Читать книгу History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic - William Hickling Prescott - Страница 21

[1] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 21.—Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iii. p. 284.—Rades y Andrada, Las Tres Ordenes, fol. 65.— Caro de Torres, Ordenes Militares, fol. 43.

[2] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 23.—Castillo, Crónica, p. 298.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 24.— Henry, well knowing how little all this would avail without the constitutional sanction of the cortes, twice issued his summons in 1470 for the convocation of the deputies, to obtain a recognition of the title of Joanna. But without effect. In the letters of convocation issued for a third assembly of the states, in 1471, this purpose was prudently omitted, and thus the claims of Joanna failed to receive the countenance of the only body which could give them validity. See the copies of the original writs, addressed to the cities of Toledo and Segovia, cited by Marina, Teoría, tom. ii. pp. 87–89.

[3] The grand master of St. James, and his son, the marquis of Villena, afterwards duke of Escalona. The rents of the former nobleman, whose avarice was as insatiable as his influence over the feeble mind of Henry IV. was unlimited, exceeded those of any other grandee in the kingdom. See Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 6.

[4] The marquis of Santillana, first duke of Infantado, and his brothers, the counts of Coruña, and of Tendilla, and above all Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, afterwards cardinal of Spain, and archbishop of Toledo, who was indebted for the highest dignities in the church less to his birth than his abilities. See Claros Varones, tit. 4, 9.—Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 3, cap. 17.

[5] Alvaro de Zuñiga, count of Palencia, and created by Henry IV., duke of Arevalo.—Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, count of Haro, was raised to the post of constable of Castile in 1473, and the office continued to be hereditary in the family from that period. Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 3.—Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 3, cap. 21.

[6] The Pimentels, counts of Benavente, had estates which gave them 60,000 ducats a year; a very large income for that period, and far exceeding that of any other grandee of similar rank in the kingdom. L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 25.

[8] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 70.

[9] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 170.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 45.

[10] This nobleman, Diego Hurtado, "muy gentil caballero y gran señor," as Oviedo calls him, was at this time only marquis of Santillana, and was not raised to the title of duke of Infantado till the reign of Isabella, (Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.) To avoid confusion, however, I have given him the title by which he is usually recognized by Castilian writers.

[11] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 3.—Salazar de Mendoza, Crónica de el Gran Cardenal de España, Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, (Toledo, 1625,) pp. 138, 150.—Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, p. 362.

[12] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 4, 5, 7.—Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, pp. 363, 364.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 35, 38, 39, 42.—Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV., pp. 1–5.—Pulgar, in an epistle addressed, in the autumn of 1473, to the bishop of Coria, adverts to several circumstances which set in a strong light the anarchical state of the kingdom and the total deficiency of police. The celebrated satirical eclogue, also, entitled "Mingo Revulgo," exposes, with coarse but cutting sarcasm, the license of the court, the corruption of the clergy, and the prevalent depravity of the people. In one of its stanzas it boldly ventures to promise another and a better sovereign to the country. This performance, even more interesting to the antiquarian than to the historian, has been attributed by some to Pulgar, (see Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 475,) and by others to Rodrigo Cota, (see Nic. Antonio, Bibliotheca Veins, tom. ii p. 264,) but without satisfactory evidence in favor of either. Bouterwek is much mistaken in asserting it to have been aimed at the government of John II. The gloss of Pulgar, whose authority as a contemporary must be considered decisive, plainly proves it to have been directed against Henry IV.

[13] See Chap. II.

[14] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 56.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 481.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 191.—Barante, Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne, (Paris, 1825,) tom. ix. pp. 101–106.

[15] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 70.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 482.—L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 148.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 195.—Anquetil, Histoire de France, (Paris, 1805,) tom. v. pp. 60, 61.

[16] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 196.—Barante, Hist. des Ducs de Bourgogne, tom. x. pp. 105, 106.—L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 149. —Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 70, 71, 72.

[17] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 200.—Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iii. p. 266.—See the articles of the treaty cited by Duclos, Hist. de Louis XI., tom. ii. pp. 99, 101.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 73.

[18] Louis XI. is supposed with much probability to have assassinated this brother. M. de Barante sums up his examination of the evidence with this remark: "Le roi Louis XI. ne fit peut-être pas mourir son frère, mais personne ne pensa qu'il en fut incapable." Hist. des Ducs de Bourgogne, tom. ix. p. 433.

[19] The two princes alluded to were the duke of Segorbe, a cousin of Ferdinand, and the king of Portugal. The former, on his entrance into Castile, assumed such sovereign state, (giving his hand, for instance, to the grandees to kiss,) as disgusted these haughty nobles, and was eventually the occasion of breaking off his match. Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 62.—Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 392.

[20] Oviedo assigns another reason for this change; the disgust occasioned by Henry IV.'s transferring the custody of his daughter from the family of Mendoza to the Pachecos. Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.

[21] Salazar de Mendoza, Crón. del Gran Cardenal, p. 133.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 46, 92.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 163.—The influence of these new allies, especially of the cardinal, over Isabella's councils, was an additional ground of umbrage to the archbishop of Toledo, who, in a communication with the king of Aragon, declared himself, though friendly to their cause, to be released from all further obligations to serve it. See Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. lib. 46, cap. 19.

[22] Carbajal, Anales, MS., años 73, 74.—Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, p. 27. —Castillo, Crónica, cap. 164.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 75.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 23.

[23] Mendoza, Crón. del Gran Cardenal, pp. 141, 142.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 164.—Oviedo has given a full account of this cavalier, who was allied to an ancient Catalan family, but who raised himself to such pre- eminence by his own deserts, says that writer, that he may well be considered the founder of his house. Loc. cit.

[24] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 70.—This was the eldest child of Ferdinand and Isabella, born Oct. 1st, 1470; afterwards queen of Portugal.

[25] Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iii. pp. 267–276.—Duclos, Hist. de Louis XI., tom. ii. pp. 113, 115.—Chronique Scandaleuse, ed. Petitot, tom. xiii. pp. 443, 444.

[26] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 83.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. vii. p. 400.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. lib. 19, cap. 12.

[27] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 150.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. lib. 19, cap. 13.—Chronique Scandaleuse, ed. Petitot, tom. xiii. p. 456. —Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 91.

[28] Of the original letters, as given by M. Barante, in his History of the Dukes of Burgundy, in which the author has so happily seized the tone and picturesque coloring of the ancient chronicle; tom. x. pp. 289, 298.

[29] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 10.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 74.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 148.

[30] This topic is involved in no little obscurity, and has been reported with much discrepancy as well as inaccuracy by the modern Spanish historians. Among the ancient, Castillo, the historiographer of Henry IV., mentions certain "testamentary executors," without, however, noticing in any more direct way the existence of a will. (Crón. c. 168.) The Curate of Los Palacios refers to a clause reported, he says, to have existed in the testament of Henry IV., in which he declares Joanna his daughter and heir; (Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 10.) Alonso de Palencia states positively that there was no such instrument, and that Henry, on being asked who was to succeed him, referred to his secretary Juan Gonzalez for a knowledge of his intention. (Crón. c. 92.) L. Marineo also states that the king, "with his usual improvidence," left no will. (Cosas Memorables, fol. 155.) Pulgar, another contemporary, expressly declares that he executed no will, and quotes the words dictated by him to his secretary, in which he simply designates two of the grandees as "executors of his soul," (albuceas de su anima,) and four others in conjunction with them as the guardians of his daughter Joanna. (Reyes Cat. p. 31.) It seems not improbable that the existence of this document has been confounded with that of a testament, and that with reference to it, the phrase above quoted of Castillo, as well as the passage of Bernaldez, is to be interpreted. Carbajal's wild story of the existence of a will, of its secretion for more than thirty years, and its final suppression by Ferdinand, is too naked of testimony to deserve the least weight with the historian. (See his Anales, MS., año 74.) It should be remembered, however, that most of the above-mentioned writers compiled their works after the accession of Isabella, and that none, save Castillo, were the partisans of her rival. It should also be added that in the letters addressed by the princess Joanna to the different cities of the kingdom, on her assuming the title of queen of Castile, (bearing date May, 1475,) it is expressly stated that Henry IV., on his deathbed, solemnly affirmed her to be his only daughter and lawful heir. These letters were drafted by John de Oviedo, (Juan Gonzalez,) the confidential secretary of Henry IV. See Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 235–239.

[31] As was the case with the testaments of Alfonso of Leon and Alfonso the Wise, in the thirteenth century, and with that of Peter the Cruel, in the fourteenth.