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Оглавление1 See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.
The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to Plymouth, was to advise Shelvocke of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain Clipperton; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had, a commission would be sent down for another person to command the Speedwel in his room. Upon which captain Shelvocke wrote at several times as followeth.
Sir,
“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.——Dec. 13. 1718. I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other friend——Dec. 19. I assure you I shall always act like a faithful servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew captain Clipperton all the respect in the world.——Jan. 27. 1719. All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of brotherhood with captain Clipperton. Our ships are much better man’d than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to the service.”
All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return from the voyage; and captain Shelvocke’s letters are here inserted to shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.
By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew the Spanish nation how small a force from England could annoy and plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.
Here it must be observ’d with what care Shelvocke has avoided giving the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw the miscarriage of the expedition on Clipperton’s incapacity, the change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of his own pride, avarice and treachery.
’Tis to be noted that captain Clipperton died before Shelvocke had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that if Clipperton were alive to answer for himself, Shelvocke had never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to Shelvocke’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’ he, as well as Clipperton, had strict orders in all enterprizes to follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain Woodes Rogers in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of this kind; and for which end Rogers’s printed journal was put aboard each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment, without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the Success after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet the Success had most reason to be so, for Shelvocke had the whole store of wine and brandy aboard the Speedwell; so that Clipperton was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. Shelvocke, indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection, because Clipperton expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting to the windward of grand Canary, the first place of rendezvous, doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the fact, because Taylor’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with each other that day, which runs thus.
“Success Feb. 15. these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain. This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the Speedwell.”
But, however, to shew that Shelvocke was well enough pleas’d to part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the Success, and contrary to his duty; as appears by Taylor’s journal. “Feb. 20. These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain. At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course to the Southward, arrived off the Canaries the sixth of March following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas Shelvocke p. 4. has it thus. “Feb. 20. We had no sight of the Success or any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain, he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the Canaries, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page 9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of March, which is eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.
The next day after losing company, Shelvocke seeing a piece of a wreck float along the Speedwell’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us, that Clipperton was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons, that the Success was built very slight, greater regard being had to her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for France or Ireland, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him, nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to prove that Clipperton could do his duty without wine and brandy, he like a good officer sail’d to the Canaries, being the first place of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St. Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands; at one of which places he doubted not of meeting us.
Taylor’s journal has it thus,
“Success, March 15, 1719. Having cruised ten days off the Canaries, without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes of either, we steer away to the Cape de Verd islands: And at six this forenoon the island Gomera bore north half west, distant nine leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take my departure.”
But Shelvocke, who never design’d to give the owners any true account of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act independently on Clipperton, and never meet him again, except by chance: for as soon as we had lost the Success, Hendrie and Dod, as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare, he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at Fernandes, the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us all at several times, that on his return to Europe, he would avoid England, and go to Hamburgh, or some other free port, and there remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been in London these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served with a writ in Chancery; which I believe would soon put an end to the suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence of many who serv’d on board the Speedwell, as well as my own.
And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with, somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme, look’d often towards Hatley our second captain, as expecting he would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion, that to act separately from captain Clipperton, will terminate in the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote parts. This threw Shelvocke into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking, and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr. Dod, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.
This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our rejoining the Success. And from this time a universal discontent appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For Shelvocke, to improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to find our selves deceiv’d by them at last.
Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of Shelvocke’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he has the assurance p. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the ship was incapable to go through the voyage.
I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but can’t allow Shelvocke that she was so crank or tender as not to carry sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20th of Feb. Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?
Page 7. Shelvocke gravely tells his readers that Hatley, second captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus: Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled, Hatley seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which Shelvocke in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck: after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr. Hatley. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty Shelvocke in his mean vanity.
His son George too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’ he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment at London was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table; and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and begger’d at the captain’s pleasure.
We are now to the leeward of Grand Canary, where our captain takes a little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use, but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and the neighbouring islands, till Clipperton may be well supposed gone far enough ahead.
The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the help of Taylor’s journal I shall convict him throughly.
Shelvocke p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing of the Success, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island John Fernandes in the great South Seas.” And yet p. 11. he says, “We took our departure from Faro, one of the Canaries, in hopes of meeting captain Clipperton among the Cape de Verd islands, and took our prize along with us.”——which I am sure was not worth a commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.
He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully concealed from us; however Taylor’s journal confirms it.
“Success, March 21. Fresh gales, &c. At six this afternoon we saw St. Vincent, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found a French merchant ship and the Diamond of Bristol, captain Cleader, taking in an odd sort of cargo for Jamaica, viz. asses. This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to find the Speedwell, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d, for suffering Shelvocke to keep our wine and brandy.”
Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that Fernandes could be the next appointed rendezvous from the Canaries, being a run of no less than 120 degrees.
We arrive next at the isle of May, and are taken for pyrates; Shelvocke gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail, made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of Hipsy, a liquor compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of pure wine; for Shelvocke labouring a little with the gout, imagined this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’ designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.
This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of Hipsy was the only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.
Taylor’s journal gives the following account of the island of St. Vincent, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger, from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure on the 2d of April 1719.
But Shelvocke, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the island of St. Jago, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then he sends away his kinsman Adams, our Surgeon, to the chief town of this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the Success; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making Hipsy. He return’d with the agreeable news of Clipperton’s being gone from St. Vincent’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And now Shelvocke being past all fears of meeting Clipperton, resolves to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by forming a design of wintering at St. Catharine’s, on the coast of Brasil: and accordingly, on the 20th of April, weighs anchor and sails towards the continent of America.
On the 5th of June, 1719, we met a Portuguese merchantman near Cape Frio. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted, which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished, especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he himself call’d Hatley) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a cutlass and a case of pistols.
The Portuguese not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades in the West-Indies, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.
Don Pedro, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was Hatley on his quarter-deck, but the Portuguese seamen began to hand into the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins, bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, &c. three or four dozen boxes of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some Dutch cheeses, and a large quantity of sugars.——If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough, and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver, worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of China plates and basins, a small Japan cabinet; not to mention what the men took, who on seeing the Portuguese so brisk at handing their things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, Hatley brought the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.
This convinc’d Shelvocke he was not deceiv’d in calling Hatley the best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the Spanish word buscar, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between our chieftains.
Shel. Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?
Hat. By what, Sir?
Shel. Bringing me these baubles?
Hat. Sir they are very cheap.
Shel. But I shall want my money for other uses.
Hat. They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port.
Shel. You always act contrary to my orders.
Hat. Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours.
Shel. It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every occasion.
Hat. I thought I had done for the better.—
Shel. I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d.
Hat. Your commands shall always be to me as a law.
Shel. Where’s the account or bill of parcels?
Hat. Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I can draw one out.
Shel. Pray see you do.
Hat. Yes Sir.
Shel. Whither is he bound?
Hat. To Pernambucco.
Shel. Where belonging to?
Hat. To Rio Janeiro, whence he brought these fruits and refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal.
Shel. Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet; tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage.
Hatley with the speaking trumpet. O senior capitan, O ho?
Capt. Ho la senior.
Hat. Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios; that is, go on friend, and God bless you.
Capt. muttering. Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro ladron; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils along with you.
The Portuguese captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. Shelvocke will have it, p. 16. that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and some refreshments at St. Jago, whence must the cost of those silks, china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up five pounds amongst us all when we left Plymouth; answering in that respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.
He likewise says, p. 22. that Hatley’s moydors were but 80 or 100, whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when Hatley and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon him.
In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our commander himself in a silken skin, as the word peaud’soy implies, and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!
Shelvocke soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’ none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;—the Gentlemen who fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;—When he made us the following speech.
Gentlemen,
“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent, I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers, scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity: we must appear something like himself. And he in his black peaud’soy sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous figure enough.
He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a Cape of Good Hope man; which noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the Portuguese proved Shelvocke a right Cape Frio man, which I believe is very easily understood.
Tho’ Shelvocke never kept any journal, or intended to give the gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in England, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest against Hatley, and deliver’d it to captain Clipperton, in the South-Sea, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.
Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems to be of confuting him; for Clipperton died in June 1722. I was left a prisoner at Lima in Peru, and probably sacrificed. As for Hatley, he indeed did arrive at London in 23; but went immediately for Jamaica, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that Shelvocke imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and complete this romantic libel.
However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following questions.
Why such protest was not made while Hatley was on board the Speedwell, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?
Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to captain Clipperton, whom Shelvocke from page 22. to 25 of his preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and,
Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the governer of Sansonate; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340. I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the other.
We arrive next at St. Catherine’s on the coast of Brazil, lat. 27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing for that purpose his instrument, one Mathew Stewart; who, as his own steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the Canary islands, when and where Shelvocke had promoted him to be first mate of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’ it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The
The weight of my argument depending much on proving Stewart no seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at Glasgow in North Britain, and went supercargo of a small ship to Maryland or Virginia. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at London, where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his friends in the face, he desir’d of captain Shelvocke to be imploy’d in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. James Moffat and Company, mercers in St. Martins le Grand.
This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications Shelvocke could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.
But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine sent up by the men to Shelvocke, by this minion of his. Robine is a mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners, and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before, by Shelvocke himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary Stewart, to poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words, page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this, that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined, that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil so instructed; and such was Stewart, whom I might more properly call quartermaster, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to the Jamaica discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war.
None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as Shelvocke does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.
In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by Stewart, allowing an additional perquisit to Shelvocke himself of 5 per cent. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his example, we all sign’d.
To give the better countenance to this preceding, Shelvocke asked us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company, except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. Stewart, I could see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This too gave a great deal of offense. However Shelvocke modestly told us, that unless we chose his own nephew Adams the surgeon, we should make a voyage for a knife and sheath. It was no sooner said than done: the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to sign it.
But the merriest agent of all, was Shelvocke himself, who calling the next day to Mr. Hendrie, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that he himself would now be agent for the owners, and Hendrie might be purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr. Hendrie was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what Shelvocke was pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.——Sir, I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office, or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which Hendrie got no satisfaction, but Shelvocke’s adding with an oath that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the other. Whereupon Mr. Hendrie demanded, in his own right, to have a council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case; which being absolutely refused, Hendrie drew up a protest against the captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof of Hendrie’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the gentlemen gave him.
My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery, such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man: but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true; and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions aforesaid.
Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill nature and ill principles all concurring.——I say, it’s not to be wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.
A late instance of this kind is captain Jayne, of Bristol who, in a most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’ it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged him.
But to return. Thus was Shelvocke’s great estate to be got suddenly, without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness of the quantum or quomodo, how or how much; for now ’tis evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands; Shelvocke being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the cabin, and Stewart agent for the petty officers and men.
Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty officers: but I having a letter from Edward Hughes, Esq; directed to captain Mitchel, then the commanding officer of the Speedwel, to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.
Instead of coming into this harbour of St. Catharine’s, it’s plain Shelvocke’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward, that he might be early with the enemy the Spaniard; for Clipperton, about this time, was actually in the great South Sea. But our commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of Magellan, where Clipperton and his men suffer’d extreme hardships, being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with.
To palliate these mismanagements Shelvocke tells ye, p. 51. that to save his English provisions, he bought twenty one head of black cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the Cape Frio story, would no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur Laport, one of our lieutenants, who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the padre, one Sunday after divine service, to sell Shelvocke what he wanted.
He says, in his home made story, page 48. that Hatley burn’d the Portuguese house, tho’ we have often heard him blame Randal, his lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and likewise served us for a guard house. But Shelvocke says nothing of Coldsea the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship, because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. Catharine’s was doom’d by Shelvocke for transportation to Europe, because he insulted his kinsman Adams; and to save himself an oath, that he never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the intreaty of Mr. Dodd, to enter at a gun-port.
As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain Clipperton had twice made the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as well as the gentlemen at home, thought the Speedwel completely enough fitted out without any additions of captain Shelvocke’s.
It’s merry enough to observe how Shelvocke p. 25. makes Mons. La Jonquiere, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty gun ship in the King of Spain’s service, and in time of war with England, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an English privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of French: and I am sure La Jonquiere did not speak a word of English: besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken frolick, occasion’d by the Frenchman’s coming aboard us to make merry.
Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was made to captain Hatley, by Monsieur La Riviere, commander of a Portuguese man of war of forty guns, which arrived there some time before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive a gratuity from the matter of the ship2, to prevent his being troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with them) if the French captain had not preingaged them.”
