Читать книгу Old Boston Days & Ways - Mary Caroline Crawford - Страница 9

AT the very time when Earl Percy was entertaining Boston Tories in his house at the northerly corner of Winter and Tremont streets a man who was later to occupy that house was writing from his home on School Street a series of letters in which may be found the most racy description available of the Boston of just that period. John Andrews — for that was this man's name — was a prosperous merchant with a good deal at stake, and he was by no means hot for war when he began, in 1772, to send to his brother-in-law in Philadelphia his impressions of the trend of things.

But, as the years went on and the insolent encroachments of England increased he, as an honest man, came to range himself squarely on the side of the patriots. Yet he never gives a warped or one-sided view of the situation, and his narrative is relieved by many a touch of humor. In its way and for the limited period with which it deals, these letters are almost as enlightening as is Sewall's Diary concerning his time. I therefore give them here at some length.

Andrews believed in civic progress; with undisguised delight he writes: " March 15, 1773, our very respectable Town meeting have voted to have 300 lamps properly to light this town — a thing I have long wished for." The next day he adds to his journal letter: "I suppose you must have seen reprinted in your papers the messages passing to and from our Governor and house of Representatives respecting the most important matter of right of parliament to tax America, which have been very lengthy on both sides, frequently filling up near a whole paper. We have had an innovation here never known before — a Drum or Rout given by the Admiral past Saturday evening, which did not break up till 2 or 3 o'clock on Sunday morning, their chief amusement being playing cards."

How Sewall would have quoted Scripture after recording that! But John Andrews, characteristically, presents his gossip without comment, and runs it in, with no attempt at easy transition, hard on the heels of his politics.

The sensation aroused by the discharge upon Boston of the Hutchinson letters is very interesting as reflected in this contemporary letter: "June 4, 1773, The minds of people are greatly agitated on account of some original letters that have been sent from London to the General Court that were wrote some three or four years since by the Governor and Lieutenant Governor and Auchmuty &C., very much to the prejudice of the province, and recommending or rather urging ye necessity of all ye measures which have been lately taken with us: also pointing out the absolute necessity of taking off five or six of the leaders in the opposition, such as Otis, Adams &C enumerating their several names; without which, they say, it is impracticable to accomplish their plans. The Lieutenant Governor strongly recommends in one of his letters his son Daniel as Secretary for y" province. Thus much has transpired respecting them as they are enjoined not to be published."

Poor Hutchinson! These were private letters which he had written to friends in England, and which, having by some means fallen into the hands of Benjamin Franklin, — then agent of Massachusetts in London, — were sent by him to Hancock. The latter was quick to see in the letters a chance to fan to fever heat the smoldering resentment towards the Governor, and had given all possible publicity to the unfortunate remarks therein. The letters were printed in Boston June 16, 1773, and as a result of what the Americans insisted on reading into them a formal petition was sent to the king for the removal of their odious writer.

The militia had now come to the point of training regularly on the Common, and as Andrews sat writing his letter his eyes were "almost every moment taken off with the agreeable sight of our militia companies marching past. . . . Were you to see them you'd scarcely believe your eyes, they are so strangely metamorphos'd. From making the most despicable appearance they now vie with the best troops in his majesties service, being dressed all in blue uniforms, with drums and fifes to each company dressed in white uniforms trimmed in the most elegant manner; with a company of Grenadiers in red with every other apparatus, that equal any regular Company I ever saw both in regard to appearance and discipline, having a grand band of musick consisting of eight that play nearly equal to that of the 64th.

What crowns all is the Cadet company, being perfectly compleat and under the best order you can conceive of, with a band of musick likewise, that perform admirably well. What with these and Paddock's company of artillery make ye compleatest militia in America; . . .

In addition to all this the Town House is fitted up in the most elegant manner, with the whole of the outside painted of a stone color, which gives it a fine appearance." Enter now the dramatis persona of the famous Tea Drama! ..." Arrived Saturday evening . . . the detested Tea. What will be done with it, I can't say: but I tremble for ye consequences should ye consignees still persist in their obstinacy and not consent to reship it. They have softened down so far as to offer it to the care of the Council or the town till such times as they hear from their friends in England, but am perswaded, from the present dispositions of ye people that no other alternative will do, than to have it immediately sent back to London again. . . . Ye bells are ringing for a general muster, and a third vessel is now arriv'd in Nantasket road. Handbills are stuck up, calling upon Friends! Citizens! and Countrymen!

Several of these handbills are in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and one which was reproduced in Draper's Gazette of November 3, 1773, reads as follows: "To the Freemen of this and the neighboring towns: "Gentlemen, — You are desired to meet at Liberty Tree, this day at twelve o'clock at noon; then and there to hear the persons to whom the tea shipped by the East India Company is consigned, make a public resignation of their office as consignees, upon oath; and also swear that they will reship any teas that may be consigned to them by said Company by the first vessel sailing for London.

"O. C. Secretary.

"Show us the man that dare take this down."

On December 1, 1773, Mr. Andrews writes: "Having just return'd from Fire Club, and am now, in company with the two Miss Masons and Mr. Williams of your place, at Sam. Eliot's, who has been dining with him at Col. Hancock's and acquaints me that Mr. Palfrey sets off Express for New York and Philadelphia at five o'clock tomorrow morning, to communicate y' transactions of this town respecting the tea. . . . The consignees have all taken their residence at the Castle, as they still persist in their refusal to take the tea back. Its not only ye town, but the country are unanimous against the landing it, and at Monday and Tuesday Meetings, they attended to the number of some hundreds from all the neighboring towns within a dozen miles."

The next letter, dated December 18, 1773, was all worn to shreds when the editor of the series, Winthrop Sargent, transcribed it. Its battered condition was due, doubtless, to its having been passed from one curious hand to another. The matter in it is the most extraordinary to be found in any original document of American history.

"... Such is the calm composure of the people that a stranger would hardly think that ten thousand pounds sterling of the East India Company's tea was destroy'd the night or rather evening before last, yet it's a serious truth; and if yours together with the other Southern provinces, should rest satisfied with their quota being stor'd, poor Boston will feel the whole weight of ministerial vengeance. However, its the opinion of most people that we stand an equal chance now, whether troops are sent in consequence of it or not; whereas, had it been stored, we should inevitably have had 'em, — to enforce the sale of it.

"The affair was transacted with the greatest regularity and dispatch. Mr. Rotch, finding he exposed himself, not only to the loss of his ship but for y' value of the tea, in case he sent her back without it [the tea], without a clearance from the custom house as ye Admiral kept a ship in readiness to make a seizure of it whenever it should sail under those circumstances; therefore declined complying with his former promises, and absolutely declared his vessel should not carry it without a proper clearance could be procured or he to be indemnified for the value of her: — when a general muster was assembled, from this and all ye neighboring towns, to the number of five or six thousand, at 10 o'clock Thursday morning in the Old South Meeting House, where they passed a unanimous vote that the tea should go out of the harbour that afternoon, and sent a committee with Mr. Rotch to y' Custom house to demand a clearance, which the collector told 'em was not in his power to give, without the duties being first paid. They then sent Mr. Rotch to Milton to ask a pass from y° Governor, who sent for answer that 'consistent to the rules of government and his duty to the King he could not grant one without they produced a previous clearance from the office.' "By the time he returned with this message the candles were light in the house, and upon reading it, such prodigious shouts were made that induced me, while drinking tea at home, to go out and know the cause of it. The house was so crowded I could go no farther than the porch, when I found the moderator was just declaring the meeting to be dissolved, which caused another general shout, outdoors and in, and three cheers. What with that and the consequent noise of breaking up the meeting, you'd have thought that the inhabitants of the infernal regions had broke loose. For my part, I went contentedly home and finished my tea, but was soon informed what was going forward: but still, not crediting it without ocular demonstration, I went and was satisfied. They mustered, I'm told on Fort Hill, to the number of about two hundred, and proceeded two by two to Griffin's wharf, where . . .before nine o'clock in the evening every chest from on board the three vessels was knocked to pieces and flung over the sides. They say the actors were Indians from Narragansett.

Whether they were or not, to a transient observer they appeared as such, being cloathed in Blankets with the heads muffled, and copper color'd countenances, being each armed with a hatchet or axe and pair of pistols. . . . Should not have troubled you with this by this post hadn't I thought you would be glad of a more particular account of so important a transaction, than you could have obtained by common report.

"Sunday evening, I give you joy of your easy riddance of the banefull herb; being just informed by the arrival of the post that its gone from whence it came. You may bless your stars that you have not a H—n and board of Commissioners resident with you. I forgot to acquaint you last evening that a brig belonging to one of the consignees is at shore on ye back of Cape Cod, drove thither by a storm last Fryday week who has the last quota of Tea for this place, being 58 chests, which compleats the 400. — Am informed some Indians were met on ye road to Plimouth, which is almost fifty miles this side of Cape Cod. Its unlucky that brig has ye lamps on board for illuminating our streets. Am sorry if they are lost, as we shall be deprived of their benefit this winter in consequence of it."

The lamps were not lost. John Rowe's Diary for March 3, 1774, records: "Last evening the Lamps were Lighted for the first time — they Burnt Tolerable Well."

"April 14, 1774. Have enclosed you the anniversary oration delivered by Col. Hancock.

Its generally allowed to be a good composition and asserted to be his own production both spirited and nervous."

As a matter of fact this oration was written by Samuel Adams. That wise "mover of the puppets " saw very clearly that it would avail more to the cause if fiery arguments seemed for once to proceed from a rich and well-born gentleman like Hancock. (On another occasion Hancock read as his own a speech which had been written for him by Theophilus Parsons and, when he concluded, one of his friends hastily took the manuscript from him that the handwriting might not be observed. Hancock appears to have lent himself without scruple to these little deceptions, very likely because he really believed that the "salvation of the nation" rested upon him, and that any such expedient was, therefore, justifiable.) General Gage, upon his arrival in Boston, was given a very hearty welcome, — chiefly, as it would seem, because he was to supersede Hutchinson. Andrews describes the affair thus: "Our Militia was yesterday mustered for the reception of General Gage, who was proclaimed Governor, amid the acclamations of the people. He expressed himself as sensible of the unwelcome errand he came upon, but . . . would do all in his power to serve us. Whether they were only words or not of course can't say; am a little doubtfull. There was an elegant entertainment provided for him at Faneuil Hall, and after a number of toasts gave by him in which the prosperity of the town of Boston was included, he gave Governor Hutchinson, which was received by a general hiss. . . .

The damned arch traitor, as he is called, is very much chagrined at being superseded, as its only last Thursday when he gave orders for repairs to his houses in town and country, and upon the workman's suggestions that he would be succeeded soon, he said it was like many other reports that prevailed, for that he had all the satisfaction he could wish for or expect from home and every part of his conduct was entirely approved of, and left to his option whether to enjoy the Government or go to England."

This spectacle of a workman hinting to a royal governor that he has come about to the end of his rope is delicious, I think. It shows that the day of democracy had very nearly dawned in America.

They that dance must pay the piper, however, and Boston was to be charged a very high price for her late contumacy in the matter of the tea.

John Andrews records gloomily on June 12, 1774: "They intend to deprive us of all trade in the future. . . . Our wharfs are entirely deserted; not a topsail vessel to be seen either there or in the harbor, save the ships of war and transport, the latter of which land their passengers in this town tomorrow. Four regiments are already arrived and four more expected. How they are to be disposed of can't say. Its gave out that if the General Court don't provide barracks for 'em they are to be quartered on the inhabitants in the fall: if so I am determined not to stay."

A few months after this Andrews describes categorically what has come to be known as the Erskine incident, — the shocking conduct of fifteen officers "at a house towards New Boston improved by one of the Miss Erskines (a family noted for their hospitality and kindness to strangers, in admitting all corners to their b—d and board)," — an offence against decency which was promptly reported to Earl Percy, "who expressed himself much displeased with the officers' conduct, and said he would take effectual means to prevent the like behavior in future."

Quite a Sewall touch may be found, later in this same letter (of August 1, 1774), wherein a wedding is described at which Andrews and his wife "Ruthy" were present. "We were entertained with a very pretty collation, consisting of cold ham, cold roast beef, cake cheese &c." Then without any break Andrews continues: "Among the innumerable hardships we suffer, that of not being suffered to convey any sort of merchandize across the ferry is not the least; whereby we are necessitated to receive every kind of goods from Marblehead or Salem via Cambridge, which adds one third to the length of the way, which is attended with the expence of eight dollars a load for about 28 or 30 miles, or 40 ' lawful money at ye lowest rate it is done for. It is no uncommon thing to hear the carriers and waggoners, when they pass a difficult place in y8 road, to whip their horses and damn Lord North alternately: — ... I think myself well off to take cash enough to supply the necessary demands of my family and you may as well ask a man for the teeth out of his head as to request the payment of money which he owes you. . . . Notwithstanding which there seems to be ease contentment and perfect composure in the countenance of almost every person you meet in the streets, which conduct very much perplexes the Governor and others, our lords and masters, that they are greatly puzzled and know not what to do or how to act, as they expected very different behavior from us. I hope we shall have resolution and virtue enough to observe a steady course and not give them the least advantage by any misconduct of our own, much more to quiet any dissensions among ourselves that may tend to disturb that harmony so necessary to the welfare of us all.

"August 11. . . . The ultimate wish and desire of the high Government party is to get Samuel Adams out of the way, when they think they may accomplish every of their plans: but however some may despise him he has certainly very many friends. For not long since some persons (their names unknown) sent and asked his permission to build him a new barn, the old one being decayed, which was executed in a few days. A second sent to ask leave to repair his house, which was thoroughly effected soon. A third sent to beg the favor of him to call at a taylor's shop and be measured for a suit of cloathes and chuse his cloth, which were finished and sent home for his acceptance. A fourth presented him with a new whig, a fifth with a new Hatt, a sixth with six pair of the best silk hose, a seventh with six pair of fine thread ditto, a eighth with six pair shoes, and a ninth modestly enquired of him whether his finances want rather low than otherwise. He replyed it was true that was the case but he was very indifferent about these matters so that his poor abilities was of any service to the Publick; upon which the Gentlemen obliged him to accept of a purse containing about 15 or 20 Johannes. I mention this to show you how much he is esteemed here. They value him for his good sense, great abilities, amazing fortitude, noble resolution, and undaunted courage; being firm and unmoved at all the various reports which were propagated in regard to his being taken up and sent home notwithstanding he had repeated letters from his friends, both in England as well as here, to keep out of the way."

The gift of clothes to which Andrews here refers was for the purpose of making Adams decent for his journey to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia.

"Like the African habituated to slavery, I begin now to be a little reconciled to a loss of business and an inactive state of life," writes Andrews humorously under date of August 16, 1774. This letter is further interesting by reason of its account of an important meeting of " the Cadet company at Faneuil Hall. Col. Hancock communicated to them a letter he had received from the Secretary, by order of the Governor, dismissing him from any further service as Captain of that Company: when they passed a vote to return their Colors to his Excellency, and acquaint him that they should not in future esteem themselves as his body guard; as also to deliver their Equipage, Musical instruments &c into Colonel Hancock's keeping till some future time, being determined not to appear under any other leader while he lives, as by the establishment of the Company they have a right to choose their own officers."

Even the rather reluctant John Andrews is beginning now to see that a clash of more or less seriousness is inevitable. On August 20 he writes: "When I reflect on the unhappy situation we are in I can't but be uneasy less the trade of the town should never be reinstated again: but, on the other hand, when I consider that our future welfare depends altogether upon a steady and firm adherence to the common cause, I console myself with the thoughts that, if, after using every effort in our power, we are finally obliged to submit, we shall leave this testimony behind us, that, not being able to stem the stream, we were of necessity borne down by the torrent. You can have no just conception," he naively continues, "how sensibly I am affected in my business.

If you'll believe me (though I have got near two thousand sterling out in debts and about as much more in stock) I have not received above eighty or ninety pounds Lawful money from both resources for above two months past; though, previous to the port's being shut, I thought it an ordinary day's work if I did not carry home from 20 to 40 dollars every evening!"

An interesting glimpse of the military display in which the British then in Boston indulged is afforded by this passage in the letters.

"At sunset last evening I amused myself with a walk in the Mall, and could not but admire at the subservient honors paid his Excellency, being attended by five or six field officers and two or three aid de camps with eight orderly sergents at an awful distance in the rear: parading up the street from Sheriff Greenleaf's he met with 'Squire Edson (a mere plowjogger to look at) one of the new-fangled refugee councellors, whose townsmen at Bridgewater, after some exhortation, thought proper to send him to Coventry, nor would they even deign to sing ye psalm after his reading it, being a deacon of the parish, such is the detestation in which they are all held that refuse to resign. His Excellency, after about ten minutes earnest conversation with him, proceeded to Earl Percy's, who occupies a house at the head of Winter street, belonging to Inspector Williams. While he went in his attendants of high and low rank stood waiting at the gate like so many menial slaves. . . .

"September the 1st. Yesterday in the afternoon two hundred and eighty men were draughted from the severall regiments in the common and furnished with a day's provision each, to be in readiness to march early in the morning. Various were the conjectures respecting their destination, but this morning the mystery is unravelled for a sufficient number of boats from the Men of War and transports took 'em on board between 4 and 5 o'clock this morning, and proceeding up Mistick river landed them at the back of Bob Temple's house, from whence they proceeded to the magazine [The Old Powder House], situated between that town and Cambridge, conducted by Judge Oliver, Sheriff Phips and Joseph Goldthwait, and are now at this time (8 o'clock) taking away the powder from thence, being near three hundred barrells, belonging to the Province, which they are lodging in Temple's barn, for conveniency to be transported to the Castle, I suppose. . . . September 3, As a continuation of the other sheet must observe to you that between three and four thousand [of our men] remained upon the field in Cambridge till night, when they peaceably returned each one to his own house, but not till they had procured a written acknowledgement from Governor Oliver that he would give up his seat in Councill. . . .

They also procured a written obligation from Sheriff Phips . . . that he would not act officially in any case upon the principal of ye new establishment. It is worthy remark that Judge Lee observed to 'em, after he had made his resignation that he never saw so large a number of people together and preserve so peaceable order before in his life. . . . Sunday September the 4th The Commander in Chief asked the Lieutenant Governor how many the mob consisted of that were before his house.

He told him about four thousand, but they were not a mob by any means, but consisted of the leading men in the county and reputable substantial farmers."

Upon this incident, at the house which was afterwards the home of Elbridge Gerry and which is now a shrine for pilgrims because of its associations with James Russell Lowell, we may well pause for a moment. It is certainly one of the most remarkable chronicled by Andrews. For Thomas Oliver was a great deal of a person and by his marriage to Elizabeth Vassall he was intimately connected with all the leading Cambridge loyalists. Until 1774 Oliver had had little to do with politics and his appointment by the Crown to the post of lieutenant-governor, in that year, was at the suggestion of Hutchinson, who probably thought he would be unobjectionable to the people.

But, as lieutenant-governor, he was also presiding officer of the so-called "Mandamus Council," a body which was the special object of patriot resentment. The people were resolved Oliver should resign the post. He, accordingly, did so after the following form: "Cambridge, September 2, 1774.

"I, Thomas Oliver, being appointed by his majesty to a seat at the Council Board, upon and in conformity to the Act of Parliament, entitled An act for the better regulation of the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay, which, being a manifest infringement of the Charter rights and privileges of the people, I do hereby, in conformity to the commands of the body of the County now convened, most solemnly promise and engage, as a man of honor and a Christian that I never will hereafter upon any terms whatever accept a seat at said board on the present novel and oppressive plan of government. My house at Cambridge being surrounded by about four thousand people, in compliance with their command I sign my name "Thomas Oliver."

Governor Gage appears to have now decided that the time had come for him to move into Boston. On September 8 Andrews writes: "As the Governor, Commissioners, and indeed all the Governmental gentry have taken up their residence in town for the Winter, the 59th regiment is expected from Salem immediately.

They have fixed the colors and laid out the ground for their encampment at ye side of ye Neck near ye Windmill. Yesterday, between one and two o'clock p. m. the General, with a large Parade of attendants, took a survey of the skirts of the town; more particularly that part opposite the country shore. Tis supposed they intend to erect Batteries there to prevent any incursions of the country people from that quarter, having effectually secured the Neck by the disposition of the Field Pieces; and their caution extends so far as to have a guard patrole Roxbury streets at all hours of the night, as well as another posted at Charlestown ferry every night, after the evening gun fires."

A vivid picture of the treatment commonly meted out to the Tories is found in Andrews' letter of September 9.

"Colonel Frye of Salem . . . has resigned all his posts of honor and profit. Indeed necessity obliged him to as he and his family were in danger of starving; for the country people would not sell him any provisions, and the inhabitants, however well disposed any might be to him, dare not procure him any. . . . The present temper of the people throughout the Province is such that they won't suffer a tory to remain anywhere among 'em without making an ample recantation of his principles; and those who presume as to be so obstinate as not to comply, are obliged to take up residence in this city of refuge. . . ."

Petty attacks made upon citizens by groups of soldiers, and the great difficulty experienced by General Gage in finding workmen to build barracks for his men occupy Andrews' attention throughout the greater part of his September letters. Then, on the twenty-sixth, he writes: "Sometime this day the Governor had a conference with Col. Hancock, requesting him to use his influence with the committee to reconsider their vote respecting the barracks.

The Colonel observed to him that he had taken every possible measure to distress us: . . . He likewise told him that he had been threatened and apprehended his person was in danger, as it had been gave out that he deserved to be hanged: upon which the Governor told him that he might have a guard, if he chose it, to attend him night and day. You will naturally conclude that he declined accepting. . . .

"September 27th. At four o'clock yesterday afternoon, the workmen all packed up their tools and left the barracks, frames &c; so that I am apprehensive we in the town will feel ill effects of it, as it has been given out that the troops will force quarters next month, if barracks are not provided for 'em; neither should I blame them for so doing, as the nights are so cold already that it's impossible for 'em to sleep comfortable under their slight canvas tents. And as to empty houses, now since we have got so many refugees among us, there is not half sufficient to hold what troops we have got already here. After the carpenters had left off work, the General sent Col. Robinson and Major Sheaffe to Mr. Hancock to let him know [that] if they would proceed with the barracks, he [Gage] could suffer anything to be transported within the limits of the harbour, under the sanction of King's stores; but all would not avail, — as they very justly supposed, that after the work was compleated he would withdraw the indulgence, as he deems it"ill. A delightful snap-shot of Yankee character is given us by Andrews under the date of October first.

"It's common for the Soldiers to fire at a target fixed in the stream at the bottom of the Common. A countryman stood by a few days ago and laughed very heartily at the whole regiment's firing and not one being able to hit it. The officer observed him and asked why he laughed? Perhaps you'll be affronted if I tell you replied the countryman. No, he would not, he said. Why then says he, I laugh to see how awkward they fire. Why, I'll be bound I hit it ten times running. Ah! will you, reply'd the officer; come try: Soldiers, go and bring five of the best guns and load 'em for this honest man. Why, you need not bring so many: let me have any one that comes to hand reply'd the other but I choose to load myself. He accordingly loaded and asked the officer where he should fire? He replied to the right — when he pulled trigger and dropped the ball as near the right as possible. The officer was amazed and said he could not do it again, as that was only by chance. He loaded again. Where shall I fire? To the left — when he performed as well as before. Come! once more, says the officer.

— He prepared the third time, — where shall I fire naow? In the center. He took aim and the ball went as exact in the middle as possible.

The officers as well as soldiers stared, and tho't the Devil was in the man. Why, says the countryman, I'll tell you naow. I have got a boy at home that will toss up an apple and shoot out all the seeds as it's coming down! . . .

"One more anecdote, Bill, and I'll close this barren day. When the 59th regiment came from Salem and were drawn up on each side of the Neck a remarkable tall countryman, near eight feet high, strutted between 'em at the head of his waggon, looking very sly and contemptuously on one side and t'other; which attracted the notice of the whole regiment. — Ay, ay, says he, you don't know what boys we have got in the country. I am near nine feet high and one of the smallest among 'em."

Poor Gage was made miserable by such countrymen as that. Their resourcefulness and touchiness was amazing, and, of course, they took a wicked joy in harrying him. "They are continually sending Committees upon one errand or another," records John Andrews, "which has caused the Governor to say that he can do very well with the Boston Selectmen, but the damned country committees plague his soul out, as they are very obstinate and hard to be satisfied. This day (October 5, 1774) a deputation of twelve came to town with a very spirited remonstrance from the body of Worcester County, which consists of five and forty towns; where they have incorporated seven regiments consisting of a thousand men each, chose their officers and turn out twice a week to perfect themselves in the military art — which are called minute men, i. e. to be ready at a minute's warning with a fortnight's provision, and ammunition and arms. ... At Newbury bridge they have got an Old Man fixed with a drum, who, as soon as he observes a government man enter, parades with his drum beating and proclaims through the town, ' a tory come to town.' "October 14 A committee from the provincial Congress waited upon the Governor this afternoon, with an address or remonstrance.

He treated them very politely but would not allow it to be read to him. He told them he would consider whether he could admit of an address from a provincial congress. Colonel Lee of Marblehead, their chairman, told him that admit or not admit, times were such now that something must be done and that it was highly necessary that they should be heard and regarded. Upon which his Excellency told him he would take it as a favor if he would leave it for his perusal, and he would endeavor to give them all the satisfaction in his power consistent with his duty to his Majesty.

"October 25. By a vessel just arrived from Bristol, we have accounts rather more favorable than heretofore, as they now begin to view the Port Bill in its true light, and have opened subscriptions, both in London and Bristol, for the relief of this town. Am told that one alderman in the former city put down five hundred pounds sterling — which circumstance has served in a great measure to compose the minds of the people here, as one third of the inhabitants, by reason of things looking very dark lately, are in pursuit of houses in the country, in order to remove with their families.

. . . Am determined for my own part not to think of anything of the kind but to stay here as long as I can get provisions to eat and can go and come where I please. . . . We have had so remarkable a fine season that many bushes that had lost their leaves are rebudded again — and in some Gardens in town they have trees that are in blossom; this, and several preceding days, have been as warm as in June."

The next entry of interest to us is that of "December 18th. The Somerset of 74 guns arrived this forenoon, being the last of the squadron that came out with the Scarborough."

Then, on December 25, — which, it is interesting to note, John Andrews does not call Christmas day, —" The packet has brought credentials that dub William Pepperell a Night, for his steady adherence to the Government side in not resigning his Councellorship — a bauble he has been seeking after a long time, and could not procure it when at home, because not worth an estate of three thousand a year — the most he could presume upon being seven hundred."

Pepperell's house — then worth " seven hundred" ?— is still standing in Kittery, Maine; from this mansion it was that he escaped to Boston after the people of his own county (York), had passed, on November 16, 1774, a resolution in which he was declared to have "forfeited the confidence and friendship of all true friends of American liberty, and ought to be detested by all good men." Pepperell was a grandson of the hero of Louisburg and had married the beautiful Elizabeth Royall, daughter of Isaac Royall, who built the fine old mansion which still stands, bearing his name, in Medford, Massachusetts. Lady Pepperell, it is sad to note, died of small-pox on the vessel which was bearing her and Sir William from Boston to the more congenial soil of England, directly after John Andrews wrote the letter just quoted. Her husband was allowed £500 annually by the home government and treated with much deference. He was the good friend of all refugees from America, and entertained hospitably at his pleasant home. He died in Portman Square, London, December, 1816, at the age of seventy. He appears to have been sincerely devoted to the king's cause from the first, and so does not merit the anathema often bestowed upon him as a turncoat.

John Andrews begins quite blithely the year now at hand: "January 1, 1775. With wishing you a happy new year, Bill, I must add my wishes that we may have a less troublesome year than last and that Great Britain may see her error in distressing the Colonies, and restore to them their just rights and liberties; that we may once more see that harmony prevail which formerly used to subsist between them." By the next day, however, Andrews seems to have concluded that there was very little chance of harmony, for he writes: "This afternoon, an officer of the 10th regiment, one Dunlap, an ensign, being warm or rather frantic with liquor, stopped a man who drives a waggon between Salem and here, in union street, and ordered him to turn out of the way for him to walk on.

The waggoner refused; he made no more words but struck across the face with a hickory stick, upon which the waggoner closed in upon him, took his stick from him and beat him pretty decently. . . . January 4, The Discontent of the Soldiers has become so general that they have doubled all the guards and made one or two regiments lay under arms, as well as that they have fixed a field-piece in the Centre of the town to be fired in case of a mutiny, whereby all those that are not concerned in it are to appear under arms."

"This morning we had quite a novel sight," writes Andrews, with real journalistic enthusiasm, on January 6. "The Sailors belonging to the Transports consisting of about 30 or 40 dressed in white shirts ornamented with various colored ribbons disposed crossways on their bodies with knots and garlands, paraded each side of a long rope dragging a plow, accompanied with one compleatly tarred and feathered, representing a he Devil, together with a She Devil and an attendant, each furnished with a bag to collect money, stopping every person of genteel appearance to request a remembrance of old England, wishing 'em a merry Christmas. The former looked as compleately like a deveil as the most fertile invention could form an idea of or picture.

The General gave them two half Joes, and it is supposed that they collected at least forty guineas. The design of it was to celebrate the twelfth night or the breaking up of Christmas."

Those in high places were glad enough to have the soldiers amuse themselves. For the poor fellows were dying at an alarming rate.

"Scarce a day passes without three or four soldiers' funerals," Andrews records, "a spot of ground at the bottom of the common being allotted for them, which they have improved for upwards of a hundred already."

The Queen's birthday — January 18 — was duly celebrated by the army and painstakingly described by our indefatigable letter-writer: "In the afternoon a large company of officers assembled at the Coffee House, with a band of Musick in the balcony, and the King's own grenadiers upon the opposite side of the street; when upon every toast they gave three chears, after which one of their number came out to the balcony and announced it to the Commander of the Granadiers, who thereupon ordered a volley to be fired, when the music struck up and after that succeeded the drums. This they continued till near nine o'clock. Among their toasts was . . . Confusion to the American Army, — Lord North — with a number of such exasperating toasts, which the populace which were gathered upon the occasion took no notice of, save the last, when they gave a general hiss and exclaimed damn him, upon which the announcer of the toast cryed bless him, which was retorted upon him by frequent curses and execrations, [so] that the Grenadiers were ordered to clear the streets with their bayonets. . . ."

It was about a fortnight after this that there occurred the famous remonstrance of the schoolboys whose coasting privileges were being curtailed. Andrews tells the story thus: " Shall close this letter by giving you a small anecdote, relating to some of our school lads — who as formerly in this season improved the Coast from Sherburn's hill down to School street.

General Haldiman, improving the house that belongs to Old Cook, his servant took it upon him to cut up their coast and fling ashes upon it. The lads made a muster and chose a committee to wait upon the General, who admitted them and heard their complaint, which was couched in very genteel terms complaining that their fathers before 'em had improved it as a coast for time immemorial &c. He ordered his servant to repair the damage, and acquainted the Governor with the affair, who observed that it was impossible to beat the notion of Liberty out of the people as it was rooted in from their Childhood."

A sidelight upon the religious situation in Boston, just at this time, is afforded by Andrews in a letter dated March 18, 1775.

"An express came to the Governor with letters by the packet on Wednesday evening but nothing transpired but to a few of his refugee councellors, who have been observed ever since to be much crest-fallen. Old Bl—e (Parson Byle, the Tory wit?) was heard to exclaim yesterday — ' We shall lose the day. Good God! what will become of us?' A certain Reverend Doctor of the Establish'd Church in this town has lately said that he would rather wade up to his knees in blood, than that the Ministry should give way. Thursday was observed here as a general fast. An officer, with men from the 4th Regiment in Barracks at West Boston, erected a couple of tents just at the back of Howard's meeting and conducted a parcell of fifes and drums there, which played and beat Yanky Doodle the whole forenoon service time, to the great interruption of the congregation.

They intended to repeat the same in the afternoon but were prevented by orders from the General. The officers behave more like a parcell of children, of late, than men. Captain of the Royal Irish first exposed himself by behaving in a very scandalous manner at the South meeting, while Dr. Warren was delivering the oration in commemoration of the Massacre. He got pretty decently frightened for it. A woman, among the rest, attacked him, and threatened to wring his nose! . . .

"Monday morning, Our provincial congress is to meet next month at Concord, when, I am told, there is to [be] an army of observation encamped consisting of twenty thousand men.

Am also informed that the congress have expended near a million in our Old tenor for ammunition and provisions. This I know, that they have had upwards of fifty ton of shot, shell &c cast besides an innumerable number of Musket balls. Have seen twenty load covered with dung to go out of town myself, but lately all carts have been searched by the Guards, and unluckily, last Saturday evening a load of cartridges were seized packed in candle boxes, consisting of 13500 besides 4 boxes balls. The countryman struggled hard before he would deliver 'em and received two or three bad wounds. The same evening eight or nine officers paraded the streets and abused every person they met, but finally met with their matches and were all made to lay level with the ground. — and yesterday four Sergeants and as many men were sent to insult John Hancock, under pretence of seeing if his stables would do for barracks. He went directly to the General who ordered a party there, but they were gone. The General told him if he was any ways insulted again to write a billet and send it by a servant, and he would immediately redress him — but it seems the officers and soldiers are a good deal disaffected towards the Governor, thinking, I suppose, that he is partial to the inhabitants; many of the latter have made no scruples to call him an Old Woman." (Gage had married an American and his officers inclined to a feeling that his wife influenced her husband in favor of the rebels. For years, indeed, it has been thought that it was through Mrs. Gage that the plans of the British on the night of April 18, became known; but, in our next chapter, we shall have something to advance which may, perhaps, be held to exonerate that lady.) The affair of April 19 is now at hand. Before leaving the letters of John Andrews, let us follow the story of that encounter as he tells it. On the very day after the skirmish he writes: "... Last Saturday p. m. orders were sent to the several regiments quartered here not to let their Grenadiers or light Infantry do any duty till further orders, upon which the inhabitants conjectured that some secret expedition was on foot and being on the look out, they observed those bodies upon the move the evening before last, observing a perfect silence in the march towards a point opposite Phip's farm, where [boats ?] were in waiting that conveyed 'em over. The men appointed to alarm the country upon such occasions got over by stealth as early as they [could] and took their different routs.

"The first advice we had was about eight o'clock in the morning when it was reported that the troops had fired upon and killed five men in Lexington — previous to which an officer came express to his Excellency Governor Gage, when between eight and nine o'clock a brigade marched out under the command of Earl Piercy, consisting of the Marines, the Welch fusiliers, the 4th Regiment, the 47th and two field pieces. About twelve o'clock it was gave out by the General's Aide camps that no person was killed and that a single gun had not been fired, which report was variously believed — but between one and two certain accounts came that eight were killed outright and fourteen wounded of the inhabitants of Lexington — who had about forty men drawn out early in the morning near the meeting house to exercise.

The party of the Light Infantry and Grenadiers, to the number of about eight hundred, came up to them and ordered them to disperse. The commander of them reply'd that they were only innocently amusing themselves with exercise, that they had not any ammunition with 'em and therefore should not molest or disturb them, which answer not satisfying, the troops fired upon and killed three or four, the other took to their heels and the troops continued to fire. A few took refuge in the meeting, when the soldiers shoved up the Windows and pointed their Guns in and killed three there. Thus much is best account I can learn of this fatal day." And not too near the truth is it, John Andrews! However, let us read the rest of the report: "You must naturally suppose that such a piece would rouse the country (allowed the report to be true). The troops continued their march to Concord, entered the town, and refreshed themselves in the meeting and town house. In the latter place they found some ammunition and stores belonging to the country, which they found they could not bring away by reason that the country people had occupied all the posts around them. They therefore set fire to the house, which the people extinguished. They set fire a second time, which brought on a general engagement at about eleven o'clock. The troops took two pieces of cannon from the peasants, but their numbers increasing they soon regained 'em and the troops were obliged to retreat towards town.

About noon they were joined by the other brigade under Earl Piercy, when another very warm engagement came on at Lexington, which the troops could not stand; therefore were obliged to continue their retreat which they did with the bravery becoming British soldiers — but the country were in a manner desperate, not regarding their cannon [any more] in the least, and followed 'em until seven in the evening by which time they got into Charlestown, when they left off the pursuit lest they might injure the inhabitants. I stood up on the hills in town and saw the engagement very plain. It was very bloody for seven hours. Its conjectured that one half the soldiers at least are killed. The last brigade was sent over the ferry in the evening to secure their retreat — where they are this morning entrenching themselves upon Bunker's Hill [to] get a safe retreat to this town. Its impossible to learn any particulars as the communication between town and country is at present broke off. They were till ten o'clock last night bringing over the wounded several of which are since [dead], two officers in particular. When I reflect and consider that the fight was between those whose parents but a few generations ago were brothers I shudder at the thought and there's no knowing where our calamities will end."

Andrews is now worried about his personal safety, too. On April 24, he writes: "Yesterday, though Sunday, we had town meetings all day, and finally concluded to deliver up all our arms to the Selectmen, on condition that the Governor would open the avenues to the town, which is to be comply'd with tomorrow, when if I escape with the skin of my teeth shall be glad, as I don't expect to take more than a change of apparell with me. Sam. and his wife with myself and Ruthy intend for Nova Scotia."

Yet on May 6 he wrote: "You'll observe by this that I'm yet in Boston and here like to remain. Three of us chartered a vessel a fortnight since to convey us to Halifax . . . but the absolute refusal of the Governor to suffer any merchandize to be carried out of the town has determined me to stay and take care of my effects. . . . Near half the inhabitants have left the town already and another quarter at least have been waiting for a week past with earnest expectation of getting papers, which have been dealt out very sparingly of late, not above two or three procured of a day and those with greatest difficulty. Its a fortnight since the communication between town and country was stopped. Of consequence our eyes have not been blessed with either vegetables or fresh provisions. P. S. You can have no conception, Bill, of the distresses the people in general are involved in. You'll see parents that are lucky enough to procure papers, with bundles in one hand a string of children in the other wandering out of town . . . not knowing whither they'll go. . . . Your uncle and aunt are very desirous for us to [go to London with them] but my finances wont at present admit of it, as my whole interest, saving outstanding debts, is in town and cant be removed. . . . No person who leaves the town is allowed to return again." So John Andrews stayed on in Boston and took care of his property. During the siege he suffered a good deal from the lack of those "fresh vegetables" to which his letters so frequently have referred, but he managed to live through this deprivation and was able to enjoy an excellent meal, with General Washington as his guest at his School Street home soon after the evacuation. In 1785 Mr. Andrews was elected a selectman of Boston, and continued in that office until 1790, when he declined to serve longer. He was long remembered by the "oldest inhabitant " as a little old gentleman of trim dress, powdered hair and white-top boots, who lived in an antique wooden house at the corner of Winter and Tremont (then Common) Streets, in the midst of a beautiful garden which stretched in the rear of his mansion to what is now Hamilton Place. Yet we of to-day should very likely have forgotten even his name, were it not for the sprightly letters which he wrote to his brother-in-law in Philadelphia about Boston at the most exciting period of her history.