Читать книгу The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century - R. H. Tawney - Страница 6

[1] See the land legislation of the Australasian Colonies.

[2] The Instrument of Government (December 1653) established a franchise qualification of rent or personal estate to the value of £200. This certainly would have enfranchised a large number of copyholders and leaseholders, some of whom were much better off than the small freeholders. For an estate of £299, 15s. 4d. left at death by a tenant “Husbandman"” see Nottingham Borough Records under the year 1599 (vol. iv. pp. 249–252). It was made up as follows: “Money in purse and his clothes, £15; value of beasts, £74; corn sowne in fields, £35; value of furniture in hall, £2, 13s.; in parlour, £5, 14s., and other miscellaneous possessions.” For wills of husbandmen and yeomen see Surtees Society, vol. lxxix., pp. 181–182, 263–264, 294, 310. For the restoration of the franchise to the freeholders, see Gardiner, The Commonwealth, iii. 78.

[3] Hammond, The Village Labourer, 1760–1832. One may add—if English statesmen had studied the history of customary tenures in England, would they have deferred until 1870 legislation protecting tenant right in Ireland? See Lord Morley’s description of the Irish cultivator “as a kind of copyholder or customary freeholder” (Life of Gladstone, vol. ii. p. 281).

[4] Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times, Part i. pp. 85–88, 101–107, 540–543.

[5] See e.g. Records of the Borough of Reading, vol ii. pp. 36, 94, 156; vol. iii., 131, and those of Leicester, Norwich, Nottingham, and Southampton, passim; also below, pp. 275–277.

[6] “Mr. Secretary Cecil said, ... If we debar tillage, we give scope to the Depopulator, and then, if the poor being thrust out of their houses go to dwell with others, straight we catch them with the Statute of Inmates; if they wander abroad, they are within the danger of the Statute of the Poor to be whipt” (D'Ewes' Journal of the House of Commons, 1601, pp. 674–675).

[7] See below, pp. 273–275.

[8] E. E. T. S., England in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, Part II.: “A Dialogue between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset, Lecturer in Rhetoric at Oxford, by Thomas Starkey, Chaplain to the King,” edited by J.M. Cowper (date of composition about 1538).

[9] E. E. T. S., as above, Part I. (Appendix). The Pleasant Poesye of Princelie Practise, by Sir William Forest (date of composition 1548).

[10] The Commonweal of this Realm of England, edited by Elizabeth Lamond (date of composition 1549; the author was almost certainly John Hales).

[11] Powell, Depopulation Arraigned, 1636.

[12] The Crying Sin of England in not Caring for the Poor, wherein Enclosure such as doth unpeople Towns and Common Fields is Arraigned, Convicted, and Condemned by the Word of God, by John Moore, Minister of Knaptoft, in Leicestershire, 1653.

[13] Fitzherbert, Boke of Husbandry, 1534. Surveyinge, 1539.

[14] Tusser, Five Hundred Points of Husbandry.

[15] Northumberland County History, vol. i. p. 350 and passim.

[16] Surveys temp. Philip and Mary of various estates belonging to the Earl Devon (Topographer and Genealogist, i. p. 43).

[17] Norden, The Surveyor’s Dialogue (1607).

[18] Sermons by Hugh Latimer, sometime Bishop of Worcester (Everyman’s Library, J.M. Dent & Co.).

[19] Crowley, Select Works (E.E.T.S., 1872).

[20] Becon, Jewel of Joy. Extract quoted in England in the reign of King Henry the Eighth (Part I., p. lxxvi.).

[21] “For looke in what partes of the realm doth growe the fynest and therefore dearest woll, there noblemen and gentlemen, yea, and certeyn abbotes, holy men no doubt, not contenting them selfes with the yearely revenues and profytes, that were wont to grow to their forefathers and predecessours of their landes, nor being content that they live in rest and pleasure nothinge profitting, yea much noyinge, the weal publique, leave no grounde for tillage, thei inclose al into pasture; thei throw doune houses; they plucke downe townes, and leave nothing standynge, but only the churche to be made a shepehouse” (More’s Utopia, Book I., p. 32, Pitt Press Series).

[22] “The Grazier, the Farmer, the Merchants become landed men, and call themselves gentlemen, though they be churls; yea, the farmer will have ten farms, some twenty, and will be a Pedlar-merchant” (King Edward’s Remains: A Discourse about the Reformation of many Abuses). “Look at the merchants of London, and ye shall see, when by their honest vocation God hath endowed them with great riches, then can they not be content, but their riches must be abrode in the country, to bie fermes out the handes of worshipful gentlemen, honest yeomen, and poor laborynge husbands” (Lever’s Sermons, Arber’s Reprints, p. 29).

[23] “Do not these ryche worldlynges defraude the pore man of his bread, ... and suffer townes so to decay that the pore hath not what to eat, nor yet where to dwell? What other are they, then, but very manslears? They abhorre the names of Monkes, Friars, Chanons, Nounes, etc., but their goods they gredely gripe. And yet where the cloysters kept hospitality, let out their fermes at a reasonable pryce, noryshed scholes, brought up youths in good letters, they doe none of all these thinges” (Becon, Works, 1564, vol. ii. fols. xvi., xvii.).

[24] “A proclamation set fourthe by the King’s Majestie with the assent and consent of his dear uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset ... and the said cattell also by all lyklyhode of truth should be more cheape beynge in many men’s handes as they be nowe in fewe, who may holde them deare and tarye the avantage of the market” (Brit. Mus. Lansdown, 238, p. 205). See also E. E. T. S.: “Certayne causes gathered together, wherein is showed the decaye of England only by the great multitude of shepe" (date 1550–1553), and The Commonweal of this Realm of England, passim, especially pp. xlv.-lxvii. It is worth noting that Hales, who was quite conversant with the effect on general prices of an increase in the supply of money, thought that the rise which took place in his day was in some measure due to monopolists. He describes his third Bill as ensuring that “ther wolde have byn within fyve yeares after the execution therof suche plentie of vitteyll and so good cheape as never was in England" (Commonweal, p. lxiii.).

[25] Proclamation as before: “Of late by thynclosinge of landes and erable grounds, many have byn drevyn to extreme povertie, insomuche that wheareas in tyme past, tenne, twentie, yea in some places C. or CC. Chrysten people hathe byn inhabytynge ... nowe ther is nothynge kept but sheepe and bullocks. All that lande, whiche heretofore was tilled and occupied by so many men, is nowe gotten by insaciable gredyness of mynde into one or two men’s handes, and scarcely dwelled upon with one poore shepherd.”

[26] “There be a manie a M cottagers in England, which, havinge no land to live of theire owne but their handie labours, and some refreshinge upon the said commons, yf they were sodenly thrust out from that commoditie might make a great tumult and discorde in the commonwealth” (Commonweal of England, pp. 49–50).

[27] See below, pp. 341–344.

[28] Leadam, Domesday of Enclosures.

[29] Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., vol. xiv. and vol. xvii.; Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. xvii. See also Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure, pp. 132–152.

[30] Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. xix. See below, pp. 287–297.

[31] Johnson, The Disappearance of the Small Landowner, p. 40.

[32] See below, pp. 218–221 and 237–253.

[33] Nasse, The Land Community of the Middle Ages (translated for the Cobden Club by Colonel Ouvry, 1871), pp. 81–91: “With regard to the proper agricultural character of these movements they are represented commonly as having been caused by an exclusively pure pasture husbandry, which expelled the tillage husbandman. Different circumstances, however, and witnesses show us closely that this, for the most part, was not the case.” The discussion between Mr. Leadam and Professor Gay is contained in the Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., New Series, vol. xiv. See also Miss Davenport, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. xi., and below, pp. 223–228.

[34] Elizabethan England, edited by Lothrop Withington, with introduction by F.J. Furnivall, p. 119.

[35] J. Norden, The Surveyor's Dialogue.

[36] Thomas Fuller, Holy and Profane State.

[37] Gay, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. xvii., p. 587: “Hysterical and rhetorical complaint ... condemned by its very exaggeration.”

[38] Ashley, Economic History, vol. i. Part II., p. 286: “There were two periods of rapid change ... namely from c. 1470 to c. 1530, and again from about 1760 to 1830. After about 1530 the movement somewhat slackened.”

[39] See below, Part III., chap. i.

[40] Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., vol. xix. See also Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure, pp. 153–186. Professor Gonner is no doubt right in saying that “the view which regards inclosure ... as taking place mainly at two epochs, in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries respectively ... gives an almost entirely false presentation of what occurred.”

[41] Moore. The Crying Sin of England in not Caring for the Poor, 1653, and A Scripture Word against Enclosure, 1656. Moore’s pamphlets provoked rejoinders, viz., A Vindication of a Regulated Enclosure, by Joseph Lee, 1656, Considerations concerning Common Fields and Enclosures (1654, Pseudonismus), and A Vindication, of the Considerations concerning Common Fields and Enclosures, or a Rejoynder unto that Reply which Mr. Moore hath pretended to make unto those Considerations (1656, Pseudonismus).

[42] 4 Henry VII. c. 19.

[43] “For the chief destruccion of Townes and decaye of houses was before the begynnynge of the reign of King Henry the Seventh" (The defence of John Hales, quoted p. lxiii. of Miss Lamond’s edition of The Commonweal of this Realm of England).

[44] Camden Society, 1854, lii.

[45] J. Rossus, Historia Regum Angliæ (T. Hearne).

[46] See below, pp. 161–162.

[47] See e.g. More’s Utopia quoted above, and Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denkscriften aus der Zeit Heinrichs VIII. von England. It is suggested that if the council will only fix the price which stappellers and clothmakers are to pay for raw wool, “it shall cause the pasturers of sheep to open their enclosures and suffer the more earth to be wrought by works of husbandry.”

[48] See the discussion between Mr. Leadam and Professor Gay on the wool prices of Thorold Roger in Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., New Series, vol. xiv. The best account of the price movements of the sixteenth century is contained in Studien zur Geschichte der Englischen Lohnarbeiter, Band I., by Gustaf F. Steffen.

[49] Hasbach, A History of the English Agricultural Labourer, pp. 31–33.

[50] See below, pp. 197–200 and 304–310.

[51] e.g. by Hasbach, op. cit. p. 37. Gay, Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., vol. xviii. Contrast Miss Leonard, Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., vol. xix. On the subject of the policy of the State towards the agrarian problem, see below, Part III., chap. i.

[52] Preface to The Commonweal of this Realm of England (ed. Lamond).