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The year is for us a numerical quantity of 365 or 366 days. But we speak of the year in two senses, first as the calendar year beginning on New Year’s Day, and secondly as the current year, a period of the same number of days beginning at one chosen day, as for instance in giving a person’s age. The word ‘year’ may however also represent the highest chronological unit even independently of the seasons, as in the case of the Egyptian shifting year of exactly 365 days, and the Islamite lunar year of 354. These however are exceptional cases. At the basis lies the natural year conditioned by the course of the sun and by the natural phases dependent thereon, which penetrate closely into the life of man. This connexion has necessitated the agreement of the numerical year with the sun, whence arises a situation very inconvenient for reckoning, namely that years of a varying number of days have to be accepted, since the natural year does not contain a whole number of days.

The year as a numerical quantity is only the tardily attained summit of development, and the connexion with the natural year has always been so strongly felt that, except in certain cases such as the Egyptian and Islamite years, the chronological year has had to adjust itself accordingly. Here also we see the point of departure, the natural phenomena which are in the end dependent upon the course of the sun, such as the variation between heat and cold, verdure and snow, rainy season and drought, the blooming and withering of vegetation, between the different trade-winds or monsoons, between abundance and scarcity of food. With these and similar concrete phenomena the time-reckoning is from its origin bound up, and is at first discontinuous, i. e. it fixes the attention solely on the phenomena in question, and not on the year as a whole. The fusion of the various seasons into the circle of the year is arrived at only by degrees: the year is at first counted by the pars pro toto method. The process is therefore similar to that already found in the discussion of the day.

It must be granted as a premise to our investigation that when we speak of ‘seasons’ not only the larger divisions of the year are to be understood by the word—those which alone of all the natural epochs of the year are current among us to-day—but also smaller divisions which might perhaps be called seasonal points; for instance the times of cherry-blossoming and hop-picking are also seasons. Such short—often very short—seasons are not distinguished in any important feature from the longer: the difference only arises from the longer or shorter duration of the phenomena in question. The Hidatsa Indians describe any period thus marked by a natural occurrence, be it long or short, the hot season or the season of strawberries, by the same word, kadu, ‘season’, ‘time’ (of the occurrence), and the longer seasons include shorter[198].

We begin with these shorter seasons since they are more foreign to us: to primitive man however they are of extreme importance, since in the absence of a regular calendar they afford the only means he knows of determining the shortest periods of the natural year, in so far as they are connected with this. A time-determination of this nature is important not so much for giving the date of any occurrence as for establishing beforehand the time of certain occupations, e. g. sowing or a festival.

The classical instance is afforded by the peasants’ maxims of Hesiod. The cry of the migrating cranes shews the time of ploughing and sowing[199]. If one sows too late, the crop may still thrive if Zeus sends rain upon it on the third day after the cuckoo has called for the first time in the leaves of the oak (486). Before the appearance of the swallow, the messenger of spring, the vines should be pruned (568). But when the snail climbs up the plants there should be no more digging in the vineyards (571). When the thistle blossoms and the shrill note of the cicada is to be heard, summer has come, the goats are at their fattest, and the wine is at its best (582). The sea can be navigated when the fig-tree shews at the end of its branches leaves which are as big as the foot-prints of the crow (679). Especially well-known and beloved as a sign that the hard winter was over was the swallow: evidence is afforded by the famous procession of the Rhodian swallow-youths[200], and by a vase-decoration clearly expressing the delight felt at the appearance of the herald of Spring[201]. The observation of the birds of passage was very useful for this kind of time-determination: Homer already knows it, ‘when the cranes flee the winter’, he says[202], so also Theognis: “I hear, son of Polypais, the voice of the shrill-crying crane, even her who to mortals comes as harbinger of the season for ploughing”[203]. Aristophanes makes his birds boast of it:—

“All lessons of primary daily concern

You have learnt from the Birds, and continue to learn.

Your best benefactors, and early instructors,

We give you the warning of seasons returning.

When the Cranes are arranged, and muster afloat

In the middle air, with a creaking note,

Steering away to the Libyan sands,

Then careful farmers sow their lands;

The crazy vessel is hauled ashore,

The sail, the ropes, the rudder, and oar

Are all unshipped, and housed in store.

The shepherd is warned, by the Kite reappearing,

To muster his flock, and be ready for shearing.

You quit your old cloak at the Swallow’s behest,

In assurance of summer, and purchase a vest”[204].

Similar time-determinations from natural phenomena are still not entirely neglected by the modern peasant. In Bohuslän (W. Sweden) the sowing-time was at hand when the swallow had come, it was the right sowing-time when the juniper flowered. In northern Scania (S. Sweden) the barley was to be sown when the hawthorn was in bloom. Older people could not give their birthdays but only knew that they were born e. g. at the rye- or potato-harvest, when the cattle were first driven out to pasture (in the spring), etc. My father knew quite well that his birthday was the fifth of September, but when anyone asked him when he was born he would generally answer: ‘When they pick hops’. The Eskimos said that such and such a person was born when eggs were collected or seals caught[205]. From modern Palestine a bond is quoted in which a sum of money was to be paid when next the fakûs (a kind of cucumber) was ripe[206].

We return to the primitive peoples and give first a few examples in which a natural phenomenon serves as the sign of the beginning of one of the longer divisions of the year or of some occupation, generally agriculture. Of the Bushmen we are told that they paid particular attention to the time at which the first thunder-storm broke. They hailed it with great joy since they counted it a sure sign that summer had commenced. In the midst of their excessive rejoicing they tore in pieces their garments of skins, threw them into the air, and danced for several nights in succession. The Garieb Bushmen made great outcries accompanied with dancing and playing upon their drums[207]. The Banyankole of Uganda used the euphorbia trees to guide them as to the nearness of the rainy season: when these trees began to shoot out new growth they knew that the rains were near[208]. The Indians of the Orinoco took great pains to determine the approach of the rainy season, as Gilij relates in a chapter entitled: De segni, che precedon l’inverno[209]. The signs were:—The scream of the Araguato monkeys at midnight or at the approach of day; the sudden bursting into blossom of certain trees; the swelling of the brooks, which almost dry up in summer but swell a few days before the rainy season; the yams which in summer have lost their leaves suddenly grow green again when the rainy season is at hand; finally the heliacal setting of the Pleiades. The tribe of the Bigambul in S. E. Australia reckon the seasons from the blossoming of certain trees. Yerra, for example, is the name of a tree that blossoms in September: this time of the year is therefore called yerrabinda. The apple-tree blossoms at Christmas time, which is called nigabinda. The iron-bark tree blossoms about the end of January, and this time is called wobinda. The height of summer however is named by them ‘the time when the ground burns the feet’: at this time no trees blossom[210]. The natives of New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) determine the planting-season from the buds of certain trees and from the position of certain stars[211]. In Alu (Solomon Islands) one division of the year is determined from the bloom on the almond, another from the Pleiades[212]. The time for the sun-dance of the Kiowa Indians is determined by the whitening of the down on the cotton-plant[213]. One of the annual festivals of the Society Islands is regulated by the blossoming of the reed[214].

Instances are numerous in which phenomena like those mentioned by Hesiod serve as signs for agricultural labour. The Indians of Pennsylvania say that when the leaf of the white oak, which comes out in spring, is as large as a mouse’s ear it is time to plant maize: they note that the whippoorwill has come by then, and is constantly fluttering round them calling out his Indian name wekolis in order to remind them of planting-time, just as if he were saying ‘hacki heck’, ‘go and plant maize’[215]. Among the Thonga the period in July when the warm weather begins is called shimunu, ‘the little heat’: the mahogany and sala trees become covered with leaves, certain flowers blossom. Winter has passed away, soon the summer will come. When the Thonga woman notes these signs she picks up her hoe and sets off for the hills or the marshes to make the fields ready. In January comes nwebo, the time for the first ears of maize to ripen[216]. Among the Ba-Ronga January is nuebo, the time of the first ripe ears: great pains are taken to keep away the birds from the sorgho fields, and therefore one period is known as ‘the time when the birds are driven away’[217]. When a certain mushroom named kulat bantilong appears in large quantities the Dyaks of S. E. Borneo regard it as a sign that the time for rice-planting has come[218]; among the Malgassi the blossoming of the shrub Vernonia appendiculata in November is regarded in the same way[219]. In New Zealand plants and birds which appear at regular seasons give signs of the approach of the time to begin agricultural labours. Two kinds of migratory cuckoo, Cuculus piperatus and nitens, which appear at Christmas-time on the coasts, mark the period of the first potato-harvest. The flowering of the beautiful Clematis albida reminds the people to dig over the soil for the planting of potatoes, which is done in October[220]. According to the communication of a native, the Basutos reckon time by the changing of the seasons, the birth-times of animals, the annual variation and growth of plants, but also by the stars and the moon[221]. The most curious method is one common among the Hidatsa Indians, who reckon from the development of the buffalo calf in utero[222]. Such signs may also serve to mark off the longer seasons: the Tunguses begin summer with the time when the grayling spawns, and winter with the time when the first good squirrel is caught[223].

The examples hitherto given are only single instances intended to make clear the manner and signification of this method of indicating time. Similar starting-points for reckoning are afforded the whole year through, and as their times are fixed in regard to each other, they may form a sort of calendar. The statements made for the extremely primitive Andamanese give a very characteristic circle of occupations throughout the year, though here we have to do not with names of seasons but with the phenomena and business of the year, which our authority gives according to the European calendar. January: much honey; two kinds of wild fruit ripen and are gathered. February: two other kinds of wild fruit, also a tuber; the inhabitants of the coastal districts catch the dujong and also a few turtles; the older folk make out of bark turtle-nets, cables, and lines for harpoons. March: still another two kinds of wild fruit ripen, wild honey is abundant. April: many visits of neighbouring tribes; fruit is scanty, there is only one kind ripe, the honey is finished, the bread-fruit has not yet ripened. From May to August the ripe bread-fruit forms the principal food. In June many cases of death occur since the men in their boar-hunting expeditions in the forest sleep without shelter. In August certain white caterpillars which live in the decaying tree-trunks are a favourite dish. From August to October boats are built. In November the people are particularly merry. The turtle-catch is productive, the weather is pleasantly cool, there is little rain, and shelter is not necessary. Different tribes visit one another and feast and dance together[224].

How upon such a foundation a number of seasons may be built up is shewn by a comparison with an instructive account referring to the Eskimos of the Ungava district of Labrador. The seasons have distinctive names and are again sub-divided into a great number of shorter seasons. There are more of these during the warmer weather than in winter. The reason is obviously that the summer offers so many changes, and the winter so few. The chief events are the return of the sun, always a sign of joy to the people, the lengthening of the day, the warm weather in March when the sun has attained sufficient height, the melting of the snow, the breaking up of the ice, the open water, the time of birth of various seals, the advent of exotic birds, the nesting of gulls, eider, and other native birds, the arrival of white whales and the whaling season, salmon fishing, the ripening of salmon-berries and other species of edibles, the time of reindeer crossing the river, the trapping of fur-bearing animals, and hunting on land and water for food. Each of these periods has its special name applied to it, although several may overlap each other. The appearance of mosquitoes, sandflies, and horseflies is marked by dates anticipated with considerable apprehension of annoyance[225]. The Eskimos of Greenland reckon from the winter solstice five moons until the time when the nights become so bright that it is impossible to reckon any longer from the moon. Then they reckon by the increasing size of the young of the eider-duck and by the ripening of berries, or along the sea-coast by the departure of the tern and the fatness of the seals; when the reindeer shed the velvet from their horns they know that it is time to move into the winter houses[226].

These smaller seasons have seldom developed into an annual cycle otherwise than among some agricultural peoples[227], unless they have been fitted into the larger seasons. This is the case with the western tribes of the Torres Straits, who also determine the seasons from the stars. In the counting of the seasons they commonly begin with surlal (mid-October to the end of November). This name is given to the turtles when copulating: while in this state they float on the sea and are readily caught. The constellation known as the Shark arises. Everything is dried up, the yams are ripe. The sounding of the first thunder is the sign for planting yams. Raz (December to February) is described as ‘the time of death’, i. e. the season when the leaves die down. The first part of this season is called in Mabuiag duau-urma, ‘the falling of the cashew nuts’. There is an interval of fine weather and the wind is shifty: this coincides with Christmas-time. This is the time when the yams which have been planted begin to sprout. In Muralug this period is called malgui, which is the exact equivalent of our word ‘spring’. The next division is called dob, ‘the last of growing things’, or kusikuki, ‘medusae of the north-west’, the latter name being due to the large numbers of jelly-fish that float on the sea. The runners of the yams now grow. The time immediately after this is called purimugo, in Muralug apagap or keme. The longer season following raz is kuki, (March to May), the time when strong winds blow intermittently from the north-west, accompanied by deluges of rain, and the time of the damp heat. The appearance of the constellation dogai kukilaig (Altair, together with β, γ aquilae) heralded the beginning of this season. It has the sub-divisions kuki, kupa kuki, and gugad arai. The dry season, aibaud, forms the remaining part of the year. The south-west wind, waur, blows steadily: for this reason the first part of this period is known as waur and perhaps merits a distinctive name as much as raz. It is marked by the appearance of the constellation magi Dogai (Vega with β, γ lyrae). Food is abundant and festivals are celebrated. The divisions of aibaud are sasiwaur (‘child’, i. e. lesser south-east), piepe, tati waur (‘father’, i. e. greater south-east), and birubiru, a bird which at this time migrates from New Guinea to Australia[228].

The Kiwai Papuans who dwell on the opposite coast of New Guinea have the same star myths as the inhabitants of the Torres Straits Islands: for them, however, no smaller but only two greater seasons are mentioned[229]; on the other hand they have months[230]. The smaller seasons have clashed with the reckoning by moons, and have surrendered their names to describe the latter. They have therefore in great measure become merged in the counting of the months, which will be dealt with later. The greater seasons on the other hand, on account of their length, could not be merged in the reckoning by months, and these have therefore everywhere remained. The number of the longer seasons varies considerably, and is of course connected not only with the climatic conditions but also with the fundamental phenomena which for one reason or another attract attention; a larger season may also be divided into two or three smaller ones.

It may be taken for granted that all peoples outside the tropics, even where it has not been thought necessary expressly to mention the fact, know the two larger divisions of the year, the warmer and colder seasons. Where the plants die in winter and the trees lose their leaves, or where the snow covers the ground, this great difference becomes especially pronounced and determines the whole mode of life: but even in the sub-tropical regions it is obvious enough. To it corresponds in many parts of the tropics and sub-tropical zones the natural division into a dry and a rainy season. For the division into the summer period of vegetation and winter with its snow and ice it is superfluous to give examples: the above-quoted description of the year of the Labrador Eskimos is a typical instance. Swanton and Boas state that certain Indian tribes of N. W. America divide the year into two equal parts of six months each, summer extending from April to September, and winter from October to March[231]. The Comanches reckon by the cold and the warm seasons[232]. I give a few instances from districts in which a winter of this nature does not exist. Among the Hopi of Arizona the year has two divisions—there seems to be no equivalent to our four seasons—which may be termed the periods of the named and the nameless months: the former is the cold period, the latter is the warm. They may also be called the greater and the lesser periods, since the former begins in August and ends in March[233]. The Zuñi of western New Mexico also divide the year into two periods of six months each[234]. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have the same number of seasons[235]. The natives of Central Australia have names for summer and winter[236].

In the tropics there is often only one rainy and one dry season, with two divisions of the year corresponding to these. On the Orinoco there are summer and winter, i. e. the dry and the rainy seasons. In Maipuri the dry season is called camoti, ‘the glowing splendour of the sun’, and the rainy season canepó. Among the Tamanacho winter is called canepó, ‘rain’, ‘rainy season’, summer is vannu, ‘crickets’, since these insects chirp incessantly to the end of the season[237]. The Tupi have expressions for dry and rainy seasons but not for the year as a whole. The Bakairi reckon by the semesters of the dry and the rainy seasons[238]. The Karaya of Central Brazil reckon the year from one fall of the river to another. They thereby distinguish two seasons, the dry season when they live on the sand-banks, and the rainy season when they live on the upper banks of the river[239]. The Wagogo of E. Africa divide the year into two halves: kibahu, the dry season, about May-October, and kifugu, the rainy season, November to April[240]. So also the Nandi: iwotet, rainy season, March-August, and kement, dry season, September-February[241]; further the tribes of Loango[242], the Bantu tribes of the Congo State[243], and the Cross River negroes of the Cameroons[244]. The Tshi-speaking peoples divide the year into two periods: the smaller hohbor, from May to August, and the larger from September to April[245]. Among the Akamba the year consists of two rainy seasons separated by two dry periods: ambua anzwa, ambua ua[246]. Where this natural division prevails, however, the half-year is often put in the place of the year[247].

The Javanese have a dry and a rainy period which include six of their seasons[248], and so have the Islamite Malays of Sumatra[249]. The Polynesians divide the year throughout into two greater periods. Their seasons were in general two, the rainy season or winter, and the dry season or summer, but varied according to the situation of the particular group of islands north or south of the equator. On the Society Islands they embraced the months of May-November and November-May respectively. On the Sandwich Islands the rainy season, hooilo, lasted from about Nov. 20 to May 20, the dry season, kau, from May 20 to Nov. 20[250]. We shall find later that both seasons were named and regulated according to the visibility or invisibility of the Pleiades. Other writers also give information for Hawaii. When the sun moved towards the north, the days were long, the trees bore fruit, and the heat was prevalent: it was summer; but when the sun moved towards the south, the nights became longer and the trees were without fruit: it was winter[251]. Kau was the season when the sun was directly overhead, when daylight was prolonged, the trade-wind prevailed, days and nights alike were warm, and the vegetation put forth new leaves. Hooilo was the season when the sun declined towards the south, the nights grew longer, days and nights were cool, and the herbage (lit. vines) died away: each had six months. On Kauai Island the seasons were called mahoe-mua and mahoe-hope[252]. In Tahiti the bread-fruit can be gathered for seven months, for the other five there is none: for about two months before and after the southern solstice it is very scarce, but from March to August exceedingly plentiful. This season is called pa-uru (uru = ‘bread-fruit’)[253]. The recurring scarcity of bread-fruit shewed the changes in the course of the year, but the Pleiades afforded a surer limit[254]. In Samoa one authority gives the wet season, ending in April, and the dry season, which comes to an end with the palolo fishing in October[255]; another vaipalolo, the palolo or wet season from October to March, and toe lau, when the regular trade-winds blow, embracing the other months[256]; a third the season of fine weather—in which however much rain falls in some localities—and the stormy season, when it rains heavily[257]. The importance of agriculture is so great that the seasons in following it may sometimes depart from the changes of the climate. The Bontoc Igorot have two seasons which however do not mark the wet and dry periods, as might be expected in a country where these two periods occur: cha-kon is the season of rice or ‘palay’ growth and harvesting, ka-sip the remaining portion of the year[258]. In the New Hebrides the year is divided into two parts, the periods of yam-planting and harvesting[259].

In certain localities the atmospheric conditions are such that two divisions of the year may be distinguished according to the winds, as for instance in the Marshall Islands, where there are the months of calm and the months of squalls[260]. More commonly two seasons are given by the variation of the monsoons, as on the island of Bali, east of Java: in each case there were six homonymous months. The Kiwai Papuans have uro, the comparatively dry season of the south-east monsoon (April-December), and the time of the prevailing north-west wind, hurama, a period of alternating calms, storms of wind and rain, and thunder[261]. A native judge from the island of Vuatam in the Bismarck Archipelago remarked that the north-west trade blew throughout the time when the sun was southerly, that is from November to February, but during the time in which the sun moved in a northerly direction, May to August, the south-east monsoon prevailed. On Valam it is said that the south-east monsoon blows as long as the sun sets WNW, i. e. from May to August: from the month of November to February, when it sets WSW, the north-west trade blows[262]. In Rotuma or Granville Island near the equator periods of six months are reckoned. The west wind, which blows from October to April, serves to distinguish these two periods, although it does not affect the vegetation[263]. The people of the Nicobar Islands reckon by the south-west monsoon (November to April)[264]. The Benua-Jahun of the Malay Peninsula distinguish the half-year of the north monsoon and that of the south monsoon[265].

It would seem that the whole year might easily arise through the fusion of these two larger periods: that this is not the case will be shewn in the following chapter.

These half-years are as a rule well defined, but the natural conditions upon which they depend are subject to fluctuation, and in particular there are transitional periods the position of which cannot be certainly decided. Moreover smaller characteristic periods arise within the larger, and hence more seasons appear. Elsewhere the natural conditions are such that they directly lead to more than two seasons, e. g. where there are two different rainy seasons in the year. From these circumstances it becomes plain that a fluctuation between a larger or smaller number of seasons is possible, and indeed it often actually occurs. The seasons that adhere to natural phenomena are never clearly defined like a division of the calendar: the limits are uncertain, different seasons may be merged into one another or in part overlap one another, as has been shewn in the case of the Eskimos of Labrador.

Among the Eskimos of the Behring Strait the year is often divided into four seasons corresponding to the usual occupations, but these divisions are indefinite and irregular in comparison with the reckoning by months[266]. Of the Indians in general it is said that as a rule four seasons are recognised and have specific names applied to them (apart from the tribes that have two). In many cases however the latter may split up both summer and winter into two subdivisions: this is stated e. g. for the Chocktaw of Louisiana[267]. The Siciatl of British Columbia however have three: spring, summer, and winter[268]. The Thompson Indians of the same province group their months into five seasons, winter beginning with the first snow that stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from the valleys, generally the 2d, 3d, and 4th months, spring beginning with the disappearance of the snow, and embracing the period of frequent Chinook winds, 5th and 6th months, summer 7th, 8th, and 9th months, early autumn (Indian summer) 10th and 11th months, and late fall which takes up the rest of the year[269]. The neighbouring tribe of the Shuswap recognise five seasons exactly corresponding to those of the Thompson Indians[270].

The natural phenomena from which the seasons are determined and named vary according to the geographical latitude, the nature of the country, and the mode of life, i. e. according as the tribe lives by hunting or by agriculture. Certain writers state that the Indians of Virginia divided the year into five seasons: the budding of spring, the earing of corn or ‘roasting-ear time’, summer or ‘the highest sun’, corn-gathering or ‘fall of the leaf’, and winter[271]. The Maida of northern California say that the seasons—the rainy season, the leafy season, the dry season, and the season of falling leaves—were instituted by Kodoyampeh, the Creator[272]. The Kiowa distinguished only four seasons: saigya or säta, considered to begin at the first snowfall; asegya, spring (the etymology of the word is unknown, a more recent name is son-pata, ‘grass-springing’), which begins when grass and buds sprout and the mares foal; paigya, summer (pai, ‘sun’), which begins when the grass has ceased to sprout and lasts until fires become necessary in the tipis at night; paongya, autumn (the thickening of the coat or fur, pa, of the buffalo and other animals), sometimes called ‘the time when the leaves are red’, begins when the leaves change colour[273]. It is to be noted that these seasons must be of very different length. In the same way the Dakota reckon five months each for winter and summer and only one month each for spring and autumn, but it is expressly mentioned that this reckoning is not strictly followed[274]. The Pawnee divided the year into a warm and a cold period, and also into the four seasons, each of which however was normalised to three months[275]. The account of the Comanches is somewhat indefinite: they have no computation of time beyond the seasons, which are reckoned by the rising height of the grass, the fall of the leaves, and the cold and the hot season. They very seldom reckon in new moons[276]. They have the four seasons therefore. The Indians of Chile have words for our four seasons[277].

The above-mentioned names of the five seasons are those of the Algonquins of Virginia[278]; the Occaneechi of the same district call them:—the budding or blossoming, the ripening, midsummer, harvest or fall, winter[279]. Certain agricultural tribes of the east divided autumn into early autumn, when the leaves change colour, and late autumn, when they fall, but denoted the two periods by entirely different names[280]. Agriculture is responsible for the adding of a fifth season to the four arising from the warm and the cold periods and the times of transition between these[281]. But other transitional periods between the longer seasons also arise independently[282]. The Lapps have names for the four ordinary seasons, but their language also contains compounds like ‘spring-winter’, i. e. late winter,—a compound also known in Swedish (vår-vinter)—and ‘autumn-summer’, i. e. late summer[283]. The Lapps of Västerbotten divide the year into sjeunjestie, the dark period, and tjuoikestie, the bright period. They also have four seasons:—dalvie, winter, from the freezing of the lakes till the melting of snow; geira, spring, time of snow-melting and spring floods; gese, summer, from the time when the earth becomes visible to the fading of the grass; tjatj, autumn, from this time until the lakes begin to freeze again. The Lapps speak also of talve-qvoutel, mid-winter, kese-qvoutel, midsummer, and tjaktje-kese, late summer[284].

The Yukaghir of N. E. Sibiria use more often the names of periods or the seasons of the year than the names of the months. They have six seasons. The limits of these seasons can hardly have corresponded in former times to fixed dates. Being at present baptized, they reckon the seasons of the year according to the Greek-Orthodox holidays; and thus we have the following seasons:—1, puge, summer, from St. Akulina to Mary’s Day, 13th June to 8th September; 2, nade, autumn, from the 8th of September to St. Michael’s Day, 8th of November; 3, cieje, winter, from the 8th of November to Purification, 2d of February; 4, pore, first spring, from Purification to St. George’s Day, 23d of April; 5, cille, the second spring, from the 23d of April to the beginning of snow-melting, usually to St. Nicholas’ Day, 9th of March; the name denotes the icy surface forming during the night on the snow, after having melted during the day, and is also given to a month; 6, conjile, the third spring, from the snow-melting period to St. Akulina’s Day[285].

Africa offers good examples of the fluctuation and further sub-division of the seasons. The Wagogo of East Africa divide the year into the dry season, about May to October, and the rainy season, November to April. In the latter they further distinguish the little rainy season, songola, November and December, and the greater one, itika, about February and March[286]. In the neighbourhood of Mombasa the great rains begin in April and last approximately for a month, mwaka or masika: mchoo is a week in August, and vuli a fortnight in November, with showers. Beyond the seasons the natives have little idea of the lapse of time[287]. The Wa-Sania of British East Africa have three periods of four months each, gunu, adolaia, and huggaia, but no explanation whatever of these names is given[288]. The Masai divide the rainy season into three periods, and also have four seasons of three months each:—(1) ol dumeril, the time of the lesser rains, preceding that of the great rains. The latter fall in (2) en gokwa, named after the Pleiades, which at that time rise low on the western horizon (sic!). Then follows (3) ol airodjerod, the season of the gentle after-rains, and then (4) ol ameii, the time of hunger and drought[289]. Hollis begins the list with the months of the showers, and calls the season of the great rains l’apaitin le-’l-lengon, ‘the months of plenty’, stating that the latter season, in which the setting of the Pleiades takes place in the evening, is called from these loo-’n-gokwa[290]. Among the Ewe tribes the year has three periods:—adame, March to June; keleme, July to October; pepi, November to February. In the first two much rain falls, so that work in the fields is greatly hindered. Inland the year begins in March with the yam-sowing, and ends in February. The three principal seasons include four months each. Inland keleme also includes another period, masa, September and October, the second maize-sowing. Hence the name ‘masa-corn’. Pepi is the harmattan time, in which fall yam-harvesting, grass-drying, and hunting[291]. The Yoruba divide the year into the dry season, the season of the harmattan wind, and the rainy season, the last-named being further divided into the time of the first rains and that of the last rains or ‘little rainy season’[292]. In Loango a dry and a rainy season of about 6 months each are distinguished. In many districts there is also a third season, tschimuna, the time of the ripening of favourite fruits etc., and the hot seasons are then often simply called bimuna[293].

Where two rainy seasons separated by dry seasons occur, a fuller division of the year presents itself. The Babwende have five seasons:—ntombo, from the first rains at the end of September or beginning of October to the ceasing of the great rains at the end of January; kianza, the lesser dry season, to the beginning of the great rains in February; ndolo, the latter part of the rainy season up to sivu, the dry season, which begins in June; and mbangala, in August and September, when the grass withers and is burnt up[294]. The Wadschagga count:—the great rainy season, 4 months; the time of dew, 2 months; the season of heat, about 2 months; the so-called lesser rainy season, 1–2 months; the great heat, about 3 months[295]. The seasons of the Banyankole are determined by the rains. The longer period is termed kyanda and usually has six months: the lesser, akanda, has four, and there are two months called itumba. During the six months very little rain falls, then come a few days of rain followed by four months of dry weather, and after that two other months of rain[296]. A very striking example of the crossing and overlapping of the seasons is afforded by the Bakongo. They have sivu, the cold season, at the beginning of the dry season which commences about May 15; mbangala, the dry season with little or no dew, July to the middle of October, including also mpiaza, the grass-burning season, second half of July, August, and September; masanza, early light rains, latter part of October, November, and December; nkianza, short dry season, most of January and the early part of February; kundi, nsafu, fruit season, end of February to May, including kintombo, heavy rains, March, April, and nkiela, the time when the rains cease, from the beginning to the middle of May[297].

In the inland districts of Madagascar, in the neighbourhood of Antananarivo, there are properly only two seasons, a hot rainy period from the beginning of November to the end of April, and a cold dry period during the other months. However four seasons are distinguished:—lohataona, ‘head of the year’, September and October, when the rice is planted and a few showers fall; fahavaratra, ‘the thunder-time’, from the early part of November to the end of February or into March; fararano, ‘the last rains’, from the beginning of March to the end of April; and ririnina, ‘time of bareness’, when the grass becomes dry, June to August. Rice is planted twice, first before the end of October and again in November or December; the first crop is ripe in January or early in February, the second about April; the two crops however are not clearly distinguished and together last about four months[298]. One name for winter is maintang, ‘the earth is dry’[299].

The Hottentots seem to keep in view the vegetation rather than the climate. Their seasons are four in number. First, early spring. When with increasing warmth, independently of the rain-fall, trees and bushes break into leaf, and in good years winter or early spring rains have revived the grass, spring or blossoming-time has come; it begins in August and ends in October. The following season, which in the upland Damara dialect is called ‘the sun-time’, embraces the first half of the hot period in which, when the year is good, the so-called lesser rains fall. If these are wanting, or, as is usually the case, are scanty, the land is for the most part desolate, without grass or herbage. This time of drought is described by the same word as the drought itself: it prevails from October to December inclusive. The season upon the productiveness of which the welfare of the Hottentots in the main depends may be called the pasture-season: it includes the period of the greater rains and the time immediately after this, when the fodder has not yet lost its freshness. It fills, loosely speaking, the period January-April, and constitutes summer and early autumn. Winter, or the cold season, May to August, embraces two-thirds of autumn and the first half of winter[300]. The Herero also have four seasons:—spring (from September onwards), summer, autumn or the rainy season, and winter[301].

In Burmah there are three seasons, though certainly they are regulated by the months: the cold season, the hot season, and the rainy season[302]. The Polynesians usually have two long seasons, but three are not unheard of. A native of the island of Molokai, in the Sandwich group, states that there the year was divided into three seasons:—maka-lii, kau, and hoo-ilo. Maka-lii was so called because the sun was then less visible, being obscured by clouds, and the days were shortened. Kau was so termed because tapa could then safely be spread out to dry. Hoo-ilo meant ‘changeable’[303]. The two main seasons are called kau and hoo-ilo. It is to be observed however that in a notice from Hawaii they are called hoo-ilo and maka-lii[304]. This shews that the number is not fixed. On the Society Islands besides the two seasons regulated by the Pleiades there were also three seasons: (1) tetau, autumn or season of plenty, the harvest of bread-fruit, commencing with December and continuing until faahu, which corresponded to January and a part of February, the time of the most frequent rains, comprising three months; (2) te tau miti rahi, the season of high sea, November to January; (3) te tau poai, the longest season, winter, the season of drought and scarcity of food, which usually extended from July to October[305]. It will however be seen that these seasons do not fill up the year, and that the second partly covers the first. Their names are taken from different phenomena of Nature. The New Zealanders distinguish four seasons:—spring, te aro aro, mahaua, te toru, ‘the time of growth’, both toru and aro aro signify ‘the shooting or springing forth of plants’, mahaua is the season of warmth; summer, raumati, waru, rehua,—raumati means ‘dead leaves’, and the summer is so called because all the trees with one exception are evergreen and shed their leaves in summer; autumn, ngahura matiti; winter, hotoke, puanga, the season when the earth is damp and gives forth her worms, which were formerly highly prized as food[306]. The seasons are regulated by the stars, puanga is the great winter star, rehu the great summer star.

The names of the greater seasons are therefore taken for the most part from the varying phases of the climate, but very often refer also to the phenomena of natural life accompanying these. The climatic phases, on account of their fluctuating duration and their limited number, afford no means of distinguishing and naming a greater number of smaller seasons: the phases of plant and animal life may be used as an equivalent and are much better adapted to this purpose, especially when to them are added the regular occupations of agriculture. In the above examples terms referring to natural life have already been found mingled with those borrowed from the climate. Where the seasons are numerous this is always the case: direct references to the climate may even be entirely lacking. These facts shew moreover that between the largest and smallest seasons there exists no difference in the main: they pass into one another without interruption through a series of intermediate stages. Such smaller seasons may be run together into the circle of the year; but this seldom occurs, since the ordinary reckoning according to lunar months has absorbed the smaller seasons, which, on account of their varying and indeterminate length, are inconvenient for reckoning, whereas the regular and definite length of the months makes them easy to reckon. It is however sometimes the case.

The Indians in general have lunar months named from natural occurrences, but not so the Luiseño of Southern California. According to P. S. Sparkman in his unpublished Dictionary of their language the Luiseño year was divided into 8 periods, each of which was again divided into two parts, distinguished as ‘large’ and ‘small’ or ‘lean’. These divisions did not represent periods of time but merely indicated when certain fruits and seeds ripened, grass began to grow, and trees came into leaf in the valley or on the mountain. The native names are given but are unfortunately not translated. Du Bois, to whom we are indebted for this information, names the parts ‘months’ (in inverted commas), and adds that the names are all taken from the physical features of different seasons. Tausunmal, about August, means that everything is brown and sear. Tovukmal refers to the little streams of water washing the fallen leaves. Tasmoimal means that the rain has come and grass is sprouting. In nemoimal the deer grow fat. The ‘months’ are marked by the rising of certain stars. The seasons have here developed into a regular calendrical cycle[307].

In reality this cycle is in no way distinguished from the succession of seasons given above: it has only been improved and regulated. This happens more particularly under the influence of agriculture; one can speak of an agricultural year the seasons of which are determined and named in accordance with agriculture. Of the Fanti of the Gold Coast it is said that they divide the year, according to the changes of the climate, into nine parts with distinct names, beginning with the harmattan wind in January and ending with the small tornadoes in December[308]. The periods however are related to agriculture, as appears from a detailed description for the countries around the Niger. The end of the rainy season and the beginning of the dry (about November) forms a kind of season by itself, and is called odun (year). The farmers go on weeding their farms to give the crops of their second harvest a chance. The dry season is divided into two sections of two months each. During the day it is very hot. The cold wind blowing from the east is called harmattan by Europeans, oye by the natives. The second crops of corn, beans, and guinea-corn are now gathered. The land is cleared for the next season’s crops, and the bush already felled is burnt. This is also the fishing season. The dry season (erun) continues for the next two months, but during the latter part of the second month the rumbling of thunder is heard and small rains fall. The preparation of the ground is continued and yam-planting begins. The rainy season may be divided into two parts separated by a little dry season: the first section consists of five lunar months of rain, the latter of two lunar months, one nearly dry month intervening. The first two months of this section of the rains are called asheroh ojo: it is the tornado season. At the beginning of this season ground-nuts and the first crop of corn are planted. In the next two months the rain-fall reaches its maximum. Towards the end of the second month it becomes possible to eat new corn. The main crop however is left standing in the fields until it becomes quite dry, which happens when the next season, the little dry season, sets in. This sub-division of the rainy season is called ago, probably because the corn has grown tall during the last month. The season called awori consists of one month of rain and the little dry season. The first crop of yams, the corn, the ground-nuts, and the gourds are gathered in. Before long the rains have ceased, the seed for the second crop of corn is sown. The two following months are called the arokuro season, and like the first two months of the rains they are tornado months. Bushes are felled in order to prepare the land for next year’s sowing, and weeding is continued[309]. The months mentioned are lunar months. An interesting feature is that the names of the seasons do not altogether coincide with the natural divisions of the climate, as the following comparison clearly shews:—odun, end of rains, beginning of dry season; erun, dry season I, II, 4 months; asheroh ojo, season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months; ago, rainy season, maximum, 2 months; awori, 1 month rain and little dry season; arokuro, season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months. The deviations are brought about, as the description shews, by the business of agriculture.

The Shilluk know the months but also divide the year into the following nine seasons:—yey jeria, about September, harvest of red dura; anwoch, about October, end of the harvest, people are waiting for white dura to ripen; agwero, about November-December, harvest of white dura begins; wudo, December to January, harvest of white dura continues; leu, January-February, the hot season, dodin, about March, in these two there is no work in the fields; dokot, about April, ‘mouth of rain’, beginning of the rains; shwer, about May-July, time for planting red dura; doria, about July-September, beginning of harvest[310]. A similar but more indefinite mode of reckoning seems to exist among the Bakairi of S. America, of whom it is said that they reckon by dry and rainy seasons, and also distinguish ‘months’ not by the moon but quite vaguely by the rain and the heat and the phases of the maize-culture[311]. Their months are given as follows:—‘hardest rain’, about January; ‘less rain’, February; ‘rain ceases’, March; ‘it (the weather) becomes good’, April; ‘wood-cutting’, May and June; July, nameless; ‘end-of-the-day-time’, August; ‘the rain is coming’, September and October; ‘the maize ripens’, November; December, nameless[312].

The agricultural year is most clearly defined among the rice-cultivating peoples of the Indian Archipelago, by whom the seasons are determined according to the state of the rice. It is said, for example, in speaking of an event, that it happened at the blossoming or harvesting of the rice[313]. Among the Bahau, a Dyak tribe of Borneo, the year is divided into eight periods according to the various kinds of labour carried on in the rice-field:—the clearing of the brushwood (to prepare the fields for cultivation), the felling of the trees, the burning of the wood felled, the sowing or celebration of the seed-time festival, the weeding, the harvest, the conclusion of the harvest, the celebration of the new rice-year[314]. The Bontoc Igorot, as has been mentioned, divide the year into two parts, the period of rice-culture and the other period. There are however other periods which vary in different villages as regards name, number, and duration, but are everywhere called after the characteristic occupations that follow one another in the course of the year. Eight of these together make up the calendar, and seven of them have to do with the rice-cultivation. Each period receives its name from the occupation which characterises its beginning, and keeps this name until the beginning of the next period, even when the occupation that characterised it had ceased some time before. To cha-kon belong:—(1) i-na-na, the first period in the year, the time, as it is said, of no more work in the rice sementeras, when practically all the fields are prepared and transplanted; in 1903 it began on Feb. 11 and it lasts about 3 months, continuing until the time of the first rice-harvest in May, in 1903 till May 2; (2) la-tub, the time of the first harvests, lasts about four weeks and ends about June 1; (3) cho-ok, the time when most of the rice is harvested, fills about 4 weeks, in 1903 till July 2; (4) li-pas, the season of ‘no more palay-harvest’, lasts for about 10 or 15 days. To the half-year ka-sip, belong:—(5) ba-li-ling, which takes its name from the general planting of camotes and is the only one of the calendar periods not named from the rice industry: it lasts about 6 weeks, or nearly to the end of August; (6) sa-gan-ma, the time when the sementeras which are to be used as seed-beds for the rice are put into condition, the earth being turned three several times, lasts about 2 months: on Nov. 15, 1902 the seed was just peeping from the kernels; the seed is sown immediately after the third turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November; (7) pa-chog, the period of seed-sowing, begins about Nov. 10; although the seed-sowing does not last many days, the period continues for 5 or 6 weeks; (8) sa-ma, the last period, in which the sementeras are prepared for receiving the young plants, and in which these seedlings are transplanted from the seed-beds, lasts nearly 7 weeks, from about Dec. 20 to Feb. 10. The Igorot often say e. g. that an event occurred in la-tub or will take place in ba-li-ling; they therefore keep these periods in mind just as a European thinks of some particular month in which an event has happened[315]. The greatly varying length of the periods is once more to be noted, and also the fact that a vacant season is made into a period (see e. g. under (7)), it being necessary to fill in the gaps so that the circle shall be continuous.

How such seasons and the year formed out of them may be developed under the influence of the improved calendar into periods of definite numbers of days is shewn by the Javanese peasant calendar which is still used in Bali and Java. The year is an embolimic year of 360 days and is divided into 12 periods of unequal length. These are:—koso, 41 days; karo, 23; katigo, 24; kapat, 24 (25)[316]; kalimo, 26 (27); kanam, 41 (43); kapitu, 41 (43); kawolu, 26 (in leapyear 27); kasongo, 25; kasapuluh, 25 (24); dasto, 23; sodo, 41. The first ten of these names are the ordinal numerals of the Javanese vernacular, the last two, according to Wilken, are corruptions of Sanskrit words. In Bali the year begins with the eleventh season (April), in Java with the winter solstice. The different divisions correspond to the following occupations and natural events:—1, the falling of the leaves, burning of dry grass, and cutting of trees for the cultivation of mountain rice; 2, beginning of vegetation; 3, blossoming of wild plants, planting of yams and other secondary crops; 4, rutting season, high winds, the rivers swell; 5, preparations for rice-planting; 6, ploughing and rice-sowing; 7, rice is planted, the canals are repaired; 8, rice grows and flowers; 9, the seeds form in the rice-plants; 10, rice turning yellow; 11, the rice-crop is ripe, harvest begins; 12, cold weather begins, the harvest is finished and the rice housed. This is almost literally translated from the language of the natives[317]. Wilken gives to certain periods a different number of days (see note 1); according to him the year has 365 days, but every fourth year is a leapyear with 366 days. The calendar was regulated in 1855 by Pakoe Boewånå III, naturally according to the Gregorian calendar: hence the variation from Crawfurd’s statements. This is the only instance of an attempt to bring a natural calendar into agreement with the demands of a modern one; it is however unpractical and inconvenient on account of the varying length of the divisions. It is still used in eastern Java and in the Tengge mountains[318].

In China, besides the lunisolar type of year, there is a division of the year into 24 parts, the names of which correspond to the climatic phenomena but are also borrowed from the phenomena of natural life. They are:—rain-water, 15 days; moving of snakes, 15 days; spring equinox, 15 days; pure brightness, 15 days; sowing-rain and dawn of summer, together 31 days; little fruitfulness (Ginzel) or little rainy season (d’Enjoy), corn in the beard, together 31 days; summer solstice, 16 days; beginning of heat, 16 days; great heat, signs of autumn, together 31 days; end of heat, white dew, together 31 days; cold dew, 15 days; autumn equinox, 15 days; hoar-frost, 15 days; signs of winter, 15 days, beginning of snow, great snows, together 29 days; winter solstice, 15 days; little cold, 15 days; great cold, 15 days; dawn of spring, 15 days[319]. Of this division Ginzel says that among the Chinese the seasons are expressed by a division of the ecliptic: they are therefore astronomical, the Chinese have no special names for the physical seasons. In former times they took the length of the astronomical year to be 365¼ days, and assumed an equal period for the course of the sun in the ecliptic; but they afterwards learnt to calculate the beginning of the divisions directly. It would be surprising however not to find underlying the present divisions old seasons which the astronomical knowledge has drawn within its scope, and which have thus been systematically developed and regulated. To decide the matter would require special knowledge which the present writer does not possess. It is to be noted moreover that the periods are connected in pairs, the odd numbers (according to Ginzel’s scheme) are called tsie, the even k’i, the joint name being tsie-k’i.

As far as the Indo-European period is concerned it seems now to be agreed that there were then three seasons: for only the roots occurring in the words hiems, ver, and summer recur in a greater number of the Indo-European languages. The much criticised statement of Tacitus about the Germans is therefore corroborated: “They know and name winter and spring and summer, but are ignorant of the name and the goods of harvest”[320]. Spring however is not equivalent to the other two seasons, for Indo-European antiquity certainly also divided the year into two parts, the cold and the warm seasons. The question whether the primitive Indo-European tribe had two or three seasons is therefore pointless, and that this is so will be readily understood by anyone who has become familiar with the overlapping and the instability of the seasons of the primitive peoples. The same phenomenon repeats itself in the addition of a fourth season. The Greeks complete the circle of the year with the three seasons winter, spring, and summer (χειμών, ἔαρ, θέρος), but in Homer the fruit-harvest, ὀπώρη, already appears with the pretensions of an independent season. Alkman has these four[321]. The principle of nomenclature is however different: the first three names are derived from climatic phenomena, ὀπώρα from the fruit-harvest. Now since four climatic periods are naturally to be distinguished—cold, warmth, and two transitional periods—the logical consequence is that the fourth season should also be referred to the climate, and indeed to the still unnamed period of transition between summer and winter. This period however does not coincide with ὀπώρα, but follows it. The latter term is therefore corrected to φθιν- or μετόπωρον; the ὀπώρα naturally persists as the fruit harvest, and Theophrastus[322] counts it in addition to the other four and thus gets five seasons. The same thing seems to have happened in the case of the Latin autumnus, although the process cannot be demonstrated. If the small seasons are included the circle may be still further extended. Thus the pseudo-Hippocratean treatise Περὶ ἑβδομάδων[323] gives seven seasons:—1, seed-time, σπορητός, from the early rising of the Pleiades to the winter solstice; 2, winter, until the late rising of Arcturus; 3, tree-planting, φυταλιά, up to the spring equinox; 4, spring; 5, summer, from the early rising of the Pleiades up to that of Sirius; 6, fruit-harvest, ὀπώρα, until the early rising of Arcturus; 7, autumn. This arrangement is certainly affected by the septenary system which pervades the treatise, but is founded on a popular basis: the smaller seasons, which otherwise pass into the greater, are given an independent position by the side of these. The system has not prevailed, it is true, but it affords a typical example of the instability of the seasons.