Читать книгу The Life of Mozart - Otto Jahn - Страница 10

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THE Archbishop could not but feel flattered at the accomplishments of the young Salzburger, and he endeavoured, as far as lay in his power, to complete the partial success of the visit to Vienna by ordering a performance of Wolfgang's opera in Salzburg, notwithstanding that it was "an opera buffa, requiring performers of a buffo character." The programme, recovered by Köchel 1 gives the following [See Page Image] 2cast:—

The performance must have taken place on the fête-day of the Archbishop or some similar festive occasion, and upon a stage specially erected in the archiepiscopal palace.

1748, "La Clemenza di Tito" was given by the Signori Paggi di Corte, who played even the female parts, or of the chapel.

It was the custom on such occasions at the close of the performance to address the person in whose honour it was given, generally in the form of an air with recitative, concluding with a chorus; this peroration, which had no connection with the body of the opera, was called licenza) Two such, composed by Wolfgang for Archbishop Sigismund, are still preserved; a tenor air (36 K.) and a soprano air (70 K.), both with long recitatives, giving testimony to increasing dexterity in the treatment of form.

The performance of the opera was followed on the side of the Archbishop by the announcement of Wolfgang's appointment as Concertmeister, and he was accordingly so entered in the Court Calendar of 1770.

The greater part of the year 1769 was spent quietly at Salzburg in studies of which we know but little. The only compositions which can certainly be ascribed to this year are seven minuets for two violins and bass, composed January 26, 1769,3 and two masses; they are all of the nature of studies. The first of the masses, in D minor, dated January 14, 1769 (65 K.), noteworthy on account of the minor key, is a missa brevis, and keeps strictly to that form, both in choruses and solos; in the Credo the words "Genitum, non factum—consubstantialem Patri—per quem omnia facta sunt," are distributed to three voices, and sung together. The different phrases, though well formed, have a certain abruptness, showing that the skill to continue and develop the suggestions of the mind was still wanting. But the ordering of the details and the counterpoint are both excellent, and bear many marks of originality.

As an example the fugue— is unusual, but has a striking effect in this place. Mozart evidently enters more into the spirit of his work as the mass proceeds, and gives his impulses freer play. The Benedic-tus apparently gave him some trouble. First, it was written for all four voices, then for soprano solo, and lastly as a duet for soprano and alto, this last arrangement being twice elaborated. The alterations in the details show how precise he was in this work. [See Page Image]

The beginning of the Dona—

Do - na, do - na no - bis promises well, but fails to maintain the same level to the end. [See Page Image]

The second mass, in C major (66 K.), the "Pater Domini-cus Mass," was composed in October, 1769, on the occasion of the first celebration of mass by Hagenauer's son, whose entrance into a monastery had formerly caused Wolfgang to shed tears (p. 50).4 The young composer put forth all his powers to produce a truly grand and brilliant festival mass.

Every part is well conceived and worked out, and considerable progress is observable in the mechanical details of the whole. The subjects are more important, and the passages for the violins, which are very prominent, have more distinct character; the different parts, too, have freer play. But it is at the same time to be noted that the substance of the work is not yet on a level with its broader scheme. A succession of independent solos, which evidently served as the special embellishment of the mass, show a considerable effort to avoid a light operatic tone, and to combine dignity with easy and attractive grace.

Mozart's unequalled talent for pure and noble melody is as discernible here as elsewhere, though it is crippled by a certain amount of confusion of ideas. Curiously enough the Benedictus, a solo quartet, is accompanied only by the first violin, which plays round the voices with a continuous running passage. There is a good effect in the Dona nobis, where the chorus answers the short solo phrases— with changes of lead and harmony. [See Page Image]

This mass serves as a proof that L. Mozart did not confine himself to educating his son as an operatic composer, but that he made him pass through a course of severe study in every branch of his art, with the just conviction that his genius, when fully trained and developed, would mark out a line for itself.

L. Mozart's intention of taking Wolfgang to Italy remained firm as ever, and he considered their stay in Vienna as the first step towards its accomplishment. At that time, Italy was to musicians what she now is to painters and sculptors; a residence there was necessary to give the finishing touches to their education, and éclat to their reputation.

Music in Italy was not only an art universally diffused and esteemed, it was the Art par excellence. All classes shared the insatiable desire for music everywhere—in the churches, the theatres, the streets, and their own homes; and the delicate appreciation and enthusiasm for what was excellent were increased by practice and education. So in Italy a national tradition for production as well as for taste had been gradually formed, a sort of musical climate, in which artists found it easy to breathe. They knew that they might rely confidently on the appreciation of the public, whose attention and intelligence urged them to fresh efforts, while rewarding each success with sympathetic applause.

Opera and church music were almost in equal favour, and afforded mutual support to each other. It was accordant with the brilliancy of royal courts and rich cities to give operatic performances either at Carnival time or on special festive occasions; no expense was spared to engage the most famous singers, male and female, and for every season (stagione) new operas were written, if possible by famous and favourite composers. Again, the dignity of the Church required, at least on great holy days, that the musical part of the worship should be grand and imposing; and the more richly endowed churches and monasteries were quite able to rival the theatres. There was on every side a steady demand for musical production and execution, which offered abundant opportunity for the exercise of every kind of talent.

The musical education of youth was principally intrusted to the Church. Monasteries and religious institutions were careful to train the musical strength, which was later to be at their disposal; special institutions were founded, which were in part the origin of the future Conservatoires, whose mission it was to train their scholars as singers, instrumentalists, or composers, and in every case as thoroughly cultivated musicians. In Venice there were four such foundations in which boys, and more especially girls, received musical instruction, preparatory to devoting themselves to the service of the Church: the Ospidale della Pietà, intended for foundlings; Ospedaletto, where Sacchini was kapellmeister at this time; Gli Mendicanti, and Gli Incurabili, then under Galuppi's direction.5 In Naples were similar establishments, De Poveridi Gesù-Christo; Della Pietà de' Turchini; S. Onofrio; Loretto. Though all were originally intended as nurseries for church music, yet they were of almost equal service to music of a secular nature; indeed, the most highly gifted among the scholars were likely to prefer the more brilliant and profitable career of the opera stage. But the separation was never complete; operatic composers for the most part worked also for the churches, where opera singers and even professional instrumentalists were often heard. Ecclesiastics, too, practised music in various branches, often with zeal and success. Although this union of musical forces, through the overpowering influence of the opera, worked in time prejudicially on the dignity and purity of church music, yet there can be no doubt of its good effect on the study of form and musical science. The result was all the greater, since the almost instinctive steadfastness of the national taste preserved musicians from aberrations which are only to be checked by rigid limitations as to style and form. An art so formed, with so one-sided a cultivation, must of course die out in the end; but the extraordinary accomplishments of numerous Italian masters cannot fail to impress us with admiration of the share which Italian music, in its fulness of life and activity, had in producing a true musical atmosphere. It was indeed, this firm foundation of scientific knowledge which made possible a liberation of music from its confined Italian limits without abandoning the laws of artistic formation.

Under these circumstances Italy enjoyed undisputed and unlimited sovereignty in all matters relating to music. Spain and England acknowledged it almost without reserve; in France, where the impulse proceeding originally from Italy, had been modified by national characteristics, the influence of Italy was now beginning to reassert itself. In Germany alone, the works of great masters (we need only remind our readers of the Bach family as representatives of German church music; of Keiser, the creator of German opera in Hamburg) bore witness to an independent development of music. Even here it was not as "German as the German oaks," and bore many traces of Italian or French influences; but the comprehension and cultivation of form, the substance and spirit of the music, are purely German. This German music, however, was principally confined to Protestant North Germany; it was nourished by no favour from the great, and the colder artistic mind of North Germany hindered it from attaining the popularity which was enjoyed by music in Italy. At all the German courts, Protestant as well as Catholic, the opera was Italian; the Catholic church music was under the exclusive sway of Italian composers; all singers, male and female, were either born or educated in Italy, and so, for the most part, were the instrumentalists, although it was in instrumental music that Germany first challenged the supremacy of Italy.

The curious attraction of Germans to Italy, which has existed in all ages under different manifestations, must have worked with peculiar power on musicians.6 The German composers of the last century (with the exception of the North German Protestant church composers) all studied and laid the foundation of their fame in Italy, even those who, like Handel and Gluck, possessed original power enough to enable them later to strike out a path for themselves.7

It may be said that, in this sense, Mozart's pilgrimage to Rome was the last of its kind; to him it was accorded, not, only to attain to the highest aim of Italian opera but to break the bonds of nationality, by lending depth and substance to the Italian perfection of form, while, with the wealth of knowledge acquired in Italy, he furnished artistic form and expression to the national opera of Germany.

In taking his son to Italy, L. Mozart had a twofold end in view. Wolfgang was not so much to continue his scholastic training (that he could have done at home) as to emerge from a narrow provincial existence into the great world of art, and by extended experiences to gain the refined taste of a cultivated man of the world. He was also to gain fresh laurels, and to prepare the way for a prosperous and glorious future. L. Mozart expected from the excitable Italians special interest and applause on account of Wolfgang's youth; and in this he was not disappointed. But he soon found that no pecuniary gain was to be expected from this journey, since all concerts (accademie) were given by exclusive companies, or by a public institute without entrance money; so that the artist could count on no receipts but a voluntary fee from the entrepreneur, which was not usually large. Soon after his arrival in Italy L. Mozart remarks to his wife, a remark often repeated, that although not rich he has "always a little more than is absolutely necessary"; and so bearing his main object in view, he is quite content.

Considering the constant fulfilment of duty as the most important factor in education, he insisted on Wolfgang's continuing his regular studies during their journey. A long list of compositions, partly suggested by passing events, partly set studies, bear witness to this. Wolfgang, who was very fond of arithmetic (p. 22), asks his sister to send his arithmetic book after him, so that he may go on with his sums. In Rome he had a present of an Italian translation of the "Arabian Nights," which amused him very much. Soon after we find him reading "Telemachus." L. Mozart was too well informed himself to look upon this journey as instructive merely from a musical point of view. His letters show that he took interest in politics and social life, in nature, art, and antiquity; he sends home long descriptions of the journey, which are to serve as preliminaries to future conversations over the books and engravings he is collecting. Wolfgang evinced the same fresh interest in everything he saw, and offered no opposition to the care his father took of his health. "You know that he can be moderate," writes L. Mozart (February 17,1770), and I can assure you that I have never seen him so careful of his health as in this country. He leaves alone all that he does not think good for him, and many days he eats but little; yet he is always fat and well, and merry and happy the whole day long. And from Rome he writes (April 14, 1770), that Wolfgang "takes as much care of his health as if he were a grown man."

Neither the honours with which he was everywhere overwhelmed, nor his performances as a musician, had any effect in spoiling the unsophisticated nature of the boy; he was always bright and animated, full of jokes and merry absurdities, and retaining a strong attachment to home and the home circle amid all the distractions of the journey. In his letters to his sister, he falls into a ludicrous jargon, composed of any number of different languages, and of childish jokes and teasings, after the manner of brothers and sisters who have grown up together and are under no sort of restraint in their intercourse.

But whenever the subject is connected with music, through all the joking tone can be traced a lively interest and a decided and impartial judgment; and the whole tone of his letters breathes hearty sympathy and amiability. Fortunate circumstances and a sensible education had combined with the happiest result; and there can be no doubt that the concentration of Mozart's early training on one object had the indirect effect of keeping at a safe distance much that might have been hurtful to his disposition.

The father and son left Salzburg at the beginning of December, 1769.8 Many threads of personal recommendation stretched thence into the Tyrol and upper Italy, partly from mercantile connections, partly through the noble families belonging to the Cathedral Chapter, and the travellers had introductions which gained them admittance into widely different circles. Their first stay was at Inspruck, where they were well received by Count Spaur, brother to the Salzburg Capitular. On December 14, at a concert given by the nobility at the house of Count Künigl, Wolfgang played a concerto at sight, which had been put before him as a test of his skill; at the close he was presented with it, and twelve ducats in addition. The Inspruck newspaper testified (December 18) that "Herr Wolfgang Mozart, whose extraordinary musical attainments have made him famous alike in the imperial court, in England, France, Holland, and throughout the Holy Roman Empire," had given in this performance the most convincing proofs of his marvellous skill. "This youthful musician, who is just thirteen years old, has added fresh brilliancy to his fame, and has commanded the unanimous approbation of all musical connoisseurs."

As soon as they entered Italy the marks of honour with which the young artist was received became more animated and enthusiastic. At Roveredo the nobles arranged a concert at the house of Baron Todeschi, who had known Mozart at Vienna. "There is no need to say how Wolfgang is received," writes his father. When he wanted to play the organ at the principal church, the report of it spread through the town, and the church was so full that it took two strong men to clear the way to the choir, and then it was a quarter of an hour before they could get to the organ, they were so besieged by the audience.

The enthusiasm in Verona was still greater. As there was an opera every evening, a week elapsed before a concert could be arranged; but in the meantime invitations poured in from the Marchese Carlotti, Count Giusti del Giardino, Locatelli, &c.

Wolfgang performed a symphony of his own composition before a select assembly of connoisseurs, besides playing difficult pieces at sight, and composing a song to some dictated words, which he afterwards sang. The scene at Roveredo was repeated when he went to play the organ at St. Thomas's Church. The press was so great that they were obliged to get into the church through the monastery, and even then they could hardly have reached the organ had not the monks formed a ring round them, and so made a way through the crowd. "When it was over, the noise was still greater, for every one wanted to see the little organist."

Newspapers and poets vied with each other in extolling the marvellous apparition. The Receiver-General, Pietro Lugiati, chief among intellectual dilettanti, caused a life-size portrait of Wolfgang at the clavier to be painted in oils, and acquainted his mother with this honour in a long letter which contained warm expressions of admiration for the "raro e portentoso giovane."9

On January 10 they entered Mantua well and hearty in spite of the cold; but Wolfgangerl looked, his father said, owing to the fresh air and the heat of the stove, "as if he had gone through a campaign, a sort of reddish brown, particularly round the eyes and mouth, something like his Majesty the Emperor." Here too, they were warmly received by all the distinguished dilettanti of the place; Signora Bettinelli in especial lavished all a mother's care on the boy, and wept at parting from him. A Signora Sartoretti invited them to dine with her, and sent by her servants a vase with a beautiful bouquet tied with red ribbon, and in the middle of the ribbon a piece of four ducats folded in a poem addressed by the Signora to Wolfgang.

On January 16, the concert of the Philharmonic Society was given in their capital hall, Wolfgang being the principal performer. The programme, which we append, gives some idea of Wolfgang's performances in Italy.

Serie delle composizione musicali da eseguirsi nell' accademia pubblica filarmonica di Mantova la sera del di 16 del corrente Gennajo, 1770.

In occasione della venuta del espertissimo giovanetto

Sign. Amadeo Mozart.

1. Sinfonia di composizione del Sign. Amadeo.

2. Concerto di Gravecembalo esibitogli e da lui eseguito all im prowiso.

3. Aria d'un Professore.

4. Sonata di Cembalo all improwiso eseguita dal giovine con variazioni analoghe d'invenzione sua e replicata poi in tuono diverso da quello in cui è scritta.

5. Concerto di Violino d'un Professore.

6. Aria composta e cantata nell' atto stesso dal Sign. Amadeo all'

improwiso, co' debiti accompagnamenti eseguiti sul Cembalo, sopra parole fatte espressamente; ma da lui non vedute in prima.

7. Altra sonata di Cembalo, composta insieme ed eseguita dal medesimo sopra un motivo musicale propostogli improwissamente dal primo Violino.

8. Aria d'un Professore.

9. Concerto d'Oboè d'un Professore.

10. Fuga musicale, composta ed eseguita dal. Sign. Amadeo gul Cembalo;

e condotta a compiuto termine secondo le leggi del contrappunto, sopra un semplice tema per la medesima presentatogli all' im-prowiso.

11. Sinfonia dal medesimo, concertata con tutte le parte sul Cembalo sopra una sola parte di Violino postagli dinanzi improwisamente.

12. Duetto di Professori.

13. Trio in cui il Sign. Amadeo ne suonerà col Violino una parte all improwiso.

14. Sinfonia ultima di composizione del Suddetto.

The result was brilliant, the applause indescribable, and, according to a newspaper account, the musicians in Mantua were unanimous in declaring that this youth was born to surpass the most accomplished masters of the art.

This notice and others dwell chiefly on the precocious performances of the youthful prodigy. But wonderful as were Wolfgang's accomplishments as a clavier-player, violinist, and vocalist, they were thrown into the shade by his talents as a composer. Even in his public performances the prominence given to improvisation is remarkable, and the readiness with which he adapted the most varied subjects, always fulfilling the conditions of musical art, presupposes not only great liveliness of imagination, but a perfect mastery of mechanical form. In estimating Mozart's early acquirements, the most impressive fact to be noticed is the absence of any exaggeration of feeling or over-cultivation; all is natural and unstrained. His talent was no forced exotic, which springs up quickly and as quickly withers away; it was a plant of healthy growth, coming gradually to maturity; and the mechanical skill acquired in youth was the best foundation for the free creative power of manhood.

Father and son arrived at Milan before the end of January, and found a safe and comfortable lodging in the Augustine monastery of San Marco. A lay brother was appointed to wait on them, even to the warming of their beds, which attention caused Wolfgang to be "delighted when bedtime came." Their warm friend and patron was the Governor-General, Count Carl Joseph von Firmian (b. 1716). He had been partly educated at Salzburg (where his elder brother Joh. Bapt. Anton was Archbishop until 1740), and had there founded a literary society, whose earnest endeavours after a freer method of scientific inquiry had led to many hard struggles with authority.10 He afterwards studied at Leyden, and acquired cultivation and taste by frequent travels in France and Italy. As Ambassador at Naples, he won the heart of Winckelmann, who speaks of him as one of the greatest, wisest, most humane, and most learned men of his time and country.11 Count Firmian was appointed Govemor-General of Lombardy in 1759, and spared no efforts to promote the material well-being as well as the intellectual and artistic improvement of his province.

Like Münchhausen,12 he was not only a patron, but an accomplished judge of science and of the arts, and his support and hospitality were freely bestowed on artists and scholars. The Mozarts found a ready sympathiser in him, and his introduction to families of rank obtained for them all the pleasures of the Carnival; they were invited to balls and masquerades, and were obliged to follow the fashion, and order dominos and bajuti (caps, which covered the face to the chin and fell back over the shoulders).13 L. Mozart thought they were exceedingly becoming to Wolfgang, but shook his head over his own "playing the fool in his old age," and consoled himself with the thought that the things "could be used for linings afterwards."

At the opera, where they were often present, they made the acquaintance of the Maestro Piccinni, who was producing his "Cesare in Egitto." Wolfgang's performances at a public concert excited here as elsewhere the wondering admiration of artists and amateurs. "It is the same in this place as in others," writes L. Mozart, "I need not particularise."14 The friendship which Wolfgang struck up with two clever young singers, of fourteen and fifteen years old, led to his composing for them two Latin motetts.

But Count Firmian imposed a severer task on the young musician. He gave a brilliant soirée at his Palace, graced by the presence of the Duke of Modena and his daughter, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Milan. Wolfgang was commissioned to prepare for this soirée three songs to Metastasio's words as a proof of his power to produce serious dramatic music.

The principal piece was a grand aria with an accompanied recitative from "Demofoonte," the celebrated and often-composed "Misero pargoletto" (77 K.). The recitative is very elaborate, in high tragic style; its forcible character is rendered chiefly by the orchestra.

The air consists of an Adagio with a Poco allegro interposed in the same tone throughout. The two other songs (78, 79 K.) from Metastasio's "Artaserse," "Per pietà bel idol mio" and "Per quel paterne amplesso," have each only one movement; the last song has a short introductory recitative. In the two latter songs the simple Cantabile is embellished by bravura passages, which are wanting altogether in the first. They are all written for a soprano voice,15 and stood the test as representative of the dramatic song of the time. Count Firmian presented Wolfgang with a snuff-box and 20 gigliati,16 together with a copy of Metastasio's works. But the most important result of this soirée, and of their stay in Milan, was that Wolfgang was commissioned to write the new opera for the next season; the first singers—Gabrielli, with her sister and Ettore—were to be engaged for it, and the remuneration was fixed at 100 gigliati and free quarters in Milan during their stay. The libretto was to be sent after them, so that Wolfgang might make himself familiar with it, the recitative was to be forwarded to Milan in October, and the composer to be there himself at the beginning of November, to complete the opera in the neighbourhood of the singers, and to rehearse it for production at Christmas. These conditions were both agreeable and convenient, as they did not interfere with the journey through Italy, and allowed Wolfgang ample time to complete the opera quietly.

Mozart's first quartet was composed on the way from Milan to Parma, and dated Lodi, March 15, 7 o'clock in the evening (80 K.). At Parma the celebrated singer Lucrezia Agujari, called "la Bastardella," invited them to sup with her, and sang so as to justify the reports they had heard of her execution and the fabulous compass of her voice. "I could not have believed that she could sing to C in altissimo," writes L. Mozart, "had I not heard it with my own ears. The passages which Wolfgang has written were in her song, and she sang them somewhat softer than the deeper notes, but as clearly as an octave pipe in an organ. In fact, the trills and all were note for note just as Wolfgang has written them down. Besides this she has good alto notes, as low as G. She is not handsome, but certainly not ugly; has a wild look in her eyes at times, like people who are subject to fits, and she limps with one leg. She has always conducted herself well, and has therefore a good name and reputation."

On March 24 they arrived at Bologna. Here they were received by Field Marshal Count Pallavicini in a way that reminded them of Count Firmian. "They are two noblemen," writes L. Mozart, "who possess identical tastes and modes of thought, and are equally amiable, generous, and dignified." The Count arranged a brilliant concert in his own house, attended by 150 persons of the high nobility, among them the Cardinal Legate Antonio Colonna Branci-forte, and the chief of connoisseurs—Padre Martini. The company assembled at 8 o'clock, and did not disperse until near midnight.

L.. Mozart considered that Wolfgang made a greater effect in Bologna than elsewhere, that city being the seat of so many artists and learned men. Here they met the celebrated Spagnoletta (Gius. Useda), from Milan, the kapellmeister, Vincenzo Manfredini, known also as an author, who had visited them at Salzburg, on his journey from St. Petersburg in 1769, and the famous alto, Gius. Aprile.17 Bologna, the father thought, and thought rightly, was the best centre whence Wolfgang's fame could spread over Italy, since he had there to stand the severest tests from Padre Martini, the idol of the Italians, and the acknowledged arbiter in all matters of art. The Franciscan Giambattista Martini18 (born 1760) was esteemed not only as the composer of short, concise, artistically worked-out sacred pieces, but, from his thorough and comprehensive researches, as unquestionably the most learned theoretical musician of his day. Only one volume of his pedantic "Storia della Musica" had as yet appeared, and his classical work on counterpoint was only in preparation;19 but he was already considered infallible on all musical questions, both in Italy and abroad. His possession of an unequalled musical library20 placed him in correspondence with numerous musicians, scholars, and princes. Disputed points were submitted to his arbitration, and his advice was sought in the bestowal of official places. A recommendation from Padre Martini was the best possible key to success. His authority was the more readily acknowledged, since he united to his rare attainments a singular degree of modesty, and a ready alacrity to afford instruction, counsel, or assistance whenever required. He preserved, even in his learned disputes, invariable dignity and amiability,21 with a certain amount of cautious reserve. L. Mozart might well be anxious to win the favour of such a man for his son. Whenever they visited him Padre Martini gave Wolfgang a fugue to work out, which was always done to the great contrapuntist's entire satisfaction.

The companion figure to this learned monk was a musical celebrity of quite another kind, whose acquaintance Mozart also made in Bologna. Farinelli (Carlo Broschi, b. 1705), a pupil of Porpora, first appeared in 1722 in Metastasio's "Angelica," and an intimacy resulted between the singer and the poet (who called him his caro gemello) which had an important effect on the development of Italian opera. Farinelli's career in Italy was an unbroken success, and he was enthusiastically received in Vienna and London.22 Arriving in Spain in 1736, his singing had power to dispel the melancholy of Philip V.; he was summoned daily to the king's presence, and became his acknowledged favourite, a position which he retained under Ferdinand VI. and Queen Barbara. On the accession of Charles III., in 1761, Farinelli was obliged to leave Spain, and living in wealthy ease at Bologna, indulged his tastes for art and science. He practised the amiable and refined hospitality of a cultivated man of the world in his beautiful villa, and took peculiar interest in his fellow-artists, who never failed even in his old age to be charmed with his singing.23

The reports that have come down to us concerning the compass and beauty of his voice, concerning his way of taking breath, his portamento, his declamation,24 are as wonderful as was the success of this king of artists both in public and at court. He appears almost as a personification of the greatness and power of song in the last century, of which we can scarcely form a true conception, and which cause the history of music in that age to be mainly a history of song and singers. The period of Mozart's musical education was still under this influence, and, although the absolute sovereignty of song was soon to decline, the impression made on him in his youth by Farinelli and other great singers was not likely to be forgotten.25

On March 30 the travellers reached Florence. Their Austrian introductions secured them a most favourable reception in this city. The imperial ambassador, Count Rosenberg, immediately made known their arrival at court, where they were very graciously received by the Archduke Leopold, He recollected their former stay at Vienna, and inquired after Nannerl. Wolfgang played at court on April 2, accompanied by Nardini, the celebrated violinist; the Marquis de Ligniville, director of music, laid the most difficult fugues before Wolfgang to work out; he accomplished everything "with as much ease as eating a piece of bread."

The Marquis de Ligniville, Duca di Conca, &c., was considered one of the most thorough masters of counterpoint in Italy. As a proof of his skill he had written a "Salve Regina"26 and "Stabat Mater" for three parts, in the form of different kinds of canon. To the latter work is prefixed a long treatise (dated April 11, 1767) for the Philharmonic Society in Bologna, of which he was a member; the object of the treatise was to show that in accurate contrapuntal works the traditions of the old Roman school were preserved. In accordance with this view Ligniville apologises ironically to followers of the gusto moderno for the disuse of drums and trumpets, and for the simple old modulations to which he confines himself as being ignorant of the new lights. He allowed Wolfgang to study his works; and the latter copied neatly nine movements of the thirty canons of the "Stabat Mater." (Anh. 238 K.) Not satisfied with this, Wolfgang aimed at himself becoming a master of counterpoint. A "Kyrie a cinque con diversi canoni" in three five-part canons in unison was evidently an imitation of Ligniville's compositions, and was only one of many studies in the same difficult art.27 A loose sheet contains besides the first canon of the Kyrie, a design for a four-part canon, and five close canons or riddle canons, the first part and the number of parts only being given, [See Page Image] expressly noted di Mozart:—

2. Canon.—Ter temis canite vocibus. [See Page Image]

3. Canon.—Ad duodecimam: clama ne cesses.

Con - fi - te - bor ti bi Do - mi-ne in gen - ti -bus et no -mi - ni to - o can - ta -. - - - - - bo.

4. Canon.—Tertia pars si placet.

Con - fi - te.. bor ti-biDo - - - - - mi-ne in gen- ti-bu« et no -mi-ne tu - o can - ta bo.

5. Canon.—Ter voce ciemus.

[See Page Image] Nos. 1, 3, 4 of these are copied from the vignettes with which Padre Martini's "Storia Universale" is adorned. 28 He had made Wolfgang a present of his book, and the latter probably set to work at once to find out the knack of writing canons. We can see the ease with which he mastered his task.

At Florence, they fell in with their old London acquaintance Manzuoli, and Wolfgang was rejoiced to hear that there was a probability of his being engaged to sing in his opera at Milan.

In order to incite Manzuoli's ardour, Wolfgang gave him all his songs to sing, including those he had composed in Milan.

At Florence, too, Wolfgang formed a tender friendship with Thomas Linley, a boy of fourteen, the son of an English composer; he was a pupil of the celebrated violin-player Nardini, and played so exquisitely as almost to surpass his teacher. The two boys met at the house of Signora Maddalena Morelli, who was famous as an improvisatrice, under the name of Corilla,29 and had been crowned as a poetess on the capitol in 1776;30 during the few days that the Mozarts stayed in Florence the boys were inseparable, and performed together or by turns, "more like men than boys." They parted with many tears, and Tommasino, as Linley was called in Italy, brought to Wolfgang, as a parting gift, a poem which Corilla had written for him.

According to Burney,31 Tommasino and little Mozart were talked of throughout Italy as two geniuses of the greatest promise, and in later life at Vienna, Mozart spoke with warmth of Linley,32 and the hopes which had been frustrated by his early death.33

It was with regret that they left Florence; Leopold Mozart wrote to his wife: "I wish that you could see Florence, its neighbourhood, and the situation of the city; I am sure you would say that it is a place to live and die in." But time pressed, if they were to be in Rome for the carnival.

They had a fatiguing journey, in dreadful weather, that reminded them of Salzburg rather than of Rome, and passed through uncultivated country with wretched inns containing plenty of filth but little to eat, except perhaps a couple of eggs and some cabbage. They arrived in Rome about midday on Wednesday in Holy Week, amidst a storm of thunder and lightning, "received like grand people with a discharge of artillery." There was just time to hurry to the Sistine Chapel and hear Allegri's Miserere. It was here that Wolfgang accomplished his celebrated feat of musical ear and memory.34

It was the custom on Wednesday and Friday in Holy Week for the choir of the Pope's household to sing the Miserere (Ps. 50), composed by Dom. Allegri, which was arranged alternately for a four and five-part chorus, having a final chorus in nine parts.35 This performance was universally considered as one of the most wonderful in Rome; the impression made by it in conjunction with the solemn rites it accompanied was always described as overpowering.36 "You know," writes L. Mozart, "that this celebrated Miserere is so jealously guarded, that members of the chapel are forbidden, under pain of excommunication, to take their parts out of the chapel, or to copy or allow it to be copied.37 We have got it, notwithstanding. Wolfgang has written it down, and I should have sent it to Salzburg in this letter, were not our presence necessary for its production. More depends on the performance than even on the composition.38 Besides, we must not let our secret fall into other hands, ut non incurramus mediate vel immediate in censuram ecclesiæ." When the performance was repeated on Good Friday, Wolfgang took his manuscript with him into the chapel, and holding it in his hat, corrected some passages where his memory had not been quite true. The affair became known, and naturally made a great sensation; Wolfgang was called upon to execute the Miserere in presence of the Papal singer Christofori, who was amazed at its correctness. L. Mozart's news excited consternation in Salzburg, mother and daughter believing that Wolfgang had sinned in transcribing the Miserere, and fearing unpleasant consequences if it should become known. "When we read your ideas about the Miserere," answered the father, "we both laughed loud and long. You need not be in the least afraid. It is taken in quite another way. All Rome, and the Pope himself, know that Wolfgang has written the Miserere, and instead of punishment it has brought him honour. You must not fail to show my letter everywhere, and let his Grace the Archbishop know of it."

The Mozarts prepared at once to take part in all the festivities of Holy and Easter weeks. "Our handsome dress," writes L. Mozart, "our German speech, and the want of ceremony with which I call to our servant to order the Swiss guard to make way for us, help us through everywhere." He appears to have been flattered that Wolfgang was sometimes taken for a German nobleman or prince, and he for his tutor. At the cardinals' table Wolfgang stood near the seat of Cardinal Pallavicini, who asked him his name. On hearing it he inquired in surprise, "What! are you the famous boy of whom I have heard so much?" talked to him kindly, praised his Italian, and spoke broken German to him.

At the conclusion of the Easter festivities they set to work to present their numerous letters of introduction, and were warmly received by the noble families of Chigi, Barberini, Bracciano, Altemps, and others: one assembly followed another, all in Wolfgang's honour. The astonishment at his performances increased, according to L. Mozart, the farther they proceeded into Italy; "but Wolfgang," he adds, "does not remain stationary; his acquirements increase day by day, so that the greatest masters and connoisseurs cannot find words for their astonishment." For the Academies he appears to have written a Symphony (81, K.) and two soprano songs (82, 83, K.)from Metastasio's "Demo-foonte,"39 "Se ardire e speranfca" and "Se tutti i mali miei." In the midst of more serious study he found time to send his sister a new country dance, in return for which she was to send him some new minuets by Haydn. About this time they fell in with Meissner, who was on his way from Naples to Salzburg; Wolfgang appeared with him at the German Jesuit College, where Herr v. Mölk, of Salzburg, was studying.

On May 8, they quitted Rome, where their stay had been in every way agreeable; they had been comfortably lodged in the house of the Papal courier Uslinghi, on the Piazza del Clementino; their hostess and her daughter treated them with every attention and kindness, making them feel quite at home in the house, and refusing to hear of payment when they left. The journey to Naples was one not to be undertaken without some apprehension. The roads were unsafe, a merchant had lately been assassinated, and "sbirri and bloodthirsty Papal soldiers" were in pursuit of the murderer; L. Mozart hoped that similar measures would be taken in Naples. He thought it well, therefore, to travel with four Augustine monks, which was further an advantage, as it assured them a friendly welcome and hospitality in all the monasteries which lay on their way. In Capua, they were allowed to be present as guests at the taking of the veil by a nun of high rank.

Naples, where they remained from the middle of May to the middle of June, impressed our travellers with the irresistible charm of beautiful nature.

At first they suffered from cold, but this soon turned to excessive heat, and Wolfgang, who had always longed to look brown, saw his wish in a fair way to be accomplished. They had good recommendations to the court from Vienna. Queen Caroline, whom Wolfgang had lately seen in Vienna, received them graciously, accosting them whenever they met; but Wolfgang was not summoned to play at court. The King, although not unmusical, cared for nothing that required any cultivation; "what he is," writes L. Mozart, "can be better told than written." The all-powerful minister Tanucci, placed his major-domo at their service, to show them all that was worth seeing. Other nobles followed this example; and every evening a magnificent equipage was placed at their service, in which they joined the brilliant passeggio of the nobility on the Strada Nuova or on the quay, clad in elegant summer costumes. L. Mozart had ordered for himself a coat of maroon-coloured watered silk with sky blue velvet facings, and Wolfgang rejoiced in an apple-green coat with rose-coloured facings and silver buttons. Among Wolfgang's patrons was the old Princess Belmonte, the friend of Metastasio, and interesting to musicians as having been roused from deep melancholy by the singing of the tenor Raff.

The rendezvous of artists and scholars was the house of the British ambassador, Sir Wm. Hamilton, whose acquaintance the Mozarts had made in London. He himself was a violin-player, and pupil of Giardini; and his charming first wife was not only a cultivated judge of music, but was considered the best pianoforte-player in Naples; her "brilliant shakes and turns" were not less admired than the touching expression of her playing, which was in accord with her gentle nature.40 It was not without triumph that L. Mozart narrated her having trembled at playing before Wolfgang.

They found other old friends in the Swiss Tschudi, from Salzburg, and in a Dutchman named Doncker, who had been kind to them in Amsterdam; every one pressed forward to offer hospitality and assistance. Under these favourable circumstances, a public concert was given on May 28, with the most brilliant success; a success the more welcome, as they were not likely to find their tour a profitable one for some time to come. L. Mozart was delighted with the situation, fertility, animation, and curiosity of Naples; but he was shocked by the wretchedness of the population, and above all by the superstition which prevailed not only among the lazaroni, but also in the higher ranks of society. He witnessed an example of it when Wolfgang played at the Conservatorio della Pietà; the skill with which he used his left hand suggested to the audience that there was magic in a ring he wore; when he drew it off and played without it the wonder and applause were redoubled.

The time of their stay in Naples was favourable to musical interests. Simultaneously with the excellent representations of comic opera in the Teatro Nuovo, there was opened on May 30, the King's fête-day, the Grand Opera in San Carlo, for which Jomelli, Caffaro, and Ciccio di Majo were engaged; Anna de Amicis was prima donna, Aprile principal male singer. By a curious coincidence, Wolfgang was a witness of the first attempt made by Jomelli, who had left Stuttgart for Naples in 1768, to regain the favour of his countrymen. De Rogatis' opera "Armida Abbandonata," in which he made his reappearance, was designed to satisfy the higher claims of dramatic music, and to bring the results of his studies in Germany before the Italians, who were, however, slow to appreciate them. Wolfgang thought the opera fine, but too pedantic and old-fashioned for the theatre. This seems to have been the universal opinion; and later the increasing distaste to Jomelli's operas obliged the withdrawal of his "Iphigenia in Aulide," and the substitution of "Demofoonte" (November 4, 1770).41

The Mozarts found Jomelli polite and friendly. Through him they became acquainted with the impresario Amadori, who offered Wolfgang a libretto for San Carlo; but this, owing to his previous engagement in Milan, he was obliged to refuse, together with similar offers which had been made to him in Bologna and Rome.

On June 25, they travelled with post-horses back to Rome. Through the fault of a clumsy postilion their carriage was upset; Leopold saved his son by springing out before the danger came; he himself sustained considerable injury to his leg. Wolfgang was so tired by the journey (they had driven twenty-seven hours without a stop), that after he had eaten a little he fell asleep in his chair and was undressed and put to bed by his father, without waking.

This stay in Rome, during which they were present at the illumination of St. Peter's, at the delivery of Neapolitan tribute, and other ceremonies, brought Wolfgang a new distinction; he was invested by the Pope, in an audience of July 8, with the order of the Golden Spur, which the father announces, not without pride, as "a piece of good luck."42 "You may imagine how I laugh," he writes, "to hear him called Signor Cavaliere."

The honour apparently made little impression on Wolfgang. For some years his father insisted on his signing his compositions "Del Sign. Cavaliere W. A. Mozart," and advised him to wear his order in Paris; but later he let it drop, and one never hears of Ritter Mozart, whereas Gluck, who like Klopstock, wished to be outwardly recognised as the prophet of higher culture, was very tenacious of his dignity as a Ritter. Mozart was too simple-natured, and too essentially a musician, to set any store by outward distinctions.

On July 10, they left Rome, where Pomp. Battoni had painted a fine portrait of the young maestro, and travelled by way of Cività Castellana, Loretto, and Sini-gaglia to Bologna. They arrived on July 20, intending to remain here quietly until the completion and rehearsal of his opera should render Wolfgang's presence in Milan indispensable. L. Mozart's injured leg was still troublesome, and he was otherwise unwell, so that the friendly invitation of Count Pallavicini, to pass the hot season at his country-house in the neighbourhood of Bologna, was joyfully accepted. They found the coolest, best-appointed rooms prepared for them; couriers and servants were placed at their disposal, and their intercourse with the noble family was pleasant and unrestrained. The father was most carefully tended, and Wolfgang struck up a firm friendship with the young Count, who was just his own age, played the piano, spoke three languages, had six tutors, and was already a chamberlain.

Wolfgang composed industriously, and writes to his sister about four Italian symphonies, five or six songs, and a motett, which he had written. His only distress was that he had lost his singing voice; he had not five clear notes left, either high or low, and could no longer sing his own compositions. At Bologna they made the acquaintance of the operatic composer, Joh. Misliweczeck (1737–1781), who was finishing an oratorio for Padua, and was to write the opera in Milan for 1772. "He is an honest man," writes L. Mozart, "and we have become great friends." But their principal intercourse was with Padre Martini, with whom they became very intimate, visiting him daily, and holding long musical discussions. The discourse and instruction of the great contrapuntist could not be without influence on Wolfgang's work. A list of sketches in difficult contrapuntal forms, which according to the handwriting belong to this time, must have been studies suggested by Padre Martini. Of peculiar interest is a three-part Miserere for alto, tenor, and bass, with figured Continuo, superscribed Del Sigr. Caval. W. A. Mozart, in Bologna, 1770 (85 K.). It is evidently written under the influence of Allegri's Roman Miserere, generally harmonic, with some few imitative introductory passages, simple and very beautiful. The three last movements, Quoniam, Benigne, Tunc acceptabis, are written by another hand, and evidently not composed by Mozart; the subjects are severer and more simple. Probably Padre Martini wound up the youth's exercises by these movements of his own composition.43

The Philharmonic Society of Naples, whose festival performance Mozart had attended in company with Burney,44 honoured him with a signal proof of admiration and esteem. This famous society, founded in 1666, upon the presentation by Wolfgang of a memorial, and his accomplishment of a prescribed task, elected him a member of their body as Compositore. This honour was eagerly sought after by the most distinguished composers. For composers of church music it was important, since Benedict XIV., in a bull of 1749, had given a kind of overseership to the Philharmonic Society; only its members could become kapellmeisters to churches in Bologna, and by a Papal decree this membership was allowed to take the place of any examination.45 The distinction was the greater since members were required46 to be twenty years old, to have been admitted into the first class of compositore, and to have been a year in the second class of cantori and sonatori. Leopold describes the election as follows:—

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon of October 9 Wolfgang was required to appear at the hall of the society. There the Princeps Academiæ and the two censors (who are old kapellmeisters) gave him an antiphon from the Antiphonary; he was then conducted by the verger to a neighbouring apartment and locked in, there to set it in three parts. When it was ready it was examined by the censor, and all the kapellmeistem and composers, who voted on it by means of black and white balls. All the balls being white he was called in, and amid clapping of hands and congratulations the Princeps Academiæ in the name of the society announced his election. He returned thanks, and the thing was over. I was all the time on the other side of the hall cooped up in the Academical Library. Every one was astonished that he was ready so soon, for many have spent three hours over an antiphon of three lines. N.B.—You must know that it was not an easy task, for this kind of composition excludes many things of which he had been told beforehand. He finished it in exactly half an hour.

The task was, according to the old statute, a Cantus firmus from the Gregorian Antiphonary, to be elaborated contrapuntally for four, five, or eight voices a capella (in duple time); it was to be executed strictly according to rule, adhering to the singular treatment of the harmonies belonging to the old style of church music. After 1773, the examination became more severe,47 and an Italian who stood the test at the beginning of this century, speaks of it as consisting of three separate compositions. First, the given subject was to be arranged for four voices in falsobordone, i.e., in plain harmonics, after the fashion of our congregational chorales. The second test consisted of a disposizione di parte. One voice retained the Cantus firmus, the others were to be set to it in canonic or imitative mode. The motifs were often taken from the Cantus firmus itself, in a rhythmical, diminished form. Strict imitation was not enjoined; it sufficed that the voices should follow each other with similar passages. The third task was a fuga reale, a perfect fugue, according to the rules of the church mode of the Cantus firmus, in which one phrase is carried through as a theme, the other parts serving as intermediate phrases.

Wolfgang did not go through this examination without preparation. An elaboration in his boyish handwriting of the Cantus firmus "Cibavit eos in adipe" (44 K.) is probably an exercise made under Padre Martini's directions. His trial work was a Cantus firmus from the Roman Antiphonary, a freely imitative contrapuntal arrangement of the accompanying parts overlying the Cantus firmus of the bass, which is only to be adhered to in its melodic progressions, and may be modified in its rhythmical divisions. The original from Mozart's hand is in the archives of the Philharmonic Society, where it was found by Gaspari in a volume of various test works chiefly by Martini's pupils.48 Next to it among the documents was a second elaboration written by Padre Martini, and copied by Wolfgang. Of this a second copy is in the Mozarteum, from Wolfgang's hand, with his father's subscription: Dal Sigr. Cavaliere Amadeo Wolfgango Mozart di Salisburgo, Scritto nella sala dell' accademia filarmonica in Bologna li 10 d' Ottobre, 1770. This was published as Wolfgang's own test work (86 K.).49 Probably Padre Martini went through the boy's work, which was not free from faults, and was entered in the protocol as "satisfying the conditions," and showed him how the task might have been executed; he took the copy of the corrected exercise to Salzburg when he returned there.

On October 18 they arrived at Milan, and set vigorously to work on the completion of the opera. The subject chosen was "Mitridate, Re di Ponto," opera seria in three acts, versified by Vittorio Amadeo Cigna-Santi of Turin, where it had already been produced in 1767 with the music of the kapellmeister Quirico Gasparini. It was first necessary to finish the recitatives begun in Bologna, and Wolfgang worked so hard at them that he excused himself to his mother for not writing: "His fingers ached so from writing recitatives." Every air in the opera was written after consultation with the singers, male and female, as to what was best suited to their voice and style. By studying the taste of the vocalists and so engaging their zeal, the composer found the best security for the favourable reception of his work. If he were not fortunate enough to please his singers, either the whole must be rewritten to suit them, or he must be prepared to hear his music fall flat before the audience, if indeed something quite different were not substituted by the performer. When the composer possessed true talent and judgment, this co-operation was less detrimental to the work than if it had been left altogether to the discretion of the performers; nevertheless, the danger of undignified subjection to their caprices was considerable.

Wolfgang strove to extricate himself, as best he might, from the difficulties and intrigues which hindered his work. These were the more vexatious, as the singers arrived in Milan so late as to give him little time for composition. His father was careful not to allow him to overtax his strength, and especially insisted on his not working immediately after eating, unless under the pressure of great necessity; they usually went for a walk first. The mental strain of so important a task had a sobering effect on the boy's spirits, and he repeatedly enjoins his mother and sister to pray for the success of the opera, "so that we may all live happily together again." Leopold begs his friends in Salzburg to be charitable enough to write them cheerful, jocular letters, to distract Wolfgang's mind, There was, of course, the usual petty spite of the "Virtuosen canaille" to combat; they were not likely to leave unmolested a kapellmeister at once "a youth and a foreigner"; but the father shrank from no difficulties which could be overcome by "presence of mind and good sense," and declared they would gnaw through them all, "as the Hanswurst did through the Dreckberg."

The prima donna was not Gabrielli, but Antonia Bernasconi, daughter of a valet of the Duke of Wurtemberg, who had been educated as a singer by her stepfather, Andrea Bernasconi (kapellmeister at Munich since 1754).50 With her was "the first battle to fight," for it was through her that the envious cabal sought to overthrow the young composer. An unknown opponent of Wolfgang tried to persuade her to reject the songs and duets which he had composed for her, and to substitute those of Gasparini. But Bernasconi withstood this infamous proposal. She declared, on the contrary, that she was "beside herself with joy" at the songs which Wolfgang had written "according to her will and desire"; and the experienced old maestro Lampugnani, who rehearsed her part with her, was never tired of praising the compositions. Another cloud in the theatrical heavens appeared in the person of the tenor, the Cavalier Guglielmo d' Ettore, who had performed with great success at Munich and Padua.51 This storm, too, was happily allayed, but it must have been a threatening one, for L. Mozart reminds his son of it later, to encourage him, in Paris. The last arrival was the primo uomo—not Manzuoli, but Santorini, who had lately been singing at Turin, and had known them in Bologna. He was not at Milan till December 1, and the representation was to take place on the 26th.

The rehearsals began under favourable circumstances; even the copyist had performed his task so well that he had made only one mistake in the recitatives, and the singers proved excellent. "As far as I can judge, without fatherly partiality," wrote L. Mozart on December 8, "I believe that Wolfgang has written the opera well and with spirit." On December 17 the first rehearsal with full orchestra52 took place in the Redoutensaal, and the second two days later in the theatre; the verdict was altogether in favour of the new opera:—

Before the first rehearsal with the small orchestra, there were not wanting people who condemned the music beforehand as youthful and poor; they prophesied, as it were, declaring it impossible that so young a boy, and a German to boot, could write an Italian opera;53 they acknowledged him to be a great performer, but denied that he could by any means understand the chiaro ed oscuro needed in the drama. But since the first rehearsal these people are all dumbfoundered, and have not another word to say. The copyist is delighted, which is a good sign in Italy, for when the music pleases, the copyist often gains more by distributing and selling the songs than the kapellmeister by composing them;54 the singers, male and female, are highly satisfied, and the duet between the primo uomo and prima donna is especially praised."

The professori (instrumentalists) in the orchestra were pleased, and declared that the music was clear, distinct, and easy to play. Mozart's friends were as cheerful as his detractors were gloomy, and the most noted musicians, such as Fioroni, Sammartini, Lampugnani, and Piazza Colombo were decidedly in favour of the opera. Under these circumstances (although the first opera of the season was usually the least esteemed) they could look forward with calmness to the representation. This took place on December 26, under Wolfgang's conductorship, and the result surpassed all expectation. Every song, except those of the subordinate personages, was received with deafening applause, and with the cry "Evviva il maestro! evviva il maestrino!" Contrary to all custom at a first representation a song of the prima donna's was encored. At the second performance the applause was still greater, two songs and a duet being encored; but as it was Thursday, and the audience wished to go home to supper before midnight, so as not to encroach on Friday (fast day) the performance was cut short; it lasted, however, including the ballets at the end of each act, six good hours. On January 5, 1771, L. Mozart wrote home to his wife:—

Our son's opera is received with general approbation, and may be considered, as the Italians say, dalle stelle. Since the third performance we are alternately in the pit and the boxes, hearing or seeing, and every one is curious to talk with or look closely at the Signor Maestro, for the maestro is only bound to conduct the opera three evenings; Lampugnani accompanied at the second pianoforte, and now that Wolfgang does not play, he takes the first, and Melchior Chiesa the second. If any one had told me fifteen or eighteen years ago, when I heard so much of the opera songs and symphonies of Lampugnani in England, and Melchior Chiesa in Italy, that these two men would perform your son's music, and take his place at the piano to accompany his opera, I should probably have directed such a person to the madhouse as an idiot. We see by this how the power of God works in us men when we do not bury the talents that He has graciously bestowed on us.

The opera was repeated twenty times, and always with growing applause and a full house. The "Milan News," (January 2, 1771) assures its readers, that the youthful composer "studia il bello della natura e ce lo rappressenta adomo delle più rare grazie musicali." Wolfgang received from the public the appellation of the "Cavaliere Filarmonico," which was confirmed by the Accademia Filarmonica at Verona, who elected him as their kapellmeister on January 5, 1771.

Professional cares 55did not engross all Mozart's time and attention. They became on intimate terms with the young difficult concerto at sight. They had a trip to Turin, saw a splendid opera, and were back in Milan on January 31,56 leaving again shortly for Venice, where they arrived on the Monday in Carnival week. They were hospitably received by a merchant, Wider, a business friend of Hagenauer's.

They enjoyed in all comfort the pleasures of a Venetian carnival, and, having introductions to all the nobility, splendidly appointed gondoliers were always at their service; one invitation followed another, and almost every evening was passed at the opera, or at some other place of amusement. A concert was given by Mozart with brilliant success.

On the return journey, undertaken on March 13, they stayed one day in Padua, visiting the musical celebrities Franc. Ant. Ballotti (1697–1780), one of the first organ-players in Italy, and almost as good a theorist and contrapuntist as Padre Martini himself,57 and the composer and Munich kapellmeister, Giov. Ferrandini58—Tartini had died the year before. Wolfgang played on the excellent organ in Santa Giustina. At Padua, too, he received a commission to write an oratorio to be completed at home as opportunity offered. At Vicenza they remained some days at the request of the Bishop, a Cornero, who had made their acquaintance at Venice; and at Verona they stayed with their old friend Luggiati, who gave a brilliant reception in Wolfgang's honour.

On March 28, 1771, Wolfgang was in Salzburg again, enriched with many experiences and loaded with honours, his talents matured and his tastes improved; but his nature as simple, modest, and childlike as when he had set out. The most direct result of the great success of his opera was a commission from the impresario in Milan for the first opera of the Carnival of 1773, with an increased remuneration of 130 gigliati.

At Verona, L. Mozart had already heard rumours of a document on its way from Vienna to Salzburg, which was to bring his son "immortal honour." They had scarcely arrived in Salzburg, when Count Firmian commissioned Wolfgang, in the name of the Empress Maria Theresa, to compose a theatrical serenade or cantata in celebration of the marriage of the Archduke Ferdinand with the Princess Maria Ricciarda Beatrice, daughter of the hereditary Prince Ercole Rainaldo, of Modena. As the marriage was to take place in October of the year 1771, it follows that the stay in Salzburg was not of long duration. During this interval he composed, principally no doubt to satisfy the demands of his official position, a "Litany" (109 K.), and a "Regina Coeli" (108 K.) in May, and a Symphony (110 K.) in July. Leopold Mozart had little hope that even Wolfgang's success in Milan would serve to advance his cause with the Archbishop in case of any more lucrative post becoming vacant. Such considerations did not trouble Wolfgang himself so much as his father; he took advantage of this interval to fall in love for the first time. His letters to his sister are full of hints of a nameless beauty, of unspeakable emotions; and the fact that the young lady married about the same time makes the picture complete of the first love of a boy of sixteen, which had, as might be expected, no lasting effect on his natural good spirits.

On August 13 they left Salzburg, and after a short stay in Verona arrived at Milan on August 21. The marriage was fixed for October 15, but the libretto had not yet been returned from Vienna, where it had been sent on approbation; in those days it was considered that a maestro should be so sure of his art that it should stand him in stead at all times and seasons.59 Wolfgang was under no apprehension on this score; he was delighted with his gracious reception by the royal bride, and enjoyed the delicious fruit, eating a double share of it, as he says, out of brotherly love to his sister. When at last the book arrived at the end of August it was detained some days longer by the poet to make the numerous alterations required, and not until the beginning of September was it finally delivered over to Wolfgang. Then he set to work, composing so vigorously that on September 13 the recitatives and choruses were finished, and his father was of opinion that the whole opera with the ballet would be ready in twelve days, which indeed it was; and no wonder that Wolfgang complained that his fingers ached. In the room above that where he wrote was a violinist, in the room below another; a singing master lived next door, and an oboist opposite. "It is capital for composing," says Wolfgang; "it gives one new ideas."

During this visit to Milan they made the acquaintance of the great soprano, Catarina Gabrielli, famed for her intrigues no less than for her musical genius. The impression made by her on Wolfgang may be gathered from a letter to his father written later from Mannheim (February 19, 1778):—

Those who have heard Gabrielli must and will acknowledge that she is a mere executant; her peculiar style of delivery excites admiration, but only for the first three or four times of hearing her. In the long run she is not pleasing; one gets tired of passages, and she has the misfortune of not being able to sing. She cannot sustain a note in tune; she has no messa di voce; in a word, she sings with art, but no understanding.

The intercourse of the Mozarts with their fellow-artists, "really good and famous singers, and sensible people," was cordial, and undisturbed either by intrigues or cabals. Wolfgang's assured position with regard to the public, as well as the favour in which he was held at the imperial court, doubtless contributed to preserve harmony. The tenor Tibaldi and Manzuoli, who was really engaged this time, came almost daily at 11 o'clock, and remained sitting at the table till one; Wolfgang composing all the time.

But the most satisfactory connection was that with Hasse, who was composing an opera on Metastasio's "Ruggiero," for the same festive occasion.60 It was of no small significance that men like Hasse and Metastasio, who had brought Italian opera to its highest point, and a famous poet, such as Gius. Parini, in Milan,61 should have been content to place themselves on a level with young Mozart. It was momentous in the history of music, this handing over of the sceptre by the man who had ruled the Italian stage throughout his long career to the youth, who was not indeed destined to acquire equal fame living, but to whom posterity was to allot a far more glorious place. Hasse himself is said to have exclaimed: "This boy will throw us all into the shade."62 It was like him to recognise without envy the artistic greatness of Mozart; all young artists63 found him ready to appreciate and help forward their efforts,64 and Mozart himself had been grateful for his support when fighting with the musical cabal in Vienna.65

The festivities66 which had attracted a crowd of strangers to Milan began with the triumphant entry of the Duke, followed by the marriage ceremony in the cathedral; then came a concert and reception at court. On the 16th a public banquet was given to more than four hundred bridal couples, to whom the Empress had given dowries, and in the evening Hasse's opera "Ruggiero" was performed in the newly decorated theatre, with two gorgeous ballets in the entr'actes, "La Corona della gloria," by Pick, and "Pico e Canente," by Favier.

On the 17th, after a splendid procession on the Corso, Wolfgang's serenata "Ascanio in Alba" (111 K.), an allegorical pastoral play in two acts, with choruses and dances, (by Favier) was produced. After the first rehearsal, L. Mozart had been able to predict to his wife that the success of the work was assured. "Because, to begin with, not only are Signor Manzuoli and the other vocalists in the highest degree pleased with their songs, but they are as anxious as ourselves to hear the serenata with the full orchestra; secondly, because I know what he has written, and the effect it will have, and am quite convinced that it is excellent, both for the singers and the orchestra." He had not deceived himself, the applause was extraordinary; the serenata was repeated the next day, and until the close of the festivities was more frequently given than "Ruggiero." "I am sorry," writes L. Mozart, "that Wolfgang's serenata should have so entirely eclipsed Hasse's opera."

He refers his home circle to the judgment of a young Salzburg merchant, Kerschbaumer, "who, on the 24th, was a witness how the Archduke and Archduchess not only applauded two of the songs until they were repeated, but leaning from their box, both during and after the performance, they bowed towards Wolfgang, and testified their approval by cries of

'Bravissimo! maestro,' and clapping of hands, an example followed by all present." This time, too, Wolfgang received more substantial marks of favour; besides the stipulated fee, the Empress presented him with a gold watch set with diamonds, having on its back an admirably executed miniature of herself in enamel.67

Among the festivities, which lasted until the end of the month, were a splendidly appointed masked procession of facchini, in the costume of the surrounding peasantry, on the 19th; races for horses (barberi) on che 27th, for chariots (calessetti) on the 28th, and the cuccagna on the 24th, when masses of viands were given up to the plunder of the people, and fountains of wine were opened.68 On this occasion the Mozarts narrowly escaped a great danger. One of the great scaffoldings erected for spectators fell, and more than fifty persons were killed or injured. It was only an accidental delay which had prevented Wolfgang and his father from taking the seats which had been allotted them on this erection, and had caused them to seat themselves in the court gallery.

After the close of the opera, Mozart wrote a symphony (112 K.) and a divertimento (113 K.), probably for a concert, but at all events to order. During this stay in Milan a contract was entered into with the theatre of S. Benedetto in Venice, by which Wolfgang was commissioned to write the second opera of the Carnival of 1773. How this was possible, since the contract stipulates for residence in Venice at the same time as it had been already promised in Milan, it is not easy to see, unless some indulgence on the part of the Venetian impresario was looked for, perhaps even promised.69 The contract, however, was never fulfilled; Nau-mann became Mozart's substitute, arriving in Vienna just in time to undertake the opera. He produced his "Soliman" with very remarkable success.70

The return of the Mozarts to Salzburg was delayed until the middle of December, on the 30th of which month Wolfgang composed a symphony (114 K,), and was soon after seized with severe illness.71

Their arrival at home coincided with the death of Archbishop Sigismund, which took place after a lingering illness on December 16,1771. His successor was elected on March 14, 1772, in the person of Hieronymus Joseph Franz v. Paula, Count of Colloredo, Bishop of Gurk; to the universal surprise and grief of the populace, who had little prosperity to hope for under his rule.72 An opera was required to form part of the festivities accompanying his installation, and this Wolfgang was commissioned to compose.73 The subject chosen was "Il Sogno di Scipione" (126 K.), an allegorical azione teatrale, by Metastasio, which had been performed with music by Predieri on the birthday of the Empress Elizabeth, October 1, 1735. It was written with reference to the unfortunate military events in Italy, and stress was laid on the bravery and steadfastness of a great general, even in defeat. How far this subject was applicable to the circumstances of Bishop Hieronymus does not seem to have been inquired; even the words of the Licenza were left unaltered, except that the name of Girolamo was substituted for Carlo. It is amusing to note that Mozart composing from his Metastasio, writes the words under his score: "Ma Scipio esalta il labbro e Carlo il cuore," then effaces the name and writes Girolamo.

We do not know how far indifference towards the person of the new Archbishop is responsible for the fact that this opera betrays more of the character of an occasional piece written to order than any other composition by Mozart. It was probably produced in the beginning of May, 1772.74

The remaining compositions which fall authentically within this period are a symphony (124 K.), composed on February 21, and a litany, "De Venerabile" a very important work (125 K.), in March. January was lost by illness, and in April, Mozart was busy with his opera; but in May, a "Regina Coeli" (127 K.) and no fewer than three symphonies (128–130 K.) were ready; in June, a great divertimento (131 K); in July and August three more symphonies (132–135 K.); three quartets, or divertimenti (136–138 K.), fall also within the year 1772. These clearly identified compositions can scarcely be all that belong to this period. If the fact surprises us that Mozart, instead of making studies for the new opera which he was to produce in the autumn, employed this interval almost entirely on church and instrumental music, we must look for an explanation of it in his position at Salzburg, from which we cannot doubt that he felt an intense longing to free himself.

A correspondent of Burney who was at Salzburg in the summer of 1772 informs him that he has visited Mozart the father, and heard Wolfgang and his sister play duets together; Wolfgang, he says, is undoubtedly a master of his instrument, but he appears to have reached his climax, and, judging from his orchestral music, he affords another proof that premature fruits are more rare than excellent.75 It would be unreasonable to take this false prophecy amiss, for it no doubt reflects something of the state of opinion in Salzburg at the time.

On October 24 they set forth once more on the journey to Milan, in order to be there in good time for the new opera. On the way, "to make time pass," Wolfgang composed a pianoforte duet; his fête-day was merrily kept with the brothers Piccini, in Ala (October 31); and after the usual stay with Luggiati in Verona, they arrived at Milan on November 4. L. Mozart, who had lately been very well, appeared to profit by the change and irregularity of a travelling life, but at Milan the old complaint reappeared. Giddiness and numbness in the head, attributable to a bad fall, seized him more especially when he had been composing, and he could not free himself from "Salzburg thoughts," in which he would be unconsciously plunged for some time, and only with an effort banish them from his mind "like the wicked thoughts with which the devil used to tempt him in his youth." They were no doubt the reflection of his almost unendurable relations with the new Archbishop. He foresaw a troubled future, unless he could succeed in extricating Wolfgang from his undefined position in Salzburg, and placing him on a secure footing; and to this end he bent all his endeavours.

The opera which Wolfgang was to compose was "Lucio Silla," the words by Giovanni da Camera, a poet of Milan. This time Wolfgang brought part of the recitative with him, but he did not gain by so doing; for the poet had in the meantime submitted his text to Metastasio, who made many alterations, and added a new scene.

He had plenty of time, however, to rewrite the recitatives and to compose the choruses and the overtures, for of the singers only Signora Félicita Suarti (who sang in Parma in 1769, and now took the part of secondo uomo), and the ultimo tenore had appeared. They found Milan very empty, every one still in the country; only the D'Aste family received them into the same intimacy as before.

Next arrived the primo uomo Venanzio Rauzzini (b. 1752), an excellent singer, an accomplished pianist, and a not inconsiderable composer. He had been in Munich since 1776, when Burney made his acquaintance, and learned that he was to sing in Mozart's opera.76 His first song was soon ready; L. Mozart thought it incomparably beautiful, and that Rauzzini sang it "like an angel."77 At last the prima donna De Amicis arrived, after a tedious journey from Venice. It was time, for the representation was fixed for the 26th December, and there were still fourteen pieces to be composed, among them the terzet and the duet, "which might be reckoned as four."

"I cannot possibly write you a long letter," wrote Wolfgang on the 5th December, "for I have nothing to say, and do not know what I am writing; my thoughts are always in my opera, and I am in danger of writing you a whole song instead of words."

Maria Anna de Amicis (born about 1740), a pupil of Tesi, had been brought from the opera buffa as prima donna to the opera seria by Chr. Bach in London (1762). She had been married five years to Buonsolazzi, an official in Naples, and she brought her little daughter Sepperl with her to Milan.78 Although the Mozarts had made her acquaintance during their Parisian tour, she was at first a little inclined to create difficulties; but the most friendly relations were soon established between them.

When she had mastered her three songs she was "in high delight, because Wolfgang had suited her so wonderfully well." He had furnished the principal song with some new and marvellously difficult passages.79 L. Mozart wrote after the rehearsals, that she both sang and acted like an angel, and all Salzburg would be amazed to hear her.

There was still wanting the tenor Cardoni, and news at length arrived that he was so seriously ill he could not appear. Suitable messengers were at once despatched to Turin and Bologna, to seek for another good tenor, who was to be not only a good singer, "but especially a good actor, and a person of presence, to represent Lucio Silla with proper dignity." But such an one was not to be procured, and there was nothing for it at last but to take a church singer from Lodi, Bassano Morgnoni, who had occasionally sung in the theatre there, but never on a larger stage. He arrived on December 17, when the rehearsals were going on, and the following day Wolfgang wrote two of the four songs allotted to him. On December 21, 22, and 23 there were large parties of the nobility at Count Firmian's, at which vocal and instrumental music was performed from five o'clock in the evening until eleven. Wolfgang played each time, and was favourably noticed by all the great people.

The grand rehearsal passed off well; and the first representation on December 26, in spite of some drawbacks, was a great success. The opera began, according to custom, an hour after Ave Maria, and at half-past five the theatre was quite full. Just before Ave Maria the Archduke had risen from table, and retired to despatch five autograph congratulations on the New Year to Vienna; as might be expected, this took some time. The performers, male and female, in all the agitation of a first performance, and the hot impatient public were obliged to wait the arrival of the court until past eight o'clock. Unhappily the Lodi tenor had to express his anger by gestures during the prima donna's first song; in his efforts to surpass himself he gesticulated so wildly, "that he appeared to wish to box her ears, or hit her in the face with his clenched fist." Thereupon a laugh broke out; this confused De Amicis, who did not know for whom it was intended, and she sang ill the whole evening, especially after Rauzzini had been received on his first entry with applause from the Archduchess. Rauzzini had contrived to inform the Archduchess that he should be nervous at singing before her, and so had assured himself of the applause of the court. De Amicis was consoled by an invitation to court the next day, and then the opera went altogether well.

It was given more than twenty times to houses so full "that one could scarcely squeeze in." Each time some of the songs were encored, generally the prima donna's, which had "the upper hand."80

Wolfgang wrote a motett, "Exultate," for Rauzzini, (165 K.), which was performed before the actors on January, 1773. It is on the plan of a great dramatic scene, and maintains that style throughout. To a long and elaborate allegro succeeds a short recitative leading to a long, simple slow movement. The finale is an animated "Alleluia," cheerful and brilliant. Later (February 6) his father says he is busy with a quartet.

L. Mozart continually postponed their departure, at first with the expectation of seeing the second opera, which was much later than usual, owing to the many representations of "Lucio Silla," and afterwards under the pretext of an attack of rheumatism, which confined him to bed. In point of fact he had, with the powerful support of Count Firmian, proferred a request to the Grand Duke Leopold at Florence that the latter would attach Wolfgang to his court. The Grand Duke at first showed gracious dispositions, and L. Mozart must have wished to continue the negotiations from Milan. Even after their ultimate failure he thought he might count on powerful recommendations from Florence, and his thoughts turned again on a great professional tour. "Only be economical," he wrote, "for we must have money if we are to undertake a tour; I grudge every penny spent in Salzburg."

Towards the close of their stay a colleague from the Salzburg chapel, the horn-player Leutgeb, came to Milan, and was well received there.

At the beginning of March they really set out; for they might not be absent from their places on the anniversary of the Archbishop's election (March 14).

The remarkable success of the opera, and the lively interest excited by Wolfgang's person, leaves scarcely any doubt that further overtures were made to him in Italy; their non-acceptance must have been owing to the Archbishop's refusal of an extended leave of absence.