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Architecture and Social Status

Balinese domestic architecture is closely linked to notions of rank and social status, with different rules and building regulations prescribed for different classes of people. Caste plays a central role, being the ultimate determinant of an individual’s status in the social hierarchy, irrespective of wealth or personal achievement.

Gateways

In terms of the degree of ornamentation and elaboration, there is little to distinguish the entrance to the compound of a commoner from that of a nobleman, although in the case of royal palaces the main gateways to palace precincts are remarkable for their rich sculptures and ornate profile, which in many respects echo the entrances to temples. The example above is from one of the royal palaces at Amlapura, formerly known as Karangasem.

Bali’s caste system has its origins in ancient India, but time and local circumstances have endowed it with a uniquely Balinese character. There are four basic divisions of society: three noble castes, collectively named triwangsa, and beneath them the commoners (sudra). The triwangsa are subdivided into the princely caste of royalty and warriors (satriya), priests (brah-mana), and merchants (wesia). Rank is signalled by the use of titles, and there are subtle distinctions of status within each caste, based on genealogical descent. For instance, Balinese royalty and other members of the princely satriya caste like to trace their family origins back to the 14th century when Javanese colonisers first established themselves as the ruling elite in Bali following the Majapahit conquest of the island. Prominent brahmana families, on the other hand, claim their descent from the famous Javanese priest Danghyang Nirartha, who was responsible for a revival of Hinduism in Bali in the mid-16th century. Social interactions between the castes are fixed by conventions of speech and habit. There are three main linguistic forms in Bali: high (alus), middle (madia), and low (kasar) Balinese, used according to the relative status of the interlocutors.

A Matter of Proportion

The dimensions of a residential compound are carefully determined according to the owner’s caste. Size matters less than proportion. Only a raja may erect a square or nearly square compound where the difference in length between two sides is less than one unit of measurement. The merchant caste may build nearly square compounds, so long as the difference in the length of the sides is more than two, but less than four, units. Village headmen, however, need to allow for a difference of three units between the two sides. Regulations like these cover every social category or caste affiliation.

Pavilion in the Ubud Royal Palace.

The main units of measurement (p. 7) are depa (the distance from fingertip to fingertip when one’s arms are held out horizontally on either side of the body), hasta (the length of the hand measure from the elbow to the tip of the index finger), and a musti (the width of the closed hand with the thumb placed on top). Differences in rank and social status are reflected in different combinations of these basic units of measurement. There are three main categories: grand (agung) or best (utama); intermediate (tengah); and low (rendah). Measurements involving the third, or “sweet,” finger (jari manis), for example, typically belong to the agung scheme of things. Agung and utama dimensions are much the same in terms of the actual measurements employed, but are distinguished by social evaluation: utama specifications are used for the houses of the wealthy, whereas only members of the aristocracy are entitled to use agung dimensions. Significantly, the Asta Kosali only prescribes the minimum dimensions of a structure, which means that the compound of a commoner may actually be larger, if he can afford it, than that of an aristocrat.

From Pekarangan to Puri

The humblest type of compound, in terms of status, is that of the common man (sudra). This compound is called a pekarangan (“enclosure”). Its basic structures include a place for sleeping (meten); various pavilions (bale) for daily activities and for receiving guests; a rice granary (lumbung); and a cookhouse (paon). These are arranged around a clear central area (natar). The most auspicious (kaja-kangin) corner of the enclosure is reserved for the household temple (sanggah) which contains the shrines dedicated to ancestors.

The residential compounds of the three high castes are built using the same principles as the common man’s but their proportions and degree of elaboration will differ. The simplest type is the jero, which is very similar to the pekarangan. The main difference is that members of the triwangsa castes are allowed to erect a bale gede—a rather grand, open-sided pavilion whose roof is supported by twelve posts—whereas commoners may not. The bale gede has many uses: women weave there, artisans practise their craft, children play there when it rains, and people sleep in it at night. The bale gede also has an important role in family rites of passage.

Bale Gede

Only members of the three aristocratic castes (triwangsa) in Bali are entitled to build themselves a bale gede. It is an almost square building located on the eastern side of the compound, just below the enclosure for the family shrines. Twelve posts, often built of jackfruit timber or teak, support the roof and there may also be a couple of wooden platforms at the back for sitting or sleeping on.

Typically, the bale gede is an open-sided structure with only a partial wall or wooden screens at the back of the wooden platforms. It is the only building in the compound, other than the family shrines, to have a pointed roof, all the other roofs being hipped. A pointed roof is associated with the idea of sacredness.

The bale gede may be used for a number of activities. It is a place where women weavers set up their looms, where artisans practise their craft, where children play when it rains, and where people sleep at night. It also plays an important role in family rites of passage. These include the celebrations held 40 days after the birth of a child, the tooth-filing ceremonies for young girls, and marriage rites. The bale gede is also the place where the corpse is laid out following a death in the family. Considered a living organism, the bale is accorded consecration rites.

Another type of pavilion, called a bale dwaja (“flag pavilion”), is reserved for members of the princely satriya caste, while the bale lembu-gajah pavilion (literally, “cow-elephant pavilion”) is deemed especially suitable for the home of a Hindu or Buddhist priest.

Priests and Princes

Jero and pekarangan consist of single courtyards or dwelling compounds but a Brahman who becomes a priest (pedanda) is entitled to a more elaborate residence (grya) with internal courtyards or divisions. The palace precincts (puri) of a royal family will be similarly subdivided into courtyards, each with specific uses relating to royal duties or prerogatives. Nevertheless, the same basic architectural principles still apply as far as orientation and the hierarchical organization of space according to the Balinese compass rose are concerned, so that one can discern a common conceptual unity linking the humblest pekarangan with the grandest palace.