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2Four Computing Mythologies Computing mythologies
Оглавление“Total learning expands when the range of spontaneous learning widens… and both liberty and discipline flower.”
Ivan Illich, Tools for Conviviality (1973)
“In recent years, I have talked to a number of top industry researchers and implementors who are reluctant to hire computer science graduates at any level. They prefer to take engineers or mathematicians, even history majors, and teach them programming.”
David Lorge Parnas, Computer (1990)1
When it comes to social movements, the groups that strive toward a common goal with a shared sense of purpose are often the most successful. The Learn-to-program movement learn-to-program movement of the 1970s and 1980s fits this pattern, as do many of the recent computer literacy initiatives, including Code.org’s Hour of Code. According to sociologists, the Ideological beliefs ideological beliefs that ground social movements act as a bulwark for striving organizations, strengthening the commitment of both leaders and members.2 Ideological beliefs also help adherents imagine a new world order, and they justify the relatively high levels of personal investment and resources that social movements require. Ideologies set the expectations of a movement’s believers, so that adherents can learn what the group is trying to accomplish and how they should propagate their beliefs. When the going gets tough, ideological commitments keep a social movement going.
This chapter explores four powerful ideologies that influenced America’s burgeoning computer industry in the 1960s and 1970s, each influencing the learn-to-program movement in its own way. Although Parts II and III of this book narrate how Americans learned to code in the 1980s and 1990s, it was only through an awareness of earlier successes and failures that the microcomputing and personal computing movements took shape. Like other scholars, I choose to use the term Foundation myths foundation myths to describe the ideologies that influenced the computer industry as it emerged from research settings to become a major contributor to the U.S. economy. Foundation myths are socially-constructed memories that can carry important historical and cultural information. They act as social markers, transmitting ideas, beliefs, and worldviews to community members and future generations. Foundation myths summarize historical debates and scientific commitments. They often work subtly, employing the language of metaphor or ritual. In more recent times, computer-related myths are used to celebrate heroic founders and to marginalize illicit behavior. You can often spot these myths when subtle descriptors are used in histories and popular accounts, such as “pioneer,” “entrepreneur,” “evangelist,” “guru,” “hacker,” and “cyberpunk.”
Among the many possibilities, I have chosen four myths about computer technology and computer programmers to begin this book. I will draw connections between these ideologies and the learn-to-program movement in the chapters that follow. The first mythology is a belief in an ongoing period of crisis in the computer industry related to the complexity of computer systems and the pitfalls of commercial software development. Strongly held beliefs about this “crisis” emerged in the 1960s among software development communities, and it set the expectation that most large software projects would arrive late, over budget, and in poor shape. The second mythology is that the computer industry works best when it is driven by popular, democratic impulses and shared community values. This counterculture narrative emerged in the 1970s when a group of West Coast technology enthusiasts argued that using and programming computers should be an enlightening, communal experience. These values strongly shaped some segments of the computer industry, including the microcomputer community in California and authors of programming tutorials in the 1970s and 1980s.
The third mythology relates to a belief about the commitments of professors and administrators in the emerging discipline of computer science. In the U.S., many computer professionals came to believe that computer scientists were occupied primarily with theoretical problems related to computational logic, algorithms, and engineering principles, rather than the practical skills needed to implement projects in the computing industry. Although some academics did assume an aloof posture in relation to business computing, this stereotype was largely inaccurate, and it had important consequences for how professional programmers were trained (or not trained) in the coming decades. Finally, there are several mythologies related to what is often called PC Revolution “the PC Revolution,” a phrase that tries to capture the excitement surrounding the creation of the first stand-alone microcomputers and Personal computers (PCs) personal computers (PCs) in the 1970s and 1980s. This term draws attention to vital energies in the American computer industry, but it also tends to lionize the experience of PC users and entrepreneurs over professionals working in other areas of digital computing. After gently nudging aside this rhetoric, Code Nation proceeds by exploring how the microcomputer movement actually did contribute in important ways to the development of programming culture and the commercial software industry in America. We will investigate how this upward trajectory took place in waves or stages—from the time-sharing systems of the 1960s and 1970s, to the bare-bones microcomputers and PCs of the late 1970s and early 1980s, to the powerful Graphical user interface (GUI) GUI.Graphical user interface (GUI) graphical user interface (GUI) workstations of the late 1980s and early 1990s, to the corporate and enterprise computing systems of the late 1990s and early 2000s. These stages involved fascinating operating system platforms, including CP/M, Apple DOS, MS-DOS, the Apple Macintosh, Microsoft Windows, Unix/Xenix, OS/2, and Windows NT Server.
By giving powerful computing mythologies their due, we acknowledge the importance of cultural memories in the history of business and technology, including the problems that people encountered in the past, and the aspirations of users and programmers in the future. The learn-to-program movement succeeded in part because it wove together each of these mythologies, creatively transforming past memories into a shared vision of progress and human belonging. The movement’s visionaries, authors, tinkers, and entrepreneurs deserve recognition for their contributions to the gradual computerization of society, a process with major cultural and economic consequences that is still underway.
We’ll begin with a technical problem and a story.