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The socialism of The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists has its roots in the Marxist analysis of society, the main tenet of which states that the economic base of society entirely determines what Marx calls the superstructure, that is its social, political and cultural forms. Owen – who incidentally takes his name and many of his ideas from Robert Owen, a nineteenth century socialist – describes the orthodox Marxist position in Chapter 21 when he observes that there are two main classes in capitalist society: first, those who own the means of production, that is, raw materials, machinery, modes of transport, communication and so on, and second, the workers, who own nothing except their labour power which they have to sell in order to survive. What the workers earn is always less than the value of what they produce. Hence the owners, by selling back to the workers what they produce, continue to increase their wealth while the condition of the workers progressively deteriorates. Eventually, a situation is reached where the owners have become so rich and the workers so poor that, as Owen puts it, ‘these miserable wretches [will] turn upon their oppressors and drown both them and their system in a sea of blood’(p.370).

This analysis was consistent with the principles of the Social Democratic Federation (1884), one of many organisations which sprung from the revival of socialist ideas in the late nineteenth century. Its members were sceptical of trade unions believing that society could only be changed through revolution. Tressell belonged to the Hastings branch of the party for which he wrote manifestos and designed posters. He also painted a banner, known as the Robert Tressell banner, which was borne aloft at the 1936 May Day demonstration in London. It was then sent for safe keeping in Birmingham, but no-one has seen it since.

If The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists reflects the revolutionary politics of the period it is also the case that it endorses the gradualist approach to social problems espoused by the Fabians. The Fabians, whose most prominent members were George Bernard Shaw and Beatrice and Sidney Webb, were socialists in the sense that they wanted to destroy the anarchy of the capitalist market and usher in a classless society. They believed that injustice and inequality could be removed by state intervention and a good example of this in the novel is the proposal to add a ‘halfpenny’ to the rates in order ‘to provide food for all the hungry schoolchildren’ whose fathers are out of work (p.346).

As well as reflecting both revolutionary and reformist socialist politics, The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists also negotiates more general socialist concerns. For example, the value Owen places on craftsmanship in contrast to the ‘scamping’ demanded by his employer, Rushton, echoes the ideas of William Morris, cofounder of The Socialist League (1884), who believed that work should express the whole person, unlike the capitalists in the novel who propagate the idea that ‘[t]he men work with their hands and the masters work with their brains’ (p.138). The desire for profit, Morris argued, destroys traditional skills and denies people the right to produce ‘beautiful things’. This is illustrated in the novel by the different approaches Owen and Rushton take to the decoration of the drawing room at the ‘Cave’, the house which the philanthropists are renovating. The former ‘simply wanted to do the work; and he was so fully occupied with thinking and planning how it was to be done that the question of profit was crowded out’ (p.123). The latter only thinks about ‘how much money could be made out of it’ (ibid.). Hence, in keeping with his name, he wants Owen to ‘rush’ the job and do it as cheaply as possible so as to maximise his profits.

Another influence on Tressell was Robert Blatchford who, in 1891, founded the Clarion, a socialist newspaper, which sold up to 90,000 copies a week. He also wrote two highly popular Utopian socialist essays, Merrie England (1895) and Britain for the British (1902), both of which are alluded to in The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists by Frankie, Owen’s son, when he tries to convert the local butcher by getting him to read ‘the two very best [socialist tracts] Happy England and England for the English’ (p.228). Whereas Morris was concerned with work, Blatchford was concerned with leisure. He believed that greater use of machines would mean that people had more free time which could be spent in education, self-improvement and in acquiring knowledge of the cultural heritage of the nation, ideas which form an important part of The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists. Owen, for example, argues that ‘civilisation – the accumulation of knowledge which has come down to us from our forefathers…is by right the common heritage of all’ (pp.29-30) The same point, together with other related issues, is expanded in detail in the chapter entitled ‘The Great Oration’, where Barrington describes the ideal socialist society.

The various socialist theories in the novel have drawn some criticism over the years, in particular in their negative portrayal of women, an attitude which reflects the decidedly anti-feminist drift within some areas of the late nineteenth century socialist movement. For example H. M. Hyndman, founder of the Social Democratic Federation, was utterly dismissive of feminist and sexual politics asserting in 1883 that he was ‘quite content to bear the reproach of chauvinism’.³ Pamela Fox has argued that The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists is biased towards maleness by its emphasis on traditional notions of work and production. She also notes how women are excluded not just from the workplace but also from the men’s leisure activities.⁴ While there is some truth in this argument it overlooks the fact that Tressell shows Ruth as having a far better grasp of economics than her husband, as is shown when he tries to balance their household budget (Chapter 3). Her greater understanding of money and, by implication, the capitalist system, gives her an advantage over the philanthropists who, despite Owen’s patient expositions, remain profoundly ignorant of its workings. Women, that is, have precisely the sort of insight that may precipitate change.

A more serious charge against the socialism of the novel is its denigration of working class culture which is judged wanting against a middle class one of ‘books, theatres, pictures[and] music’ (p.29). Without these accoutrements the philanthropists ‘might just as well be savage[s]’ (ibid.). The use of the word ‘savages’ bears traces of the imperialist period in which the book was written. Indeed, Owen’s whole approach to his fellow workers is that of a missionary assiduously trying to convert the natives. The philanthropists are encouraged to abandon their ‘primitive’ culture of football, betting and sex (p.545) for the ‘civilised’ one of temperance cafes, mechanics institutes and public lectures.

This attitude towards working class pastimes was characteristic of British socialists like the Fabians who urged the value of ‘rational recreation’ as opposed to a view of leisure as amusement, diversion or the pursuit of pleasure. Indeed, it was because so many socialists held the belief that ‘culture’ could exert a ‘civilising’ influence that they could not fully understand the realities of working class life. And this explains, in part, their inability to win widespread support for their cause. Owen, in other words, is as much to blame as the philanthropists for the failure of socialism in the novel. His scornful attitude towards their enjoyments alienates the philanthropists, making them unsympathetic to both his analysis of capitalism and his advocacy of socialism.

Society has of course changed in the eighty-five years since Tressell’s book was first published. The Marxist idea of class for instance, which prevails in the novel, has been criticised for being too simplistic. In particular it is now claimed that political, social and cultural phenomena are not merely the effects of the economic base but have their own autonomy and dynamic laws of development. The Marxist idea of class took no account of gender, or ethnicity or how people perceived their own class position. In addition, while someone could be categorised as working class because of their occupation, they could also be deemed middle class because of their cultural pursuits. Moreover, the term ‘working class’ presumes a uniformity of beliefs and practices which is not borne out by the diversity of ‘working class’ experience. Accordingly, modern commentators tend to study the history of ‘the working class’ less in terms of the growth of the trade union movement and the rise of the Labour party and more in terms of attitudes toward the home, the market place, the locality and the body.

But these ‘new’ ideas about class can also be found in The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists alongside the more traditional view. The novel demonstrates that class is composed of a number of different levels; it is not exclusively economic but also political, ideological and cultural. Moreover, there is no necessary connection between these different levels; Owen, for example, a member of ‘the working class’ values ‘high culture’ (p.29) whereas ‘The Brigands’, members of ‘the ruling class’ have no sense or understanding of culture at all (chapter 38); ‘[d]evoid of every ennobling thought or aspiration, they grovelled on the filthy ground, tearing up the flowers to get at the worms’(p.459).

With the abandonment of the Marxist concept of class, the view that capitalism is not going to be violently overthrown has now been accepted. The emphasis is on resistance, not revolution. This resistance which is rooted in the practices of everyday life, involves one adapting, manipulating or tricking the system so as to create one’s own meanings in opposition to those the system would like to impose.⁵ This view of resistance can also be found in The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists. Work, as Tressell shows, provides opportunities to make tactical raids on the system. Philpot, for example, ceases work to enjoy a ‘quiet smoke, remarking to himself: “This is where we get some of our own back.”’ (p.38), an idea that is repeated in chapters 8, 9, 21, and 42. The drawback is that such resistance, isolated and individual, never poses a real threat to the system and that is why Tressell ultimately emphasises the importance of class consciousness since that, he believes, is the basis for real change in society.

Tressell’s socialism is firmly rooted in its time, but this does not mean that it has no relevance to our society where there are still extremes of wealth and where one third of the working population is in low paid, insecure employment. Its relevance lies in its Utopian quality, and Utopia never goes out of fashion. What The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists proposes is a ‘co-operative commonwealth’ where ‘the benefits and pleasures conferred…by science and civilisation will be enjoyed equally by all’ (p.485). As such it provides a model by which to critique the present and plan for the future. The power of the novel lies in its ability to move us by the promise of a better life not in the tensions of its various socialisms. Indeed, the variety of socialisms in the novel make it eclectic rather than doctrinaire. Although this leads to certain inconsistencies, for example Tressell demanding the overthrow of capitalism while simultaneously supporting it by subscribing to its cultural heritage, it does not diminish the appeal of its vision. It is that vision which still has something to say to us today.