Читать книгу Reminiscences of the King of Roumania - Mite Kremnitz - Страница 12

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The Roumanian delegate, Joan Bratianu, arrived at Düsseldorf on Good Friday 1866, to lay the offer of the Roumanian people before Prince Charles and his father. In an audience granted by the latter on the following day, March 31, Bratianu announced the intention of the Lieutenance Princière, inspired by Napoleon III., to advance Prince Charles Anthony's second son, Charles, as a candidate for the throne of the Principalities. Bratianu succeeded in obtaining a private interview with Prince Charles the same evening, in order to acquaint the latter with the political situation, and to point out the danger which must inevitably be incurred if the present Provisional Government remained in power. Prince Charles replied that he possessed courage enough to accept the offer, but feared that he was not equal to the task, adding that nothing was known of the intentions of the King of Prussia, without whose permission, as chief of the family, he could not take so important a step. He therefore declined for the moment to give any definite answer to the proposals of the Roumanian Government. Bratianu returned to Paris, after promising to take no immediate steps in the matter. Prince Charles Anthony without delay addressed a memorial regarding this offer to the King of Prussia, and clearly defined the circumstances which had led to his taking this step. A similar communication was forwarded to the President of the Prussian Ministry.

A few days later Prince Charles arrived in Berlin, and at once visited the King, the Crown Prince, and Prince Frederick Charles, as he reported in a letter to his father:

"The King made no mention of the Roumanian question at the interview, but the Crown Prince, on the other hand, entered into a minute discussion with me, and did not appear to be at all against the idea. The only thing that displeased him was that the candidature was inspired by France, as he feared that the latter might demand a rectification of the frontier from Prussia in return for this good office. I replied that I did not consider that the Emperor Napoleon had thought of such a bargain, but had been induced to take the initiative in this matter by family feeling rather than by any selfish consideration. The Crown Prince, moreover, considered it a great honour that so difficult a task had been offered to a member of the House of Hohenzollern. Prince Frederick Charles also at once started upon a minute discussion of the Roumanian question. He seemed to be intimately acquainted with the issue, and volunteered the opinion that I was intended for better things than to rule tributary Principalities: he therefore advised me to decline the offer."

The following telegram, published in the Press, was handed to Prince Charles as he was sitting with his comrades at the regimental mess-table:

"Bucharest, 13th April.

"The Lieutenance Princière and Ministry have announced the candidature of Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as Prince of Roumania, under the title of Charles I., by means of placards at the street corners; it is rumoured that the Prince will arrive here shortly. The populace appeared delighted by the news."

The Prince at once visited Colonel von Rauch, who had been entrusted with the delivery of Prince Charles Anthony's memorial to the King, and learnt that an answer would be sent on April 16. The following report was despatched to Prince Charles Anthony by his messenger on the 14th: "I was commanded to attend their Majesties at the Soirée Musicale yesterday evening. The King took me into a side room and expressed himself as follows: 'I have not yet replied to the Prince, because I am still waiting for news from Paris, as the Porte has declared its intention of recalling its ambassador from the Conference if the election of a foreign prince is discussed.

"'Should the protecting States have regard to this declaration of the Porte, the election of a Hohenzollern prince would be rendered impossible; on the other hand, should the majority decide for a foreign prince, and the coming Chamber in Bucharest follow their example, the whole matter would enter upon a new phase. However, that I may not keep the Prince waiting, I shall express my opinions shortly as to the future acceptance or refusal of the Roumanian crown.'"

The King of Prussia forwarded the following autograph letter to the young Hohenzollern prince early the next morning:

"Your father has, no doubt, imparted to you the enclosed (telegram from Bratianu). You will remain quite passive. Great obstacles have arisen, as Russia and the Porte are so far opposed to a foreign prince.

"WILLIAM."

The telegram ran thus:

"Five million Roumanians proclaim Prince Charles, the son of your Royal Highness, as their sovereign. Every church is open, and the voice of the clergy rises with that of the people in prayer to the Eternal, that their Elected may be blessed and rendered worthy of his ancestors and the trust reposed in him by the whole nation.

"J. C. BRATIANU."

The long expected reply from the Prussian monarch arrived at Düsseldorf on April 16. After discussing the probable moral and material bonds of union which would unite Prussia and Roumania in the event of the offer being accepted, the King continued:

"The question is whether the position of your son and his descendants would really be as favourable as might otherwise be expected? For the present the ruler of Roumania will continue as a vassal of the Porte. Is this a dignified and acceptable position for a Hohenzollern? And though it may be expected that in future this position will be exchanged for that of an independent sovereignty, still the date of the realisation of this aim is very remote, and will probably be preceded by political convulsions through which the ruler of the Danubian Principalities might perhaps be unable to retain his position! With such an outlook, are not the present position and prospects of your son happier than the life which is offered him?

"Even in the event of my consenting to the election of one of your sons to the throne of Roumania, is there any guarantee that this elective sovereignty, even if it becomes hereditary, will remain faithful to him who is now chosen? The past of these countries shows the contrary; and the experience of other States, ancient and well established, as well as newly created and elective empires, shows how uncertain such structures are in our times.

"But, above all, we must take into consideration the attitude of the Powers represented at the Paris Conference to this question of election. Two questions still remain undecided: (a) Is there to be an union or not? (b) Is there to be a foreign Prince or not?

"Russia and the Porte are against the union, but it appears that England will join the majority, and if she decides for the union the Porte will be obliged to submit.

"In the same way both the former States are opposed to the election of a foreign Prince as the ruler of the Danubian Principalities. I have mentioned this attitude of the Porte, and yesterday we received a message from Russia to say that it was not disposed to agree to the project of your son's election, and that it will demand a resumption of the Conference. All these events prevent the hope of a simple solution. I must therefore urge you to consider these matters again. Even should Russia, against its will of course, consent to the election of a foreign Prince, it is to be expected that intrigue after intrigue will take place in Roumania between Russia and Austria. And since Austria will more willingly vote for such an election, Roumania would be forced to rely upon her as against Russia, and so the newly created country with its dynasty would be on the side of the chief opponent of Prussia, though the latter is to provide the Prince!

"You will gather from what I have said that, from dynastic and political considerations, I do not consider this important question quite as couleur de rose as you do. In any case we must await the news which the next few days will bring us from Bucharest, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople, and we must see whether the Paris Conference will reassemble immediately.

"Your faithful Cousin and Friend,

"WILLIAM."

"P.S.—A note received to-day from the French Ambassador proves that the Emperor Napoleon is favourably inclined to the plan. This is very important. The position will only be tenable if Russia agrees, as she is influential in Roumania on account of her professing the same religion and owing to her geographical proximity and old associations. These constitute an influence against which a new Prince in a weak and divided country would not be able to contend for any length of time. If you are desirous of prosecuting this affair your son must, above all things, gain the consent of Russia. It is true that up to now the prospect of success is remote. … "

Prince Charles Anthony replied, assuring the King that, although the examples of such enterprises in Greece and Mexico had proved disastrous, yet the complications which might arise from Roumania were not likely to affect the prestige of Prussia, and he therefore begged his Majesty not to refuse his consent so long as there was a chance of arranging the matter. A most important interview then took place between Count Bismarck and Prince Charles at the Berlin residence of the former, who was at that time confined to his house by illness.

Bismarck opened the conversation with the words: "I have requested your Serene Highness to visit me, not in order to converse with you as a statesman, but quite openly and freely as a friend and an adviser, if I may use the expression. You have been unanimously elected by a nation to rule over them; obey the summons. Proceed at once to the country, to the government of which you have been called!"

Prince Charles replied that this course was out of the question, unless the King gave his permission, although he felt quite equal to the task.

"All the more reason," replied the Count. "In this case you have no need for the direct permission of the King. Ask the King for leave—leave to travel abroad. The King (I know him well) will not be slow to understand, and to see through your intention. You will, moreover, remove the decision out of his hands, a most welcome relief to him, as he is politically tied down. Once abroad, you resign your commission and proceed to Paris, where you will ask the Emperor for a private interview. You might then lay your intentions before Napoleon, with the request that he will interest himself in your affairs and promote them amongst the Powers. In my opinion this is the only method of tackling the matter, if your Serene Highness thinks at all of accepting the crown in question. On the other hand, should this question come before the Paris Conference, it will not take months merely, but even years to settle. The two Powers most interested—Russia and the Porte—will protest emphatically against your election; France, England, and Italy will be on your side, whilst Austria will make every endeavour to ruin your candidature. From Austria there is, however, not much to fear, as I propose to give her occupation for some time to come! … As regards us, Prussia is placed in the most difficult position of all: on account of her political and geographical situation she has always held aloof from the Eastern Question and has only striven to make her voice heard in the Council of the Powers. In this particular case, however, I, as Prussian Minister, should have to decide against you, however hard it would be for me, for at the present moment I must not come to a rupture with Russia, nor pledge our State interest for the sake of family interest. By independent action on the part of your Highness the King would escape this painful dilemma; and, although he cannot give his consent as head of the family, I am convinced that he will not be against this idea, which I would willingly communicate to him if he would do me the honour of visiting me here. When once your Serene Highness is in Roumania the question would soon be solved; for when Europe is confronted by a fait accompli the interested Powers will, it is true, protest, but the protest will be only on paper, and the fact cannot be undone!"

The Prince then pointed out that Russia and Turkey might adopt offensive measures, but Bismarck denied this possibility: "The most disastrous contingencies, especially for Russia, might result from forcible measures. I advise your Serene Highness to write an autograph letter to the Czar of Russia before your departure, saying that you see in Russia your most powerful protector, and that with Russia you hope some day to solve the Eastern Question. A matrimonial alliance also might be mooted, which would give you great support in Russia."

In reply to a question as to the attitude of Prussia to a fait accompli, Bismarck declared: "We shall not be able to avoid recognising the fact and devoting our full interest to the matter. Your courageous resolve is therefore certain to be received here with applause."

The Prince then asked whether the Count advised him to accept the crown, or whether it would be better to let the matter drop.

"If I had not been in favour of the course proposed, I should not have permitted myself to express my views," was the reply. "I think the solution of the question by a fait accompli will be the luckiest and most honourable for you. And even if you do not succeed your position with regard to the House of Prussia would continue the same. You would remain here and be able to look back with pleasure to a coup with which you could never reproach yourself. But if you succeed, as I think you will, this solution would be of incalculable value to you; you have been elected unanimously by the vote of the nation in the fullest sense of the word; you follow this summons and thereby from the commencement earn the full confidence of the whole nation."

The Prince objected that he could not quite trust the plébiscite, because it had been effected so quickly, but Bismarck replied:

"The surest guarantee can be given you by the deputation which will shortly be sent to you, and which you must not receive on Prussian territory; moreover, I should place myself in communication with the Roumanian agent in Paris as soon as possible. I communicated this idea sous discrétion to the French Ambassador, Benedetti, after we had learnt that Napoleon wished to hear our views, and he declares that France will place a ship at your disposal to undertake the journey to Roumania from Marseilles, but I think it would be better to make use of the ordinary steamer in order to keep the matter quite secret."

As in duty bound, Prince Charles proceeded to the Royal Palace after this interview, to ascertain the King's views on the proposed course of action. His Majesty did not share Count Bismarck's view and thought that the Prince had better await the decision of the Paris Conference, although, even should this be favourable, it would still be unworthy a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern to place himself under the suzerainty of the Sultan! To this Prince Charles replied that, although he was ready to acknowledge the Turkish suzerainty for a time, he reserved to himself the task of freeing his country by force of arms, and of gaining perfect independence on the field of battle. The King gave the Prince leave to proceed to Düsseldorf, embraced him heartily, and bade him Godspeed!

Prince Bismarck sent for Colonel Rauch, who had played an important part in the negotiations with the King, and informed him on April 23 that the Paris Conference had decided by five votes to three that the Bucharest Chamber was to elect a native prince, and that France had declared that she would not tolerate forcible measures either on the part of Russia or of the Porte. The President of the Prussian Ministry then repeated the advice he had given to Prince Charles, viz., to accept the election at once, then proceed to Paris, and thence to Bucharest with the support of Napoleon, and to write at once to the Czar Alexander, hinting at the projected Russian marriage. If Russia was won, everything would be won, and the intervention by force of one or the other of the guaranteeing Powers would be no longer to be feared. As regards the consent of the King, which of course could not be given now, it would not be refused to a final fait accompli. Prince Charles must decide for himself whether he felt the power and decision to solve the problem in this straightforward fashion; but it must be understood that no other method offered any prospect, for the Powers would eventually agree upon a native prince, and the Roumanians must submit. "I spoke," he added, "to the Roumanian political agent in Paris, M. Balaceanu, in a similar strain yesterday evening, and laid stress upon the fact that the King cannot at present decide or accept the election of Prince Charles, because political complications might be created thereby."

From Paris came the news that nothing would be more agreeable to the Emperor and his Government than to see Prince Charles on the throne of Roumania, but that nothing could be done in the face of the decision of the Conference, and that the Prince's project of a fait accompli was so adventurous that the Emperor could not promise his support. An interview was then arranged at the house of Baroness Franque in Ramersdorf, with M. Balaceanu, who declared that the intention of the Roumanian Government was to adhere to its choice, and, if necessary, to carry on the government under the name of Charles I. Roumania would allow herself neither to be bent nor broken.

Two days later, on April 29, Colonel von Rauch returned from Berlin with the royal answer to Prince Charles Anthony's second memorial, which contained a repetition of the King's objections to the acceptance of the offer, and still more to the fait accompli, which was so warmly urged from Paris. The "Memorial Diplomatique" of the 28th contained this suggestive phrase: "… l'initiative de la France n'a pour object que les faits à accomplir!"

Prince Charles Anthony received M. Bratianu and Dr. Davila on May 1 at Düsseldorf. They came to announce the arrival of the deputation with the verification of the plébiscite, and to inquire whether or no Prince Charles intended to decline their offer definitely. It was then decided to telegraph in cipher to Bucharest that the Prince had decided to accept the offer, but only on condition that the King should give his consent.