Читать книгу Aaron Burr: A Biography - Nathan Schachner - Страница 51

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But national politics were not all that occupied the attention of Senator Burr during that pregnant year of 1792. His home State was seething with ferment and recriminations, and wisely he paused in his labors in the Senate to keep sharp eyes on the local situation. Already he saw with exceeding clarity that New York in great measure held the balance of power between conflicting sections of the country, and that he, as a moderate and comparative independent, might, by the employment of a cohesive and durable organization, swing the balance with delicate precision in the pivotal State.

Governor Clinton’s term was due to expire in March, 1792, and by the first month of the year the political campaign was in full swing. There was talk that the aging Governor would decline to run again, but Burr knew better. George Clinton was not the man to resign easily the reins of office.

On the Federalist side, however, matters were in a state of confusion. Judge Yates was first offered the nomination. He was the logical candidate, inasmuch as he had missed election in 1790 by a mere handful of votes. But to their vast surprise and no little alarm, he declined, alleging as a sufficient reason that “he apprehended his pecuniary affairs would be injured if he was placed in the chair of Government.” But the suspicious Federalists smelled a rat. Schuyler, in great perturbation of spirit, hastened to call on him, and wrote Hamilton that after considerable argument, “I am led to believe that he will not yield to Mr. Burr’s views. I shall, however, in a day or two bring him to an explicit declaration on the subject.”^[195]

The cat was out of the bag. It was the small, erect, imperturbable figure of Burr, newly elected Senator, a comparative newcomer on the political stage, that was from now on to cause sleepless nights and political nightmares to the older and ostensibly more experienced statesmen of New York.

There were forces at work pushing Burr for the gubernatorial nomination with might and main. Nor were these forces restricted to one party. Both Federalists and anti-Federalists felt the subterranean upheavals, and suffered queasy sensations in the pit of the stomach in consequence. It is easy to comprehend Hamilton’s indignation and astonishment at receiving the following analysis of the situation from a loyal henchman, one Isaac Ledyard. “On my arrival here [in New York], finding that a tide was likely to work strongly for Mr. Burr, I grew more anxious.” Judge Yates, it is to be calculated, by “supporting Mr. Burr will best please most of his ancient friends [Yates had originally been an anti-Federalist] and tend to restore him to their confidence, and also that the candidate in question has a personal dominion over him.” Schuyler himself, it seems, feared “that if Mr. Clinton and Mr. Burr were to be the only competitors, and his friends thrown out of the scale, it would be doubtful which succeeded.” Ledyard proceeded to argue that the candidacy of a strict Federalist in a three-cornered fight would mean Burr’s election; that the only hope of opposing him was to support Clinton, but that, he felt, would be “a dereliction of sentiment,” and not to be thought of.

Furthermore, he pointed out to Hamilton, “if B. finally succeeds, and you have not the merit of it, it will be an event extremely disagreeable to me,” and, though he left it to implication, to all Federalists who were hungering for office. With that in mind, the hungry Ledyard sought repeated interviews with Burr to “procure from him an artless declaration of his sentiments, both with respect to the Union, on present grounds, and also with respect to you.”

Burr must have smiled secretively at the advent of the alarmed politician, and evaded with glittering phrases that satisfied the none too subtle Ledyard, who went on to report that “he [Burr] has expressed a sincere regard for the safety and well-being of the former. With respect to yourself, he expresses an entire confidence in the wisdom and integrity of your designs, and a real personal friendship, and which he does not seem to suppose you doubt of, or that you ever will, unless it may arise from meddling interveners.” And Ledyard closed with a sentence that must have thrown Hamilton into a veritable fury. “Unless you have grounds of objection which I do not know of, I ardently wish that the result of your interview with General Schuyler may be an adoption of the candidate.”^[196] In other words, Aaron Burr!

Hamilton had many “grounds of objection,” not all of which were for public consumption. He marshaled his forces against the open threat to his hitherto unquestioned supremacy in New York Federalist politics. Pressure was brought to bear on Yates. Van Rensselaer was offered the nomination to cement the loyalty of his powerful clan. He declined. In desperation Hamilton turned to John Jay, and obtained his reluctant consent to quit the Supreme Court Bench and make the campaign. At a great meeting in New York City, held on February 13, 1792, John Jay was nominated by acclamation. Judge Yates appeared and announced his support, thereby quieting all rumors; the other supposed recalcitrants pledged their aid. It was a love feast, and Hamilton breathed easier.

Meanwhile the anti-Federalists, or Republicans, as they now preferred to be called, had their own difficulties. The campaign to ignore Clinton and to give the nomination to Burr went on with unabated vigor. A great many good Republicans, notably in New York City, considered Burr the stronger candidate. The regular forces girded their loins and Clinton used the great power of his patronage. On February 15, 1792, the Republicans met, the hall was packed with Clinton supporters, and the Governor was nominated.

In spite of these regular nominations, however, the politicians of both parties were disturbed. The sentiment for Burr had not subsided. On February 27, 1792, an open letter appeared in the Albany Gazette, under the pseudonym of “Plain Farmer,” urging Burr’s name on the moderates of both parties because of his superior qualifications and because “he did not belong to either party.”^[197]

Burr, from Philadelphia, took stock. His friends in New York, the little band of devoted followers, whom already he was building up into a smooth, efficient machine, had engineered the excitement under his able, if secret, leadership. He had good cause to be satisfied with the results. He had thrown a considerable scare into the old-line politicians. It is not to be believed that he actually desired the nomination at this particular time. It would have been premature. There was much spade-work still to be done. But he had, without showing his hand, proved his power. With Hamilton there would be no compromise; nothing but bitter feud. But Clinton sought him out, as the event showed, and offered satisfactory terms for his withdrawal. A third party candidacy would have been fatal to Clinton’s chances.

Accordingly, on March 15, 1792, Burr announced through the newspapers that he was not a candidate for the office, and the campaign was on between Clinton and Jay.