Читать книгу Enrichment - Luc Boltanski - Страница 21

A third factor in the creation of wealth is tourism, especially upscale tourism; unfortunately, the available statistical studies do not make it easy to circumscribe this sector in depth.⁵⁰ Tourism has undergone considerable development over the last several decades. In 2012, international tourism (counted in terms of the number of arrivals) reached the figure of 1,035 million (compared to 25 million in 1950, 278 million in 1980, and 528 million in 1995),⁵¹ and it has more than doubled during the last twenty years.⁵² More than half the tourist flow is concentrated in Europe, and France remains the premier destination worldwide: 25 million foreign tourists arrived in 2015,⁵³ and the yearly total is expected to reach 100 million between now and 2030.⁵⁴ This amounts to approximately 1.3 billion nights (a night is the unit of measure for tourism). On average, tourists in France spent 80 euros a day in 2005; thus “tourist expenditure is equivalent to the income of 8 million average French citizens.” “Commercial net revenues from tourism came to some 90 billion euros in 2005 … roughly equivalent to the net revenues in the automobile and aeronautics industries.”⁵⁵ Tourism represented 7.4 percent of France’s gross domestic product in 2013;⁵⁶ it employed around 1.3 million people directly and generated a million supplementary jobs indirectly.⁵⁷ The development of national and especially international tourism has been facilitated by a reduction in transportation costs, an increase in the absolute number of wealthy individuals, especially in the so-called emerging countries⁵⁸ (associated with an increase in inequalities), and financing that associates European and local support with international enterprises, especially in the hotel and transportation sectors.⁵⁹

Tourism has stimulated the luxury industry, and specialists in tourism marketing in France emphasize the interactions between tourism and luxury, considering that “tourism creates an affinity for France, and more generally toward all of its products, everything that can be labeled ‘made in France,’” along with an affinity for “luxury,” “the great pillar of the image of our country in the world,” a pillar that underlies one of the principal motives for visits by foreign tourists: the French art de vivre, the “art of living” well. Tourism is thus viewed as a “lever for exportations that occur on French territory.”⁶⁰ Most luxury products are identified with the country that is presumed to be the one in which they have been conceived and manufactured. Thus they are frequently purchased at tourist destination sites (as if that made them more “authentic”), or in airports, often as gifts, or, when they are bought in their countries of origin, in “exotic” shops frequented chiefly by tourists. Thus highlighting the national culture, promoting luxury products, and exploiting the tourist business go hand in hand; this is attested, for example, by the transformation of Saint-Germain-des-Prés. Fifty years ago, this district in the heart of Paris embodied an intellectual Bohemia; now it is a high point of international luxury that exploits the history of this Bohemia and the “existentialism” with which it has been associated.

The increase in the number of tourists, both French and foreign, has played an important role in exacerbating regional inequalities in development. Indeed, outside of Paris, only the Côte d’Azur and Alps regions are widely known internationally and meet the expectations of a wealthy clientele, welcoming them in palatial lodgings that are lacking in the surrounding areas. The regions in which a “residential economy” has developed have experienced growth in the number of jobs available (often in the domestic service sector), stimulated by population increases in the territory. And this latter growth has benefited not only from increased numbers of second homes but also from increased tourism, involving both people just passing through and those whose presence is intermittent but regular. By contrast, certain other areas have more difficulty attracting tourists – areas that are saddled with former or still active industrial spaces, for instance – because they do not fit the description of regions that public authorities seek to promote.

Tourism is the point of intersection among the various domains we have mentioned. Favorable to the increase in luxury commerce, the expansion of tourism during the last twenty years has also been one of the most important factors in heritage creation in France. High-end tourism benefits from the transformation of an ever-increasing number of buildings into historical monuments and of spaces into “sites of memory.” This transformation, which could be called “staging for tourism,” takes place through a shift from “raw” places to places endowed with a story, one that is usually developed by professional historians and that offers visitors an “experience”⁶¹ as soon as it is staged; digital technologies help to produce an “augmented reality.” The effectiveness of these stories makes it possible to attract tourists to spaces that may not be intrinsically very attractive, not well endowed with either monuments or sunshine, but that are, for example, sites of former battlegrounds, especially those from the First World War.

In this spirit, many studies in the field of tourist management seek to highlight the “cultural assets” of a country such as France, where tourist facilities are expensive, so as to distinguish their own country from less expensive ones: not only those of the southern hemisphere, which are reputed, according to this marketing logic, to have “nothing to offer but sea and sun,” but also those of Southern Europe, which can boast of both cultural offerings and an attractive climate.⁶² To “mass tourism,” which has undergone a process of standardization inspired by industrial norms, marketing agencies thus contrast “cultural tourism,” associated with the definition of “world heritage,” whose conception and promotion have benefited from the interest of major international organizations – for example, UNESCO, the World Tourism Organization, and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) – and which has been associated with the definition of “world heritage.”⁶³ Constructed in opposition to “mass tourism,” which is denigrated on the basis of its indifference to “cultural” properties and the fact that, given a favorable climate, its touristic offerings can be realized almost anywhere provided sufficient investments are made, “cultural tourism” is supposed to add to the features generally associated with tourism – comfort, availability, and security – personal involvement and experience, a sense of adventure, surprises, unexpected encounters, and so on, characteristics that have nourished the imagery of “travel” since the Romantic era.⁶⁴ Initially organized around the “cult” of “historical monuments,” seen as concentrations of culture, the notion of cultural tourism has been extended to a much broader range of places by the use of the term “culture” in a sense close to the one it has in ethnology and folklore studies. According to that logic, attested by the Cultural Tourism Charter developed by ICOMOS in 1999 (replacing the 1976 charter focused on monumentality), cultural tourism is linked to an expansive definition of patrimony, so that it now includes “all aspects considered proper to a society and an environment,” with a stress on the themes of diversity (including biodiversity) and identity.⁶⁵

The marketing of cultural tourism has closely followed this institutional turn, and it is no longer oriented exclusively toward officially recognized sites or “monuments”; while these have the advantage of making it less possible to substitute other products for those on offer and thus limiting the competition, they are relatively few in number. Tourist agencies have definitively expanded the term “culture.” Thus, in a brochure published by the Malaga Chamber of Commerce designed to promote cultural tourism in the Mediterranean region, we find this definition: “Cultural tourism means traveling to places that are different from one’s usual residence, motivated by the desire to know, understand, and study other cultures: a voyage rich in experiences through cultural activities.”⁶⁶ In the case of international tourism, one of the goals of cultural tourism is to increase the proportion of profits that go to service providers from the destination country in relation to the proportion destined for the companies – generally based in the country of origin – that organize the trip or the visit. While a tourist staying in a vacation camp or traveling entirely under the auspices of an international tourism company contributes little to the destination country, tourists seeking “authentic” cultural experiences must move about in a more autonomous fashion, so that their expenses will be distributed throughout the territory they visit.

Seen in this context, ordinary objects can take on value and arouse interest among tourists, all the more so if their “traditional” production is on display during visits to workshops or businesses; this then becomes “craft tourism,” promoted in France by the Association pour la visite d’entreprise (Association for Visits to Businesses).⁶⁷ This process of valorization is appropriated more and more often by community members who adopt for themselves the perspective initially brought to bear on them by external observers and make an effort to shape their everyday practices and objects accordingly. They may revert to making things in the ancestral manner, both to affirm a reconstructed identity⁶⁸ and to sell their products to tourists; the latter, in search of authenticity and exoticism, are looking for objects that can be brought home and added to collections.⁶⁹ Hence the trend in lesser-known or quite unexpected places toward “greeters,” who offer tourists individualized visits in which the greeters’ personal stories and the community’s history are merged.

Responding to the demand for security is a central concern for cultural tourism, for security is also a primordial economic requirement. The task has two principal aspects. The first, a more or less conventional aspect, consists in keeping the most heavily visited places free of deviants deemed potentially dangerous, unpleasant, or even morally disturbing – such figures as pickpockets and beggars, Roma, mentally ill persons, itinerants, drug addicts, or alcoholics. But, beyond that, more generally, places celebrated for their beauty, charm, or traditional character must keep at a distance everyone who might affect their quality, which is associated with a certain “lifestyle” and a certain “know-how”: poor foreigners need to be excluded, for example, and even the poor in general, at least when they are not “typical” of the locality. But security questions affect the workings of a tourist economy even more urgently when a country is threatened by terrorist acts such as those that occurred in London in 2005 and in Paris in 2015, in January and again in November.⁷⁰ Such acts, as their name indicates, aim to leave people feeling terror-stricken and shell-shocked.⁷¹ And few groups are as susceptible to fear as tourists, on the one hand because they travel to other countries precisely in search of calm, luxury, sensuality, and even a peace that they do not always find in their home countries, and on the other hand because, without social ties in the country they are visiting, they are easily disoriented and led astray.