Читать книгу Maurice Duplessis - Marguerite Paulin - Страница 15
Оглавление“Can you tell me why a “po-at” would bother going into politics?”
Maurice slaps his knee, a gin in one hand and a cigar smoking away in an ashtray. In his suite at the Château Frontenac, he is entertaining his friend Hortensius Béique, who is talking to him about Paul Gouin.
“You know, Maurice, maybe he’s a poet, but I hear that he is recruiting people who are unhappy with the Taschereau regime.”
“You don’t have to spell it out for me. I already know what Lomer’s son is cooking up. He should stay with his scribbling. I’ve read his book, Médailles anciennes. Have you ever heard of a guy who wants to become premier and writes: “Your hands blackened with gunpowder, O Virgin from Verchères, wear bloodstains instead of rubies!” A premier who writes books can’t be taken seriously!”
Maurice Duplessis during the 1920s, at the beginning of his political career.
Since 1932, the rumours circulating about a third political party in Quebec have gathered momentum. A solution to alleviate poverty is being sought. Endemic poverty has destroyed a whole generation’s dream of happiness. Public works programs and direct aid have proved inadequate. The worst off have even begun to hope that a war, like that of 1914, will jumpstart the economy. Where to find a job? The Saint Vincent de Paul Society is doing their best to look after needy families, handing out a meagre pittance. In winter, children are out begging in the streets. Moved by the appalling poverty in certain neighbourhoods of Montreal, pharmacist Émile Coderre, under his pen name Jean Narrache, publishes in 1932 his bestseller Quand j’parl’ tout seul [When I’m Talking to Myself]. Yes, there are many little orphans with “dresses thin as paper.” In Ottawa and Quebec City, governments remain deaf to the cries of distress and sorrow of the destitute.
In Quebec, new ways of thinking are taking root and opposition groups are springing up. The Montreal École sociale populaire denounces the excesses of capitalism and promotes corporatism. Some people are attracted by fascist ideas that are currently fashionable. In Europe, isn’t Mussolini considered to be the saviour of Italy? And in Germany, has not the Nazi dictatorship found a solution to unemployment? In their search for an authoritarian and messianic leader, will people here succumb to the temptation of the Right?
Some prefer tolerance to demagogic solutions, and they are coming up with daring ideas. These people, dissatisfied with the status quo, gather around Paul Gouin, the lawyer who has been asked to lead a new progressive movement. He is joined by dissatisfied Liberals as well as the disciples of Lionel Groulx and Dr. Philippe Hamel from Quebec City. Gouin lays out a program that emphasizes co-operation and reform destined to bring about the economic and social recovery of Quebec. Among these measures is a plan for colonization, creation of a farm credit, and electrification of the rural areas. Nationalization of the electricity trusts is a project dear to Dr. Hamel. On July 28, 1934, Maurice Duplessis opens the newspaper: the program of the Action Libérate Nationale fills a whole page. He phones Paul, son of Arthur Sauvé. This member from Two Mountains is one of his most faithful lieutenants.
“Did you read the latest ravings of Gouin and his clique? Word for word, it’s the program of the École sociale populaire founded by the Jesuit Papin Archambault! They trumpet all kinds of reforms: agriculture, commerce, finance, and even the elections. Absolute insanity. The world turned upside down. I’ve always said that intellectuals know nothing about politics.”
Maurice is not worried. How could voters possibly think of supporting the Action Liberale Nationale since he, Maurice, has the best political platform? In the Assembly, his weapon is always good old common sense when he attacks the Taschereau government. The previous week, he accused the Liberals of favouring Dominion Stores because they are being given tax credits. He defended the small grocers who were being victimized by the trusts.
“I’m telling you. Paul Gouin better go take a flying leap. The real opposition is us, the Conservatives. Did you phone Bona Arsenault? I have to go to New Carlisle. I hope he’s prepared a good presentation speech.”
When Premier Taschereau announces the date of the election, Maurice has already been campaigning for a month. From Baie-du-Febvre to Sainte-Anne-de-Beaupré, he is criss-crossing the province. Thousands acclaim him. When he accuses the Liberal regime of bankrupting the province, or when he preaches the return to the land, Duplessis tells people what they want to hear. Cities are places of perdition, the Church is the guardian of our traditions, only the Conservatives can fight the monopolies.
Surrounded by his loyal MLAs, the leader of the Opposition uses every trick in the book. Theatrical, funny, he draws crowds. They stream into church basements or parks to hear Maurice denounce Taschereau and his deceitfulness. More than two hundred speeches. The pre-electoral tour of 1934 is a foretaste of next year’s campaign. “It seems that the Action Libérale Nationale…” If by chance Duplessis hears these words, he snaps back: “The Bleus are the only opponents of the Rouges. This movement doesn’t even qualify as a political party. Its members are dreamers, charlatans. There’s nothing serious about them!”
As for Paul Gouin, he too is hard at work. He too attends electoral rallies. Less brilliant than Duplessis, he has nevertheless surrounded himself with a team of men who believe strongly in their ideas. Dr. Philippe Hamel, among others, is one of the more fervent proponents of bringing electricity to all of Quebec. There is no doubt in his mind that private companies such as Shawinigan Water and Power are dipping into the province’s greatest natural wealth: water. The time has come to rein in this monopoly. If the Action Libérale Nationale (ALN) takes power, the Assembly will bring in a law to nationalize electricity. The idea is very attractive indeed.
Even if Duplessis publicly opposes any kind of alliance with this newly emerging political party, privately he is more prudent. There must not be three parties in the upcoming election. How to stop Gouin and his Action Libérale Nationale party from forging ahead?
At the traditional year-end banquet held in the festive red-and-gold ballroom of the Château Frontenac Hotel, the Conservatives gather around their leader. Enthusiasm has never run so high. Victory has never been so close. Maurice is more discreet. He is weighing his party’s chances of success. And they are good. They would be better if the son of Lomer Gouin were not in the picture. Paul Sauvé lifts his glass to toast Maurice’s health.
“Come on, Maurice, you look worried,” says Sauvé, who comes over and sits down beside him.
“Did you listen to the radio broadcasts of the Action Libérale Nationale?” Maurice asks.
“On Radio-Canada? A few times… I’m not always free Sunday evenings between seven and seven-thirty. They have been airing them for almost three months now. But I’ve heard about them,” replies Sauvé.
“Paul, my friend, let me just say one thing: radio is a very effective weapon. We’ll have to start using it. We can’t allow our opponents to monopolize the airwaves. Look at Roosevelt. He’s been president for the past two and a half years and you can hear him everywhere. He is a good model for our party. His idea of a “New Deal” is to put people to work on big public projects… We should introduce a similar program here.”
“Maurice, Maurice…”
Hortensius Béique joins Sauvé and Duplessis.
“Tell us what the Empire State Building was like, Maurice?”
