Читать книгу First Furrows - Rev. Alfred Campbell Garrioch - Страница 8

Table of Contents

The seed planted by the Colonists in 1815 did well, and fifteen hundred bushels of wheat were threshed in the fall. Seed had to be saved out of this, and as they were without the means of hauling buffalo meat from any great distance, it was necessary to again move to Pembina for the winter. But even there they were far from the buffalo, as these animals seemed to put in that winter on some other feeding grounds.

While the settlers were undergoing great sufferings at Pembina both from hunger and cold, the agents of the two companies were striving one against the other more bitterly than ever. From the two following extracts it would seem that the Nor’-Westers were prepared to go to great lengths, not stopping short of bloodshed, if the Colonists could not be got rid of in any other way.

In March, 1816, Alexander McDonell wrote to Duncan Cameron from Fort Qu’Appelle: “A storm is gathering in the North, ready to burst on the rascals who deserve it. Little do they know their situation. Last year was but a joke. The new nation are coming forward to their native soil to expel the intruders and assassins.” And Cuthbert Grant wrote: “The Half-Breeds at Fort de Prairie and the English River are to be here in the spring.... It is to be hoped we shall come off with flying colours.”

The policy that has been tried and has turned out unsuccessful, is of course always liable to suffer by a comparison with one that has not been tried. Bearing this in mind, one should not be too ready to indulge in adverse criticism of Governor Semple’s public actions, yet one cannot help regret that the man who was in charge of the Colonists at this time was not some veteran Hudson’s Bay diplomat or tactician who would have had a fair show at beating crooked-armed McDonell at his own game.

When Governor Semple had Duncan Cameron arrested and sent to London, England, for trial, he was probably within his rights, and did a good stroke of business, for who could tell what further mischief he might have wrought among the Colonists with his Gaelic tongue and kilts, had he been permitted to remain in the country. Yet, better to have taken that risk, if he could not have been sent away by any man except Colin Robertson—a man who was well acquainted with the country and its people, and also with the policy and personnel of the North-West Company, and who, although said to have had a personal grudge against Alexander McDonell, evidently realizing that the situation was critical, favoured a policy of prudence and had tried to dissuade Governor Semple from pulling down Fort Gibraltar, telling him that it was sure to be followed by acts of reprisal.

Duncan Cameron was tried in London in 1817, and was acquitted, for it was declared that he could not be accused of having committed any crime; but that was not the worst. Later on he brought an action against Lord Selkirk for illegal detention, and the court awarded him £3,000.

In 1816 Fort Gibraltar was captured and pulled down, and much of the material was used in the enlarging and improving of Fort Douglas, and likely it was as a reprisal for this particular act that the Nor’-Westers struck a blow at the Hudson’s Bay Company further west by seizing the year’s returns of furs and provisions on the Qu’Appelle and Assiniboine Rivers. Their first haul was made at the Qu’Appelle. Five flat boats were being floated down stream loaded with twenty-two bales of furs and six hundred bags of pemmican. James Bird was in charge, and with him were Mr. Pembrun and Jno. Bird, Junior. On May 12th they were attacked by an armed party of forty-nine Bois Brules, under the leadership of Cuthbert Grant and Peter Pangman. All the furs and pemmican were seized, and Messrs. Pembrun and Bird taken prisoners. A Mr. Sutherland was allowed to proceed to the Red River Settlement in one of the boats, minus the cargo. Alexander McDonell took charge of the captured brigade, and continued the journey downstream. Arriving at Brandon House, he plundered it of everything of any value. The next stopping place was Portage la Prairie, where they arrived on June 16th.

Their party now numbered one hundred and twenty, some of whom were servants of the North-West Company, while others were Bois Brules, hired expressly for the occasion and coming from various part of the country, where they lived much as the thoroughbred savages, and to whom they were superior chiefly in being able to speak both Cree and French, instead of Cree only; and from whom they were distinguishable chiefly by their clearer skin and heavier build, but from whom they differed not a whit in the easy, graceful step of the moccassin-raised man or woman, while in the matter of undressiness, though the Frenchman did not quite equal his red brother, yet on special occasions there were some who were wont to adapt themselves to the unsophisticated tastes of the Indian, and to appear in a scantiness of broadcloth that left the narrowest possible margin on the side of decency.

When treated with proper consideration the Bois Brules can be easily directed and becomes a pleasant and faithful companion; but when treated in an overbearing manner, or when encouraged to give himself the rein, especially when under the influence of drink, he is liable to become a little worse than other human beings under like circumstances—he is liable to become inhuman. Wonder not then that men of this type in the hands of clever and designing rogues could become easy and ready tools in the perpetration of deeds of the most atrocious character.

Arriving at Portage la Prairie, Alexander McDonell firmly secured his boats to the banks of the Assiniboine, somewhere at the foot of the Sand Hills, near the site now usually spoken of as “The Old Fort.” There he hastily fortified his position with bags of pemmican, having good reason to expect a visit from the Hudson’s Bay people, intent upon recovering their property.

According to a plan laid down at Fort William, the Nor’-Westers who were to be sent from there, and those who were to come down the Assiniboine, were to meet at the Red River on the 20th June. On account of the destruction of Fort Gibraltar, Alex. McDonell decided to stay at Portage la Prairie in charge of his valuable accumulation of furs and provisions, while he sent half of his men to meet the party from Fort William at the appointed rendezvous. The party who left Portage la Prairie for this purpose were in charge of Mr. Cuthbert Grant and consisted of sixty men, who were mounted and well armed; and among them were two or three Indians. It was claimed that their instructions were to avoid a collision with the Hudson’s Bay people or Colonists, and, with this object in view, they were to leave the regular route when in the vicinity of Fort Douglas, and circle far to the north so as not to be observed.

Unfortunately they were observed, and when Governor Semple was informed of their presence, he simply remarked, “We must go out and see these people.” Accordingly he left the fort, accompanied by twenty-eight men, some of whom were mere lads, as he had with his characteristic kindness, insisted that the married men should remain in the fort with their families.

When the Colonists met the French half-breeds at Seven Oaks there followed what some have called a fight, but which is as often and more correctly designated a massacre, and of which the account considered the most reliable is that of Mr. John Pritchard, grandfather of Archbishop Matheson; and it must be admitted that his version of the affair bears the impress of candour, and shows a desire to tell the whole truth, for we are informed that one of the Half-breeds greeted him with the remark, “Petit Chien” (you little dog). “What are you doing here?” This question in which Mr. Pritchard is classed as a diminitive specimen of the canine race, is accounted for by the fact that though he was now a settler in the Red River he had been previous to his retirement, an officer in the service of the North-West Company, during which time this particular Half-breed most likely made his acquaintance, and was now gratified to renew it under the altered circumstances, and showed it by the familiar expression of his sentiments in the way just mentioned.

When Governor Semple and his companions had proceeded a short distance, they met a number of the Colonists running towards the fort and shouting, “The Half-breeds, the Half-breeds.” Proceeding a little further, he halted the party, and a message was sent back to the fort for a cannon and as many men as could be spared. These not arriving quickly, he gave the order to advance; and as they went forward the Nor’-Westers suddenly appeared from behind some bushes, and quickly bearing down upon them, divided, and partly surrounded them in the form of a half moon. They were now close enough to notice that the Half-breeds were painted and disguised so as to appear as hideous as possible, and in further pursuance of their Indian tactics, they gave out a fierce war-whoop, and made other hideous noises.

A half-breed by the name of Boucher now advanced toward Governor Semple, calling out, “What do you want? What do you want?” Governor Semple answered, “What do you want?” to which Boucher replied, “We want our fort,” and Governor Semple said, “Well, go to your fort.” Boucher answered insultingly, and Governor Semple was seen to put his hand on Boucher’s gun. Then a single shot rang out. Some suppose that it was the accidental discharge of a gun in the hands of Lieutenant Holt. Others say that it was from the ranks of the Half-breeds. Then firing became general; and it is believed that at the first volley from the Bois Brules, most of Semple’s party were either killed or wounded.

One man killed and one man wounded was the loss on the side of the attackers, while on the side of the attacked there was twenty-one killed and one wounded. In other words, only seven of the party who emerged from the gate of Fort Douglas, lived to re-enter it, those few having saved their lives by flight. All who were wounded were not only killed but their bodies were subjected to barbarous abuse and mutilation.

As the few men who had escaped were being pursued in the direction of the fort they were met by Mr. Burke coming along with the cannon, who by opening fire on the pursuers, enabled the pursued to reach the fort in safety. In rendering this service to his friends Mr. Burke did not escape unscathed, for he was hit in the leg with a ball, from the effects of which he suffered for the rest of his life.

During the night following this 16th June, 1816, the Colonists had some exceedingly sorrowful and anxious hours, for from what had occurred they had good cause to believe that the Bois Brules were bent on their extermination, nor had the Hudson’s Bay servants any reason to suppose that there would be any discrimination in their favour.

By the death of Governor Semple, Sheriff Alexander Macdonald became officer in command; and it required no arguments from him to convince his little mixed garrison of the seriousness of the situation, and to persuade them of the necessity of standing by one another as a solid unit, so as to defend themselves to the full extent of their power, and the best possible advantage.

The Nor’-Westers spent the night at Frog Plain. There Mr. Pritchard was held a prisoner; and again his life was threatened, and again some ill-mannered Frenchman called him “Petit Chien.”

It is fortunate that Cuthbert Grant, leader of the Bois Brules, proved amenable to reason, and had sufficient influence with his fellow-countrymen to hold them in check, while negotiations were being entered into between Mr. Pritchard, Mr. Macdonald and himself respecting the occupants of Fort Douglas. After the atrocities of the previous day Mr. Macdonald was naturally backward about risking the lives of the women and children under his care, by allowing the Nor’-Westers to enter the fort under any circumstances; and those comprising his little garrison took the same view of the matter. He therefore accompanied Mr. Pritchard to Frog Plain, that he might judge for himself from what he saw and heard, how it would be best to act. There he became convinced that the assurance of Cuthbert Grant could be relied upon, that if the fort and everything within it excepting personal property was surrendered, the Colonists would be allowed to leave in peace.

Accordingly on the following day Mr. Grant with his followers approached the fort, and was met by Mr. Macdonald with a flag of truce. The fort was then entered and the goods of the Hudson’s Bay seized. But a proper inventory was taken, each sheet of which was signed “Cuthbert Grant, acting for the North-West Company.”

After having completely crushed any opposition that it may have been in the power of the Colonists to offer, the Bois Brules showed sufficient love for them to allow them three days in which to pack up and be off; also all the boats they needed, and enough provisions to last them until they had gotten themselves afar off. Grant gave his consent to the interment of the remains of Governor Semple and the others, and his assurance of non-molestation while this was being done. More than that, a Nor’-Wester was placed in each of the boats as they floated down the river, and Mr. Grant with a few men rode abreast as a precaution against an attack from some unforgiving Metis.

On the day after their departure, they were met by the Nor’-Westers who were arriving from Fort William. They were stopped and their baggage examined, not exempting that of the late Governor. Any papers that it was thought might be of importance in the way of evidence were seized; after which they were lavish with advice to the fugitives, to abandon Lord Selkirk’s forlorn hope, and to follow the example of their compatriots who had accepted the good offices of Duncan Cameron, and found themselves safe and comfortable homes in Canada. Then the pilgrims were allowed to continue their journey, and once more they left the land of their adoption which had been so plentifully moistened with their tears and their blood, and they skirted the eastern shore of Lake Winnipeg till they reached that haven of refuge, Jack River.

It would be a great pleasure to anyone fond of relating anything that is to the credit of humanity, to be able to say without a perversion of the truth when giving an account of the affair at Seven Oaks, that after the Bois Brules had had a little time to reflect over what they had done, they felt sorry and ashamed. No such pleasure is his—far from it. He has to tell with sorrow that these fellows gloried in what they had done, so that when we are told by historian Ross that a large majority of them came to violent deaths—such as being shot, drowned, frozen, starved, struck by lightning and the like, we need not pretend that we are very sorry or very surprised!

When messengers arrived at Portage la Prairie, and told Alexander McDonald what had happened, he became quite hilarious, and when the whole ghastly story had been told, he led the crowd in loud and repeated cheering. There is no record of any words of regret having been uttered by the Half-breeds or their leaders, either at Portage la Prairie or Point Douglas.

When Lord Selkirk heard of the troubles Miles Macdonell was having in the endeavor to carry out his plans, and of his unsuccessful resistance of Nor’-Wester aggressiveness, he formed the belated conclusion that it would not be possible to prevent acts of violence in the settlement without a military force. In the endeavour to obtain such a force he first approached the British Government through Lord Bathurst, Secretary of State, stating in his petition that a military force was needed to safeguard the lives and property of the inhabitants of this part of the empire, and that a small force was all that was necessary. His petition not being granted he next approached the Canadian Government through Sir Gordon Drummond, Governor of Lower Canada. He made his plea stronger in this instance, but with no better success. Still bravely adhering to his colonizing plans in the face of these discouragements, he once more approached the forenamed Governments, to obtain their sanction to his providing the necessary military force at his own expense. Almost strange it seems, but neither Government offered any objection to this, and consented to his going ahead with his military adventures as well as his colonizing and mercantile ones, the Canadian Government even going so far as to provide him with the magnificent bodyguard of a sergeant and six men, large enough perhaps they thought to keep his Lordship from getting hurt, and not large enough to hurt them.

But the Canadian authorities, even if unintentionally, did show a very high estimate of the honourable character of Lord Selkirk, when they trusted him thus—as only one in a thousand may be trusted—in allowing him to lead a little army of his own into a region where civilization was unrepresented save by two fur trading companies pitted one against the other in bitter rivalry, with one of which companies he was so closely identified, that however fairly he might endeavour to act he was bound to be accused of partiality by the company so bitterly opposed to his own.

It was late in 1815 when Lord Selkirk, accompanied by the Countess, his son and his two daughters, arrived in Montreal. On the refusal of the Canadian Government to provide a military force to restore and maintain order in the Red River settlement, he set about doing so, with their consent, at his own expense. In this undertaking he was kept busily engaged until the opening of navigation in 1816. Early in May a brigade of Hudson’s Bay canoes left Montreal for the interior, and accompanying them was Mr. Miles Macdonell, sent forward by Lord Selkirk to procure the latest news from the Colony on the Red River.

Lord Selkirk had no difficulty in procuring recruits for his last body of emigrants. There were at the time of his arrival, two regiments of European troops located in Canada, viz., the De Meurons stationed at Montreal, and the Wattiville stationed at Kingston. They had been engaged first in the Napoleonic War and later in the War with the States; and at this time were being disbanded in Canada. So here, ready-to-hand, was first class material for a military adventure; nor was there any valid reason why these men who were inured to the perils and hardships of a military life, should not be equally well fitted to engage successfully in the peaceful pursuits of husbandry on the banks of the Red River, their previous training being some guarantee that they would arrive at their destination, and that when they had done so, farming in those parts would become a little safer and more pleasant than it had been in the past.

The inducements for which these military agriculturists undertook the expedition were as follows: A certain portion of land, necessary agricultural implements and $8.00 monthly while on the voyage. One hundred and twenty De Meurons were engaged, and twenty of the Wattiville regiment. Besides, there were one hundred and thirty voyageurs. The brigade left Montreal early in June, and on arriving at Sault Ste. Marie, Lord Selkirk made a strong effort to get two magistrates to accompany him northward, because though himself a magistrate, he felt that it was not advisable that he should act in that capacity in any instance where his personal interests were involved. However, in the extremely trying position in which he found himself placed, later on he felt it his duty to exercise his magisterial powers. His explanation to the authorities was not unreasonable, viz., that he was forced to do it, and that to have adopted the alternative course would have been submission to a policy “in which force ignored every standard of justice.”

The brigade had not proceeded far after leaving Sault Ste. Marie when two Hudson’s Bay canoes were met, in one of which was Miles Macdonell, who, as previously stated, had been sent ahead to obtain news of the Red River Settlement. It had not been necessary for him to go further west than Lake Winnipeg, as he was there met by a party from the settlement who brought word of the Seven Oaks affair, and the expulsion of the Colonists. With this mournful intelligence he at once returned, meeting Lord Selkirk and his party, as just stated, a short distance from Sault Ste. Marie.

Mr. McGillivray, the North-West officer in charge of Fort William, received the news not much earlier than Lord Selkirk, as it was Miles Macdonell or some of his party who gave it out at Fort William in passing, so that when the Earl arrived there news of the awful tragedy was still fresh in the minds of both. To Lord Selkirk it must have been heart-breaking, and even to the Nor’-Westers—among whom there must have been many right-minded men—it must have been brought home to them that blood-guiltiness was largely to be laid at the door of their establishment. But whatever the reasons for acting as they did it must be admitted that they acted prudently. Their behaviour was not that of men who endorsed the actions of the slayers of Semple and his companions, but rather that of men who were satiated with a policy of aggressiveness and reprisal, and who wished to direct their thoughts into channels of business less liable to be drenched with human gore.

It speaks well for both sides, and shows the value of education and discipline, that though feeling ran very high, no blood was shed on this occasion, and that there was no recourse to brute force on either side, although Lord Selkirk acting in his magisterial capacity, arrested, tried, imprisoned and sent east for trial, those whom he considered most guilty. Even the De Meurons were kept within bounds; and the Nor’-Westers, although they considered Lord Selkirk’s actions quite unjustifiable, had no recourse to physical force, although some of their supporters afterwards made the claim that they had the advantage of numbers, and could have annihilated Lord Selkirk and his whole party had they felt so disposed; and that they did not defend themselves by force because they had made the resolve that there was to be no more bloodshed, and therefore restrained themselves, confining their resentment to protests either verbal or written.

The result of Lord Selkirk’s investigations was the arrest of Mr. McGillivray and other North-West officials who were sent in charge of some twenty of the De Meuron soldiers to undergo trial in the courts of Eastern Canada. Lord Selkirk spent the winter of 1816-17 at Fort William.

At a point about half way between Fort William and Fort Douglas the Nor’-Westers had a fort that was in charge of a Mr. Dease. This gentleman very reluctantly had to resign in favour of Captain D’Orsonnen of the De Meurons, who regarded it as a point of strategic importance for the final dash towards the objective, and that dash was made in the month of February. Captain D’Orsonnen, with his sturdy little force then set out on snow shoes, following the Rainy River and then the Lake of the Woods, till they reached the point on the lake nearest the Red River. Then, with the assistance of Indian guides, they traversed the intervening forest, emerging on the Red River some distance north of Pembina. Then following the Red River northward until within a few miles of Fort Douglas, they struck out overland westward until they reached the Assiniboine at what is now St. James. There they hastily constructed light ladders, and the night being favourable for approaching the fort unobserved, they planted their ladders and climbed over the stockades before their presence was discovered. It was a clever and bloodless achievement, for when the Nor’-Westers found regular soldiers (simakunissuk) within the fort, they threw down their arms and betook themselves to their houses.

Many hard things have been said and written about the De Meurons; but let this clever capture of Fort Douglas, and a few other of their military achievements always be remembered to their credit. Even in these days when military operations are conducted in, on and through earth, air and sea, the exploit of Captain D’Orsonnen and his De Meurons in the capture of Fort Douglas, would be considered a clever performance; and need it be said, that at the time it occurred and long afterwards, it was spoken of as a famous military feat.

As may be supposed, news of the exploit of the De Meurons was nowhere hailed with more delight than at Jack River, where the Colonists had been in exile for eight months. At once the able bodied among them returned over snow and ice to Fort Douglas; and the rest of them followed on the opening of navigation in the month of June, arriving there about the same time as Lord Selkirk.

The first detachment from Jack River, aided by the De Meuron detachment which captured the fort, kept their hoes going so industriously that by the time the other contingents arrived from the north and east, numerous fair sized patches of land had been seeded to wheat, barley and potatoes. And a very good thing too that they had seed to sow, and that they sowed it before they were tempted to eat it, for after the other crowd arrived there followed about two months of food shortage, during which period the available supply of fish, fowl or anything else edible was at times painfully inadequate.

Had Lord Selkirk treated his Colonists unfairly, they must have found it out by this time, and now was their chance to say so; but there is no evidence of their having made any complaints. Their attitude and behaviour was that of persons who gave him credit for having acted disinterestedly, and who placed unabated confidence in his word, and were hopeful that his efforts would yet be crowned with success, and that there were happier days in store for them all. Not the faintest hint is there that from the hour of his arrival to that of his departure there was any expression of feeling between them other than that of a kindly and pleasant character.

While in the settlement Lord Selkirk did all in his power to encourage the Colonists, and to make their position as secure as possible. To this end he made a treaty with the Indians, thereby extinguishing their title to a choice strip of country contained within the larger tract that he had purchased from the Hudson’s Bay Company. In response to his invitation a large number of Indians assembled at Fort Douglas, and after they had done ample justice to his Lordship’s bags of pemmican and rolls of tobacco, he proceeded in state to the place of conference, accompanied by as many officers as were attached to his expedition or connected with the fort. In the eyes of these simple people it was doubtless a most magnificent display, far out-classing that of Duncan Cameron and his kilts. So favourable was the impression made on his confreres, that they always spoke of him afterwards as the “Silver Chief”—a compliment to his fine presence and pleasing address. One chief only was averse to the proposed treaty, but his objections were over-ruled by the others, among whom the most influential was Peguis, who was far famed for his eloquence and good sense, and his friendship for the whites.

After much speech-making, an agreement was duly drawn up and executed. It was dated July 18th, in the 57th year of the reign of George III., and in the year of our Lord 1817, and was made between the Chief and Warriors of the Chippeway or Saulteaux Nation and of the Killistino or Cree Nation on the one part, and the Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Selkirk, on the other part: “Witnesseth that for the annual present or quit-rent hereinafter mentioned, and so forth.....” Then it goes on to describe the land as being made over to the King for the use of Lord Selkirk, and consisting of a two mile strip on each side of the Red and Assiniboine Rivers, beginning from the mouth of the Red, and extending southwards to the Grand Forks on the said Red River, and along the Assiniboine beginning from its junction with the Red and thence westward to the mouth of the Muskrat River, otherwise called Riviere de Champignons, and at three points this distance from the river was to be increased to a radius of six miles. Those points being Fort Douglas, Fort Daer and Grand Forks. And the presents or quit-rent to be annually paid were as follows: “To the Chiefs and Warriors of the Chippeway or Saulteaux Nation, one hundred pounds of good marketable tobacco to be delivered on or before the 10th day of October at Fort Douglas; and to the Chiefs and Warriors of Killistino or Cree Nation a like present or quit-claim of one hundred pounds of tobacco, to be delivered on or before the 10th day of October, at Portage la Prairie, on the banks of the Assiniboine River.”

Signed)Each by his mark.(Signed)SELKIRK.

The five Chiefs, viz.:

Oukidoat, Big Ears.

Rayagie Rebmoa, alias Black Robe.

Muchiwikoab.

Muckitooukoonace.

Peguis.

Witnesses:

Thomas Thomas.

James Bird.

F. Matthey, Captain.

D’Orsonnen, Captain.

J. Bate.

Chas. de Lorimier.

Louis Nolin (Interpreter).

The distance of two miles was explained to the Indians as being as far as a horse could be distinctly seen, or daylight be discerned under his belly or between his legs.

Having thus ensured to his Colonists the safe tenure of their homesteads, he next invited them to meet him on a stated day in August at a certain spot on the west bank of the Red River. That spot was the one on which now stands St. John’s Cathedral. There he spoke to them reassuringly, and showed that he was anxious as ever to promote their welfare, by placing them in possession of homes from which no man would have the right or the power to expel them. Though he was suffering like themselves from interference with his plans that could not have been foreseen, he did not shirk the keeping of any pledge he had given, but considering their circumstances rather than his own, he went further than his pledges. And he told them that as some compensation for the hardships they had experienced, instead of charging them five shillings an acre for the one hundred acres that each settler was to be allowed, that was changed, and every settler would receive that quantity of land free.

Reminded of his promise of a minister of their own faith, he told them that “Selkirk always kept his word,” and that the promise would be fulfilled, and in connection with it, he there and then made them a present of two lots, each having a frontage on the river of ten chains. According to Mr. Gunn’s history, he said: “This lot on which we are met today shall be for your church and manse, the next lot, on the south side of the creek, shall be for your school and for a help to support your teacher, and, in commemoration of your native parish, it shall be called Kildonan.”

About the time of Lord Selkirk’s visit it was being generally realized in England and Canada, that the situation in the Red River country and North-West territories seriously demanded a change, and that there would have to be established a more British way of administering justice than had been practised by the two fur trading companies in their treatment of each other. So convinced were the companies themselves that such a change was necessary, that they had each been asking for some time for Government intervention, by way of protection from the aggressiveness of the other; and after the Seven Oaks tragedy, followed by the severe exercise of magisterial authority at Fort William, both the Imperial and Canadian Governments saw that the requests for intervention could not well be any longer ignored.

As the disorders complained of had occurred in what was designated as Indian territory, and an Imperial enactment of 1803 placed the responsibility of maintaining order in such territory upon the Canadian Government, it lay within its province to straighten out the existing tangle; but on account of the preponderating British influence in the one company, and of the Canadian in the other, as well because of the seriousness of the crisis, it was fitting that both governments should bestir themselves in the matter, in order that the ruling given might carry the weight and authority of both, and be more readily accepted as impartial; accordingly the Colonial Secretary, the Earl of Bathurst, wrote to the Governor-General of Canada instructing him to ascertain the causes of so much trouble, and to see that the one company did not deny to the other the right of trade or the right to use any road that it might care to follow in pursuit of its trade; also that any authority previously conferred to act as magistrate or sheriff, be for the time recalled, and that restoration or compensation be made for any act of robbery or spoliation that may have been committed.

The Governor-General at once set about carrying out these instructions, appointing as a commissioner Colonel Coltman and Major Fletcher, the latter having had wide experience in matters of law. These gentlemen reached the Colony while Lord Selkirk was still there, and were greatly assisted by him in carrying out their instructions. Colonel Coltman afterwards admitted that he had expected to find in Lord Selkirk a man of despotic disposition, and that he was pleasantly disappointed to find him such an agreeable companion, and that as he came to know him better he rose very much in his estimation.

When Colonel Coltman returned to Canada he found that legal proceedings were being taken by the North-West Company against Lord Selkirk for damage to its business sustained through his actions, when exercising his magisterial powers at Fort William. Had Colonel Coltman’s advice been taken these proceedings would have been dropped, and an attempt made to persuade the two companies to enter into some agreement whereby they might succeed in working together in harmony. Instead, the law suits were persisted in, and in addition to the expense connected therewith Lord Selkirk was mulcted in the sum of £2,000.

For six years he had been engaged in the effort to better the condition of his poor fellow countrymen by assisting them to find homes in the New World; and when he had stood among the remnants of them on the banks of the Red River, they were not able to cheer him by pointing to any signs of prosperity, though they had cost him $1,000,000. Add to this the worry of litigation in the Canadian law courts, the misconception of many as to the purity and disinterestedness of his motives and the thwarting of his efforts to bring the perpetrators of the crime at Seven Oaks to justice, and the unbiassed student of history must admit that in his generation he was thoroughly misunderstood. Therefore, it is for this and coming generations to correct that injustice of the past, and to see to it that his name is handed down to posterity as that of a philanthropist whose services to this country of ours should ever be held in the highest esteem. The writer endorses the opinion of Mr. G. Mercer Adams who, in his history of the North-West, writes of Lord Selkirk and his trials: “Justice at the period had either departed from the country, or had become afflicted with a serious moral and ‘physical squint.’”