Читать книгу New Perspectives on Older Language Learners - Miriam Neigert - Страница 29

Markus and Nurius (1986) define possible selves as self-representations of what we might become, what we would like to become (ideal selves) or what we are afraid of becoming (feared selves). The authors link possible selves to the dynamic nature of self-concept, i.e. motivation, distortion, as well as momentary and enduring change, and thus see it as “a conceptual link between cognition and motivation” (ibid.: 954), or, in the words of Dörnyei (2009: 11), “how the self regulates behaviour by setting goals and expectations”. This means that possible selves function as a major impetus to behave in a certain way in order to, on the one hand, move closer towards a particular ideal self, e.g. “the successful self, the creative self, the rich self, the thin self, or the loved and admired self” (Markus & Nurius 1986: 954). In the case of a young-old language learner an ideal L2 self could be conversing fluently with other tourists and L2 speakers at the hotel bar, or feeling more at ease when partaking in speaking activities in class. On the other hand, possible selves make us move or stay away from a particular feared self: “the alone self, the depressed self, the incompetent self, the alcoholic self, the unemployed self, or the bag lady self” (ibid. 954). Again, regarding our young-old language learners, this feared self could be the L2 self who is not understood at the hotel reception, or who fails to formulate requests in the L2 when booking over the phone.

Based on this linking of cognition and motivation illustrated above, possible selves are also often referred to in the literature as guides. Ryan and Irie, for instance, describe them as self-representations which “guide individuals towards becoming the person they would like to be, a hoped-for self, or away from outcomes they seek to avoid, a feared self” (2014: 112). Similarly, Dörnyei and Ushioda speak of future self-guides that reflect a “dynamic, forward-pointing conception that can explain how someone is moved from the present toward the future” (2011: 80). The latter view, however, has led some researchers to put a strong emphasis only on the future when discussing possible selves.

Different from this view, then, it is necessary to remember that possible selves are not only linked to the future: “Possible Selves derive from representations of the self in the past and they include representations of the self in the future. They are different and separable from the current or now selves, yet are intimately connected to them” (Markus & Nurius 1986: 954). Past and future possible selves are mirrored in current representations of self (Ryan & Irie 2014: 111). Past selves may become relevant in the future again: The past self of a student who never did her homework or did not do well in English tests at school may influence the perception of her current self as well as the formation of a possible future self which this young-old learner may be afraid of again becoming when attending English classes decades later. But the future possible self of a young-old language learner could also be one she hopes to become again, if, for example, she used to be an A-student in English and later experienced successful communication using the L2 with others in her job or on holidays. Consideration for the fact that young-old learners in our classes each have long and quite varied pasts gives us an idea of how both multifarious and personalized their possible selves must be.

The view that possible selves are unique to an individual, i.e. personalized (Markus & Nurius 1986: 954), is linked to the discussion of self-concept formation (see section 3.2.3). One of the reasons lies – once more, similarly to self-concept (looking-glass self) – in a person’s socio-cultural history and context as well as the influence of significant others:1 “Possible selves thus have the potential to reveal the inventive and constructive nature of the self but they also reflect the extent to which the self is socially determined and constrained” (ibid. 954; see also Oyserman 2008). If we apply this to a specific age group such as the young-old, it becomes clear that cohort effects (socio-cultural, historical, political and other impacts on a cohort) play a role in the formation of their possible selves. On a more general level then, possible selves exist for a whole age group or cohort, down to more personalized influences on the individual’s possible selves. But future-oriented possible selves develop on the basis of an individual’s history and are therefore to a great extent also personalized.

To illustrate this cohort effect on possible selves of the young-old, I would like to take up the influence of media, which Markus and Nurius (1986: 954) list as one example. The representation of aged people in the media – e.g. advertisements, commercials, and films – has changed considerably. Firstly, the theme of ageing is addressed and older people are shown more often than 20 years ago. Secondly, the way older people are portrayed has changed from being ‘old and feeble’ to a more active, still younger looking individual not to be underestimated (see chapter 2). This image promoted by the media in recent years has added to the possible selves of the current cohort of the young-old. The goal of staying younger, more active, and healthier for longer thus trickles down to individuals and has the potential to shape their possible selves along with more immediate socio-cultural factors such as significant others.

The factor of significant others – family, peer group, teachers, co-workers etc. – especially comes into play with another type of possible self (apart from, for example, ideal selves): ought selves. Ought selves are what we think others expect us to become. But again, as pointed out in section 3.2.1, it is about what we believe others may or may not expect us to be or to become. Like ideal selves, ought selves can act as guides for young-old language learners. The difference between the two is that ideal selves are more related to language learners’ own goals and hopes, whereas ought selves are related to the expectations of significant others (e.g. their partners, children, grandchildren, or friends) regarding an ideal future self for the young-old language learners. Ushioda and Dörnyei (2011: 82) conclude that ought selves “may therefore bear little resemblance to one’s own desires or wishes or the possibility of ever attaining them.”2

On a final note, with regard to ageing and possible selves, crucial life transitions such as retirement once more come into play (see chapter 2). Cavanaugh and Blanchard-Fields (2002: 355) write that possible selves “facilitate adaptation to new roles across the life span [and] offer a way to bridge the experience of the current self and our imagined future self.” Thus, connecting the research on possible selves to this study’s young-old participants leads to the question in what ways L2 possible selves change or adapt to new circumstances as they grow older. Ryff (1991), for instance, showed in her study that actual and ideal selves approximate with old age (in contrast to younger age groups she tested in her study) and thus described the results of her study as “shifting self-evaluative horizons” over the life-span (294). She concluded from the results of her study in view of the older respondents that there “appears to be a later life gain wherein the ideal self better fits the real self, warts and all, with whom one has become an accustomed traveller.” (ibid.) In other words, the results of this study may shed light on how young-old language learners have adapted (or possibly approximated) their ideal L2 selves to their past and actual L2 selves (e.g. critical incidents in the past or current self-perceptions).