Читать книгу Anna Maria Strada, Prima Donna of G. F. Handel - Judit Zsovár - Страница 14

Following a chain of successive wars against the Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Venice became weakened economically by the early eighteenth century. In addition, although it did not participate in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701‒14), the disruption of tourism negatively impacted the city’s trade and cultural life.²⁵ Contrarily to the political and economic decline, the sumptuousness of the entertainments, plays and operas remained continuous, serving to gloss over the real condition of the Republic. In the 1720s, as Eleanor Selfridge-Field has remarked, ‘a generation of Europeans, impeded by war since the turn of the century, now came to Venice expecting to find the legendary splendours of earlier times. Instead they encountered an escalation of ceremony and its symbols’.²⁶ The actor, playwright and theatre historian Luigi Riccoboni frequently commented on this paradox when noting, for example, that ‘no Sovereign ever spent so much upon these Representations as the Venetians have done’.²⁷ Additionally, his remark about the frequency of performances and the speed of the artists’ fluctuation was that one ‘may easily judge how much Operas are in Fashion at Venice, when he is told that at certain seasons they play every day, and in six Theatres at the same time’.²⁸ The French writer and traveller, Charles de Brosses, took notice of the same:

Each theatre is running two operas a winter, sometimes three, so we expect to have approximately eight during our stay. Every year the pieces and the singers are different ones. No one wants to see an opera, or a ballet, a stage set, or an actor he has already seen the year before, unless it is a great opera by Vinci or some very famous voice.²⁹

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Likewise, Josse de Villeneuve, finance minister to Charles de Lorraine in Tuscany observed:

An individual or company undertakes to produce an opera for carnival season. They [the directors] send for singers and dancers from various Italian cities, who, arriving from different directions, find themselves united in a cast without ever having seen or met each other. They call from Naples or Bologna, where the best musical schools are, a maestro di cappella. He arrives about a month prior to December 26 when the spectacle is to begin. They designate the drama that has been chosen for him; he composes 25 or 26 arias with orchestral accompaniment and the opera is complete since the recitative costs too much trouble to notate. He gives the arias one by one, as soon as they are written to the singers, who learn them with ease, since most are great musicians.³⁰

Naturally, the visual part of a theatrical performance was of pronounced importance all over Italy, often in a way sumptuous beyond measure, which may have overshadowed the brilliance of the music, rather than supporting it. The technical side of the shows frequently evoked amazement and led to detailed descriptions, though these visual effects could easily break the continuity of the drama. Riccoboni testifies to this in his writing about his experiences of European theatres:

It were to be wished that we could give an exact detail of all the machines which the skilful architects contrived on that occasion; and of all the wonderful representations of that kind that have been executed in Venice, Rome, Naples, Florence, and other cities in Italy. As to the decorations and the machinery it may be safely affirmed, that no theatre in Europe comes up to the magnificence of the Venetian opera; […] In the Shepherd of Amphise, which was presented twenty years after upon the theatre of St. John Chrysostome, the palace of Apollo was seen to descend of very fine and grand architecture, and built of christals of different colours which were always playing; the lights which were placed behind these christals were disposed in such a manner, that so great a flux of rays played from the machine, that the eyes of the spectators could scarcely support its brightness.³¹

Alessandro Piazza’s Teatro (oil on canvas, 1702) depicts such a spectacle. It shows what is probably the interior of Teatro Sant’Angelo, fitted with expensive costumes and scenery, including live elephants. According to Bruno Forment’s research, the conditions as shown in the picture might be an idealised performance rather ←21 | 22→than a real one, but it still sheds light on the luxurious environment of opera and the habits of the Venetian audience at the same time.³² Considering expenditure, running opera houses was understandably unprofitable most of the time:³³

Three Livres of Venetian money gains admittance into the hall of the opera, thirty Sols a seat in the pit, and the boxes are in proportion. If we compare these poor receivings with the expenses that are necessary for supporting the magnificence of these shows, we may easily account for the losses which the undertakers of the opera sustain; it being impossible that for the four months, during which these entertainments last, the receiving should equal the outgiving; for the Venetian opera begins at soonest in the middle of November, and continues only to the last day of the Carnival.³⁴

Despite such lavishness, or even because of it, the attitude of the Venetians frequently caused indignation. The bad morals of the audience ‒ including fights breaking out in the pit from time to time, due to the custom of impresarios allowing the vacant places to be filled by gondolieri ‒ particularly shocked foreigners, who were accustomed to the elite conditions of court performances. Riccoboni considered the spectators as impetuous people:

The spectators in almost all the cities of Italy are restless and noisy, even before the play begins. In their applauses they are violent; and when they would distinguish a favourite poet or actor, they cry as loud as they can Viva-Viva. But if they have a mind to damn the one, or hiss the other, they bawl out Va dentro, and very often they make the poor actor feel a further proof of their indignation by pelting him with apples, and loading him with a great deal of abuse.³⁵

Their office on this occasion is to applaud the actors by clapping their hands and shouting like madmen. I won’t express […] what terms they use, when they congratulate the women.³⁶

Benedetto Marcello, the author of the famous satirical pamphlet Il teatro alla moda (1720), and the greatest connoisseur of Venetian operatic life, portrayed the audience’s habits similarly:

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Every night the impresario will hand out free tickets to his doctor, lawyer, pharmacist, barber, carpenter, and their business partners; also to his friends with their families. Thus the theater will never look empty. For the same reason he will ask all singers, the conductor, the instrumentalists, the bear, and the extras likewise to bring along each night five or six friends who will be admitted without tickets.³⁷

They [Members of Society] will buy their tickets “on approval” and they will leave every night after fifteen minutes [and redeem their tickets]. Thus they can see the entire opera within twelve evenings. They will go to the comedy because it costs less than the opera; and if they should go to the latter they will pay no attention, not even during a first night, except perhaps during a few bars of the prima donna’s aria, or during the scene with the lightning or thunderstorm. They will court Virtuosi of either sex because thus they hope to obtain some free tickets.³⁸

The disinterest of the public concerning recitatives was also recorded by De Brosses and De Villeneuve. Within the framework of formal vocal instruction, the declamatory style of recitative played an important role, as Giambattista Mancini reports. Like every good work, it required time, and the short notice of the Venetian productions greatly limited the possibilities for learning and interpreting recitatives appropriately:

“Is it surprising” Tartini said to me one day, “that most of the time our recitatives are worthless, since the composer works only in a hurry on the declamation?” As for me, I forgive them, now that the audience is so much in the habit of not listening to recitative.³⁹

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As for the recitatives, they [the singers] do not take the trouble to study them, a fleeting glance suffices; they are content to repeat only what the prompter reads loudly to them, and the harpsichord keeps them in the key. They hold five or six rehearsals and in less than a month the opera appears on stage.⁴⁰

Venetian opera houses of the early eighteenth century, with a general audience capacity of 1,400 persons, were differentiated by rank depending on which noble family owned them.⁴¹ This was a question of prestige and wealth rather than performance quality. Top ranking houses such as San Giovanni Grisostomo, where star singers made their appearance, and San Samuele, together with SS. Giovanni e Paolo belonged to the Grimani clan, the most influential family of the city.⁴² The second row of the pyramid consisted of the Teatro San Cassiano, owned by the Tron family, Teatro di San Moisè, of the Giustinianis, and Teatro Sant’Angelo, owned by the Marcello and Cappello families.⁴³ Composers such as Vivaldi, Francesco Gasparini, and Tomaso Albinoni were congenial with the latter two theatres.⁴⁴ As far as the number of works per season was concerned, S. Moisè gave the most, followed closely by Sant’Angelo and S. G. Grisostomo.⁴⁵

Although it lacked sumptuous stage machines, costumes, and scenery, and whilst the more expensive and complex stage sets were reused in several productions,⁴⁶ ‘people like to go to Sant’Angelo because it is cheap’, asserted ←24 | 25→Giovan Battista Casotti after visiting in 1713.⁴⁷ Indeed, the tickets cost a third of the price of that of S. G. Grisostomo. Even the costumes and scenery were of modest financial conditions, but they were chosen in good taste and sometimes received appreciation from the audience.⁴⁸ Michael Talbot states that Sant’Angelo actually presented a high artistic quality, which made it competitive with the most famous Venetian houses.⁴⁹ Not only that: as he further observes, ‘Sant’Angelo specialised in discovering, nurturing and retaining (for as long as its resources permitted) new talent and inaugurating new trends’.⁵⁰ In this regard, it was a perfect match for Vivaldi, who was very much interested in scouting for unknown voices and helping to start the careers of young singers, of which Strada is one of the best examples (apart from Merighi, Margherita Giacomazzi, and, of course, Anna Girò and others), and was himself looking for new and innovative ways of composing.⁵¹

Also, the variety of plot subjects sparked debate among the theatres: there was a rivalry between S. G. Grisostomo, with its classical themes, and Sant’Angelo and S. Moisè, which offered more ironical and fantastical ones. In a sense, the changing singing styles provoked another war, that between the taste of the ‘Ancients’ and ‘Moderns’.⁵²