of The Third Military District."

A committee of seven was appointed to present the document to the military commander and to forward a copy to the President of the United States. The committee, in waiting upon General Meade, was cordially received, and if he saw in the resolutions any effort to shape his conduct, he did not betray the fact. Indeed, he was quite as cordial as his predecessors had been on a similar occasion, and made quite as favorable impression. That he was not greatly moved, however, was demonstrated exactly four days later when he threw Governor Jenkins out of office for declining to put his O. K. on that much discussed bill for $40,000!

The Constitution Convention, which had been the subject of so much bitterness, completed its labors March 11, 1868, and the new constitution was ratified in an election held April 20, 21 and 22. Fulton County, of which Atlanta is the heart, voted for ratification by the narrow majority of 210 out of a total vote of 4,248, but gave an emphatic majority for John B. Gordon for Governor, in opposition to K. B. Bullock. The latter was nominated by the delegates to the constitutional convention, who had resolved themselves into a nominating convention for this purpose, and he was elected by the vote of the people in the State at large. In Fulton County he received 1,914 votes, while General Gordon received 2,357. The vote for these two candidates showed about the relative strength of the white and colored voters in Fulton County, the whites being in the majority. However, this condition did not obtain universally, the negro voters greatly outnumbering the whites in some quarters.

Called together under a proclamation issued by Governor-elect Bullock on June 25, 1868, the Legislature of Georgia convened in Atlanta on the Fourth of July, and had become organized to the satisfaction of General Meade, Military Commander, by July 21. Immediately thereafter a resolution was offered ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and it was passed by the following vote: House 89 for and 69 against: Senate, 28 for and 14 against.

Governor Bullock was formerly inaugurated on the day following and served until his acts of incompetence and alleged venality created such a crisis that he fled the State, soon thereafter to become the subject of a warrant, charging larceny in connection with certain bond transactions.

This session of the Legislature furnished one of the most sensational and amazing incidents in the entire history of the Commonwealth, when a Republican was elected to the United States Senate over Joseph E. Brown, former Democratic Governor of Georgia, the end being accomplished by Democratic votes. Another extraordinary phase of the picture was the delirious joy the result occasioned in Atlanta and throughout the entire State.

The candidates whose names were balloted upon were Joseph E. Brown, Alexander H. Stephens, Joshua Hill and C. H. Hopkins. On the first ballot Former Governor Brown received 102 votes, Alexander H. Stephens 96, Joshua Hill 13 and C. H. Hopkins 1. Fearing that Brown might win on the next ballot and determined to beat him at any cost, the Democratic members, who had been supporting Stephens, flocked solidly to the support of Hill, the Republican, and on the second ballot Hill received 110, Brown 94, Stevens 1 and C. W. Stiles 1. Hill, Republican was elected.

Excitement over this contest was intense, and when the news went forth that Former Governor Brown had been defeated, an immense crowd gathered in front of the United States Hotel, where a remarkable demonstration of enthusiasm was witnessed.

On the same day, H. V. M. Miller was elected to the Senate, defeating Foster Bloodgett, a very unpopular representative of the Republican party, and this added to the cup of joy.

The reason for this attitude of bitterness toward former Governor Brown was his alleged "desertion of the South and the Democratic party" during the fervid days of Reconstruction, and even now, after the passing of more than a half century, one still may find among older citizens some evidence of this feeling. Indeed, in all the history of Georgia it is doubtful if another man has been more genuinely hated by his enemies — or more loyally supported by his friends — than was Governor Brown. The former denounced him with all the heat of an unusually torrid period; the latter credited him with greater vision than is given to most men and with the courage to stand for the things he deemed right, despite consequences to himself. Upon his death in November, 1894, his body lay in state at the Capitol for twenty-four hours, viewed by hundreds, and impressive ceremonies were held in the Senate Chamber.

The Legislature of 1868 did another thing that created great excitement and which brought additional troubles to the State, when it threw out twenty-seven negro members, including two senators. This action was participated in by a number of Republican members, as well as by the Democrats, and it met with popular approval, but one may well imagine its effect upon the extremists in Congress who were writing prescriptions for the conduct of Southern States. Thaddius Stevens was dead, but Charles Sumner was much alive, and he took immediate steps to have the State of Georgia punished. The result was another " reconstruction" for Georgia, in the process of which thirty-one negroes were admitted to seats in the Legislature and twenty-four Democrats were thrown out.

Governor Bullock went to Washington himself, and directed personally the fight for the legislation which finally was adopted. The act finally passed by Congress required members of the Legislature to take an oath that they had not participated in rebellion after holding office; prohibited the exclusion of members by reason of race or color, and required the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment before the representatives of the State of Georgia would be seated by Congress.

The Legislature was called together on January 10, 1870, and other unique chapters in reconstruction history were written. An attempt was made to elect three United States Senators at this one session, the body actually undertaking to select one senator whose election was due to come before the next Legislature. The men elected to the Senate were R. H. Whatley, H. P. Farrow and Foster Bloodgett — all of whom were denied seats when they appeared in Washington, though Governor Bullock once more went to that City and attempted to have his amazing legislative maneuvers approved by Congress. However, his indifference to constitutional requirements had been observed in Washington and this time he met defeat at every turn. Congress condemned the proceedings of the Legislature, and passed an amendment forbidding the extension of terms of office — the last being a bitter disappointment to Bullock.

But even in the face of these reversals, Bullock did not surrender, but straightway set about trying to so fix matters that he could dominate the approaching election. His star was waning, however, and he failed in this also. The election was held; the Democrats swept the State, and from that day to this have remained in control of public affairs.