Читать книгу Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 1 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South - Thomas H. Martin - Страница 16

In the municipal election held January 15th, 1855, national politics became badly mixed with local issues. It was at the height of the Know Nothing agitation, and that party had a large and very active following in Atlanta. When the time came to nominate a city ticket, the party feeling ran so high that two factions, representing the two great parties, strove for the control of the local government. Allison Nelson was put forward by the Democrats as their candidate for mayor, and Ira O. McDaniel as the candidate of the Know Nothings. The Democrats won by a very close vote, and the other side raised the cry of fraud. The ballot as given by the official count was: Nelson, 425; McDaniel, 415. For members of the council. First ward, W. W. Baldwin, 429; U. L. Wright, 417; B. O. Jones, 416; E. Andrews, 398. Second ward, T. M. Darnall, 424; C. H. Strong, 415; L. C. Simpson, 402; J. L. Dunning, 370. Third ward, John Farrar, 439; J. W. Thompson, 430; A. W. Owen, 398; R. Crawford, 387. Fourth ward, William Barnes, 449; John Glenn, 441; Samuel Dean, 401; G. W. Adair, 381. Fifth ward, Thomas Kile, 425; C. Powell, 425; W. R. Venable, 419; J. W. Manning, 396.

No little excitement followed the announcement of the result. The defeated candidates got together and passed resolutions charging the corruption of the ballot by the Democrats, and I. O. McDaniel, B. O. Jones, E. Andrews, A. W. Owen, L. C. Simpson, S. Dean, R. Crawford, G. W. Adair, J. W. Manning and W. R. Venable addressed a petition to the successful candidate for mayor, Allison Nelson, in which it was asserted that they had been defeated by fraud. They said that they could prove that frauds of the grossest character had been committed at the polls, and that these frauds were chargeable to the democratic managers of the election. They charged that non-residents, aliens and others who had no right of suffrage in Atlanta had deposited their ballots without question, and if such fraudulent ballots were thrown out the result of the election would be found to be in the interest of the American party candidates. They offered to prove the truth of their charges, if given an opportunity to do so by the new administration. They declared that nobody should be allowed to hold office by fraud, and therefore requested the mayor-elect to appoint a day within the current month upon which a thorough investigation might be held, or, if he preferred, they asked that he submit the question over again to the voters of Atlanta.

The successful candidates received the communication from their late rivals with derision. They replied to it, however, referring to it as "an extraordinary note." Their reply was in part as follows:

We find this document signed by those who comprised the ticket of the American or Know Nothing Part}-, with the important exception of Mr. C. H. Strong, who was the only one on that ticket who was elected. If you could do what you propose, establish fraud, etc., in the election, why did you not prove it before the managers of the election, when the election was in progress? It certainly was not owing to your want of vigilance, for you had sufficient challengers at their posts all through the day, and if you failed to convince the managers then of the illegality of the votes, it is but reasonable to suppose that a new attempt would likewise fail. It would also be the cause of an excitement which could be but suicidal to the interests of the city, or at least to its peace and quiet, etc.

The respondents then attempted to put the shoe on the other foot by boldly charging that the only frauds committed in Atlanta on election day were committed by the Know Nothings themselves, which they declared they stood prepared to prove. The rejoinder closed with the following wormwood and gall:

"Gentlemen, time and reflection will soothe your feelings and teach you the important lesson of resignation to the will of the people. We are, respectfully yours, A. Nelson, AY. W. Baldwin, W. Barnes. U. K. Wright. Thomas Kile, C. Powell, T. M. Darnall, J. W. Thompson, J. Farrar."

In February, the question of again assisting a fair association came up in council. It seems that the first fair association had fallen through, despite its liberal treatment at the hands of Atlanta. The new association was called the "South Central Agricultural Association," and it asked for a bonus to hold its fairs in Atlanta. A special committee was appointed to investigate the subject, and in a few days it made a report favoring the request of the fair people, saying that all property holders in Atlanta would be benefited by the holding of the fairs of the association in the city, but knowing that large amounts of property were held by non-residents who would not subscribe, and that, therefore, subscriptions would have to come from a minority of those who would be benefited, it was resolved that an amount not to exceed $5,000 be appropriated for the purpose of purchasing sufficient ground in addition to the present fair grounds, putting the same under the control of the executive committee of the Southern Central Fair Association, provided that said committee would enter into an obligation to locate the said fair permanently in Atlanta, so long as the said association shall exist, after which the grounds and improvements should revert to the mayor and council of Atlanta. There was considerable discussion and quite decided opposition, but council finally appropriated $4,000 for the purpose, and purchased five acres of land to be set apart for the use of the association so long as it complied with its part of the contract.

Council now tackled the gas proposition in earnest. William Helme, a gas works expert and promoter from Philadelphia, came to Atlanta early in the spring of 1855, and at several successive meetings of the city council he explained his gas proposition and urged its acceptance. A committee was appointed to finally consider the proposition. On the 23rd of March, this committee reported that it had thoroughly canvassed the situation, getting the opinions of many businessmen and leading citizens and carefully going over the whole question with Mr. Helme. The report said that the citizens were practically unanimous for the construction of a gas plant. Council thereupon appointed two special committees, one to confer further with the citizens, and one to confer with Mr. Helme. The former committee was composed of Messrs. Thompson, Clark and Kile, and the latter of Messrs. Darnall, Powell and Barnes. The committee delegated to confer with Mr. Helme was instructed to report such contract as they might agree upon to the council for its ratification or rejection.

The proposition of William Helme was in substance as follows: "To erect coal gas works, to lay down pipes in the streets, alleys, etc., of the city of Atlanta, for lighting the same, and the public and private buildings therein, under a contract securing to him, among other things, the exclusive privilege of so lighting the same for a period of fifty years. The gas works were to be of sufficient capacity to manufacture 20,000 cubic feet of gas every twenty-four hours. The council was to erect at least fifty street-lamps, and to pay for lighting the same thirty dollars each per annum. The property of the gas company was to be free from taxation. The entire cost of the gas plant was estimated at $50,000, and the city was required to take $20,000 of the gas company's stock, paying for the same in bonds bearing seven per cent, interest." The foregoing provisions were embodied in an ordinance which was passed with practically no opposition, the mayor being empowered to close the contract with Mr. Helme in accordance therewith. The bonds were of the denomination of $500, payable fifteen years after date, and bore interest at the rate of seven per cent, per annum. Soon after the completion of this contract between the mayor and Air. Helme, a contract was entered into with John S. and Joshua Schofield to make and deliver to the city fifty ornamental lamp posts, including lamps and burners, for twenty-one dollars each, all to be delivered on or before October 1st, 1855. In accordance with the terms of the contract, Mr. Helme, on January 28, 1856, transferred to the mayor and council $20,000 in stock of the gas company, which in the meantime had been incorporated, for $20,000 in city bonds, and himself gave bond for the completion of the work.

An incident of the municipal history of 1855 which attracted no little interest among the citizens was the resignation of the mayor. The reason for this action was because council reversed one of his honor's decisions while sitting as police judge. It seems that on the night of July 6th two young men of the city were taken before Mayor Nelson charged with disturbing the peace, quarreling and using profane language in the streets. A number of witnesses on both sides testified to the commission of the misdemeanor, and it was proven that one of the defendants had disfigured a sign. By the provisions of the seventh section of the ordinance for preserving the peace, "any person who is guilty of disturbing the peace by using obscene, vulgar or profane language, or who is guilty of malicious mischief, or of otherwise conducting himself in a disorderly manner, is liable to a fine of not over fifty dollars and costs." Upon the young man who had been proven guilty of mutilating the sign, Mayor Nelson imposed a fine of $20, and upon one of his companions, $20. An appeal was taken in both cases, and the defendant accused of disfiguring the sign had his fine remitted by the council, and the fine of the other young man was reduced to $5. Thereupon the mayor resigned, averring with some warmth that it was useless for him to endeavor to discharge his duties according to the requirements of the statutes and the dictates of his conscience, while acting as a trial judge, so long as the city council would not sustain him in his efforts.

The Atlanta Medical College, which had been launched as a doubtful enterprise in the spring of 1855, received a gratifying number of students, and laid the corner stone of a handsome building in July of that year. Its lecture course, held in the city hall by permission of the council, was largely attended. The work on the gas works progressed with great energy, and on the 25th of December, 1855, the city of Atlanta was for the first time lighted with gas. It was a memorable Christmas day in the young city, for that reason, and celebrated accordingly. The new city hall was completed and formally accepted by the city council about the same time.

In the municipal election of 1856 the successful candidates were: Mayor, John Glenn; councilmen, Messrs. Thompson, Barnes, Clarke, Kile, Strong and Wilson. The clerk of this council was Henry C. Holcombe; marshal, B. N. Willi ford; deputy marshal, E. T. Hunnicutt. For the first time it was decided to elect a city printer, and on January 26th a resolution to that effect was passed by council, calling for bids from the various printing establishments of the city. The Atlanta Republican and Discipline was chosen as the official organ of the city, the terms of publication of city advertisements being fifty cents per thousand ems for the regular proceedings, and fifty cents per square of ten lines for all other advertisements.

The population of Atlanta in 1856 was given at 8,000 by a local census, and there were said to be seventy-five business places of all kinds in the city. The streets of the city were considerably improved in the matter of grading and cleanliness, and considerable paving had been done. Along most of the streets in the business quarter brick sidewalks had been laid. Buildings continued to go up at a lively rate and many of those erected were of a substantial and expensive character. New enterprises were being established continually. In 1856 the Bank of Fulton was established by Alfred Austell and E. W. Holland, with a capital of $125,000. P. and G. T. Dodd established the first wholesale grocery and Silvey & Dougherty a large mercantile establishment, in that year. In 1856 also L. Bellingrath, A. Bellingrath and William R. Hill located in Atlanta. J. M. Holbrook established a large exclusive hat store the same year.

It was in August of this year, during the Fillmore campaign, that the famous accident connected with raising a pole in honor of that presidential candidate, occurred. The Whigs were largely in the majority in Atlanta, and in their enthusiasm they had three tall pine trees cut down and hauled to town, which they spliced together, making a flagpole of extraordinary height. The raising of the pole was made the occasion of a grand party rally, and when the appointed day came, the Whigs from many miles on all sides of Atlanta flocked to the speaking and pole raising, which was to take place upon a vacant lot in front of the ground now occupied by the Markham House. By bungling or carelessness, the rope for carrying the flag became badly tangled with the guy-ropes near the top, after the pole was erected, and in consequence the flag could not be hauled up. The great crowd was disappointed. The Democrats and Know Nothings hooted and jeered at the unsuccessful attempt of the Whigs to straighten out the ropes. Just as the committee having the affair in charge decided to take the pole down, a man who had long followed the sea stepped forward and volunteered to climb the pole and untangle the ropes. The offer was accepted with cheers, and in a moment the sailor was raising himself above the heads of the multitude with apparent ease. When he reached the place where the tangle began, he took out his pocketknife and began to cut the guy-rope loose from the draw-cord. Suddenly, while thousands of eyes were strained upwards and hundreds held their breath with the excitement of the man's perilous position, the knife was seen to fly out of his hand, and the next instant, with a cry of horrified despair, the sailor went hurtling through the air to the ground, where he was dashed to instant death. The thrilling spectacle held the great crowd as if spellbound for an instant, and then, almost as one man, by a common impulse, the people declared their intention to raise a purse for the unfortunate seaman's widow or family before they left the ground. A collection committee was chosen at once, and in a remarkably short time the snug sum of $2,000 had been contributed.

During the year 1856 the "Kansas Question," as the "Freesoil" agitation in the Jayhawker state was called in the South, was at its height, and no city in Georgia took a livelier interest in the momentous struggle of the two elements for supremacy than Atlanta. At that time parties of Southern emigrants were continually passing through Atlanta for the "bleeding" territory, intent on turning the political scale in favor of slavery, or on taking a hand in the "subsequent unpleasantness." Large crowds would meet these Kansas emigrants at the depot to cheer them on, and often to contribute to their necessities. The Kansas question was paramount. The territory, about to be admitted to the union, would hold the balance of power between the proslavery and anti-slavery states, and it was highly essential on the South's part to "redeem" enough Kansas counties to turn the balance in the election in a way to please the South. Boisterous Kansas meetings, addressed by fervid, not to say fire-eating, orators, were of almost nightly occurrence in Atlanta during that summer. In March, a company was organized in the city to make the journey to the troubled territory, and before setting out, at a great public gathering held in the courthouse on March 5th, the following resolutions were adopted:

"Whereas, the admission of Kansas territory into the union as a free state would destroy the balance of power between the several states which are already in an excited condition of aggravated discussion, from which the destruction of the constitution, the subversion of the government, and all the horrors of civil war are likely to ensue; and,

"Whereas, the safety of our Southern institutions, and the peace and quiet of all truly patriotic, liberty-loving and law-abiding citizens are endangered, and, in our opinion, doomed to suffer materially or be totally destroyed by the intermeddling and aggressive policy of abolition fanatics; and

"Whereas, The geographical situation and the adaptation of its soil to Southern institutions and products combine to make it a state in which slave labor can be profitably and beneficially employed by all the citizens of the South; and,

"Whereas, The first settlers and original pioneers of that territory were slaveholders, and so declared themselves immediately after the organization of the territory; be it therefore

"Resolved, 1. That each member of this company will lawfully exert himself to the utmost to secure the admission of Kansas territory into the union as a slave state.

"Resolved, 2. That individually and as a company of true, patriotic men who have the safety, the honor of our country, and her institutions at heart, we will do all that we can do to prevent the admission of said territory into the union as a free state, a result to be greatly deplored by all the good and true, especially by all genuine Southern men.

"Resolved, 3. That as the geographical situation and soil of said territory are naturally and peculiarly adapted to slave labor. Southern institutions and products, it does by right and every principle of justice, belong to the South, and the South alone, and that we will resist, at all hazards, any unlawful attempt to make it a free state.

"Resolved, 4. That we highly commend and approve the brave sons of Missouri for the gallant stand and unflinching courage which they have taken and evinced in defending Southern rights; and we now declare our firm and unalterable intention to stand by her side in aiding the people of Kansas territory in enforcing their laws and in the maintenance of the laws and constitution of the United States."

The local newspapers devoted a good deal of editorial and news space to the question of colonizing' Kansas with Southerners, and every few days would chronicle the passing of a Kansas-bound party through the city. The Daily Intelligencer of March 29, 1856, said in an editorial paragraph:

''Judging from the number of companies passing almost daily through our city on their way to Kansas, we doubt not that there will be a 'smart sprinkling' of Southerners in that interesting region before many weeks. On Saturday night a company of eighteen or twenty passed through Atlanta, and on Thursday we noticed another company of forty-one, all armed and equipped, going on their way rejoicing. They were from Charleston and other points in South Carolina. A company organized in this city is expected to leave in a few days." The company referred to was the one which adopted the resolutions previously quoted. It was called "The Atlanta Company of Emigrants for Kansas Territory."

In the same paper, under date of April 4th, 1856, the following reference was made to the departure of the Atlanta emigrants: "Off" for Kansas! Captain Jones's company of emigrants, consisting of twenty-one young and able-bodied men, left this place yesterday morning for Kansas. They will probably be joined by others at Marietta, and along the line of the railroad. Captain Jones is a young man of pure stock and true grit, and we doubt not the success of himself and those under him, in the new territory, while the cause of the South will have in them true and efficient friends."

A largely attended Kansas mass meeting was held in the city hall on the 4th of August, the object of which was to raise funds for the maintenance of Southern emigrants in Kansas who were in need of pecuniary help, and to help in like manner new parties of emigrants that would volunteer to go and "redeem" Kansas. It was explained at this meeting that Georgia was expected to look after three of the thirty counties of Kansas territory, her sister Southern states taking care of three counties each. The speakers were the leading politicians of the city and county, and the audience was worked up to a high pitch of enthusiasm by their eloquence. Two representatives of the Kansas State Colonization Society, Captain B. Jones and Captain E. M. McGhee, were present and addressed the meeting. A. C. Pulliam presided, and Colonel S. G. Howell acted as secretary. The speakers appealed to the state pride of Georgia in behalf of citizens of the state who had located in Kansas, declaring that every Georgian who had cast his lot in Kansas from patriotic motives had nobly done his duty, despite the severest hardships and trials, largely resultant from a lack of sufficient money. Much stress was laid upon the importance to the South of bringing Kansas into the union as a slave state, and one speaker went so far as to predict that failure to do so would inevitably result in dismembering the union and probably plunge the country into civil war.

This meeting resulted in a large committee being appointed, consisting of Atlantans and citizens from each township of Fulton county, whose duty it should be to solicit cash contributions for the Georgia colonists in Kansas, or those who should thereafter emigrate to the disturbed territory. The names of the committees may be of interest as a relic of the ante-bellum excitement. They were:

'For Atlanta— Robert M. Clarke. J. A. Hayden. C. H. Wallace, L. H. Davis, H. Muhlenbrink, O. H. Jones, Dr. R. T. Pulliam, Dr. J. A. Taylor, Colonel A. H. Stokes and Captain G. H. Thompson.

For Black Hall District — Thomas Conally, Dr. J. M. Dorsey, T. J. Perkerson, Meredith Brown and A. R. Almond.

For Buckhead District — Colonel Clark Howell, Henry Irby, Pinckney Randall, B. Pace and M. C. Donaldson.

For Casey's District — Hiram Emory, Nelson Defur, J. M. Cook, J. J. Thrasher and Dr. D'Alvigney.

For Oak Grove District — J. L. Evins. John Isham, S. Jett, Lee Heflin and S. Spruel.

For Stone's District — W. A. Green, Dr. William Gilbert, W. A. Wilson, Murat McGhee and Thomas Kennedy.

Until the admission of Kansas into the union, the keenest interest was then taken in her attitude on the slavery question by the citizens of Atlanta, in common with the people of the South, and when the statehood bill was enacted with the anti-slavery provision, the indignation of Atlanta knew no bounds.