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So many fabulous stories are told us relative to the christian church, that we cannot be surprised to find the history of its territorial possessions, in any particular spot, mixed up with legends which have no foundation in fact.

Paddington has its story. We are told even to this day, [1a] that King Edgar gave lands here to the Monks of Westminster. And considering what Kings did give to Monks, and also the kind of services rendered by Dunstan and his friends to this usurper of his brother’s crown, it would not have been very surprising to have found this tale true. The same account is given by other authorities. The Rev. Daniel Lysons—the historian of “The Environs of London,”—says “King Edgar gave the Manor of Paddington to Westminster Abbey.” [1b] And a more recent writer, Mr. Saunders, in his “Results of an Inquiry concerning the situation and extent of Westminster, at various periods,” has supported this assertion in these words—“According to Dart, Paddington occurs, as an appendage to the convent of Westminster, in a Charter of King Edgar.” [1c] Unfortunately for the credit of this story, the work these authors have referred to does not sanction it. Dart, indeed, in the very page referred to both by Lysons and Saunders, states something very different from that, which he is reported to have said; for he distinctly informs us it was Dunstan who gave the land at Paddington to the monks of Westminster. [2a]

After specifying the gifts of proceeding Kings, and those of Edgar in particular, Dart says, “But to return to Dunstan. Having thus influenced the King, he goes on with his own benefactions. And first by his Charter, takes upon him to confirm some of the gifts of Edgar, then grants many privileges to this church, exempts it from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London and curses all his successors in that see, and all others who dare to infringe its rights; and lastly releases it from the payment of the tax called Roomscot, [2b] as Offa, Kenulph, and Edgar had done.”

The Bishop by another charter secures the privileges of the convent, and settles certain lands for the maintenance of the monks, viz. “Lands at Hendon and Hanwell to the amount of twenty-eight hides.” And at “Paddington, in the county of Middlesex, which grant was confirmed by his own Charter, and afterwards by King Henry the Eighth, and said to contain two hides of land.” He also granted certain lands at Merton, Perham, Cowell, Ewell, and Shepperton—thirty seven hides in these five places. All these grants, with the exception of Paddington, Dart states were confirmed by the Charter of Edward the Confessor.

But this statement of Dart’s relative to the grant of land in Paddington is of no value, excepting that it probably names the utmost extent of land which the church of Westminster ever got in Paddington by honest means, since it has been convincingly proved that “the Great Charters” both of Edgar, and Dunstan, are the fabrication of monks who lived long after the death of the King and Bishop.

The learned Dr. Hickes has shewn that the hand in which these charters are written, is of a later period than the time when the grants are supposed to have been made; that the phraseology is partly Norman; that Edgar’s Charter has the mark of a pendent seal having been attached to it; and that, to the so called Dunstan’s Charter the waxen impression was remaining when it was examined by him. He tells us that the practice of attaching pendent seals is Norman; [2c] and in this opinion he is supported by Mr. Astle, in a paper printed in the tenth volume of the Archæologia. Mr. Kemble, in his introduction to the first volume of the Anglo Saxon charters, p. 101, also says, “The Norman Charters are for the most part granted under seal; those of the Saxons, never.” And although in the introduction to the second volume, Mr. Kemble states that as to the authenticity of several charters he does not agree in the opinion arrived at by Dr. Hickes, yet we perceive on turning to this charter the fatal asterisk before it, which either denotes it to be “an ascertained forgery, or liable to suspicion.”

The Rev. Richard Widmore, for many years librarian to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, says, “What the privileges were that either he (Dunstan) granted, or obtained from King Edgar, for it (the Abbey) is not at this time to be known the Charters which now remain, both of the one and the other, have been proved beyond all doubt to be forgeries.” [3]

This being the case, the mis-quotation of Lysons and Saunders is of very little account, and is corrected here only for the sake of preserving something like truth in this historical narrative.

Dart, who appears to have received Dunstan’s Charter without questioning its authenticity, must have been struck by the omission of any mention of Paddington in the Confessor’s Charter; and he seems to have been persuaded of the necessity of producing some kingly authority for the enjoyment of these lands from the time of Dunstan, as he states, to the dissolution of the convent—a period of nearly six-hundred years; for he adds to the sentence, already quoted, and as though it was an after thought, “King Stephen afterwards confirmed this manor and liberties granted with it, and after him King Henry the second.”

How these Kings “confirmed this manor” we are not told, neither do I know what documents Dart could have seen, to induce him to make this assertion. In the only Charter of Stephen’s to the Abbey, to be found in the Monasticon, there is no confirmation of this manor or any mention of it. Neither is there any Charter of Henry the Second’s to the Abbey to be found in that great work. If Dart simply intended that these Kings confirmed to the Abbey all the charters then existing, he is, in all probability, right; but if he wished it to be understood that there was any special grant of this manor I think we may fairly dismiss this unsupported assertion without any further consideration. And we may do this the more readily, because Widmore, the most trustworthy author who has ever written on the Abbey, tells us, that Dart was much more of a poet than an antiquarian, and that his “pompous work” contains errors in almost every page.

In speaking of the fabricated documents which the Westminster monks left behind them, Widmore has well said,—“Such forgery, tho’ it be an ugly charge against any, whether single persons or bodies of men, yet the thing, in this case, is too manifest to be denied or doubted of; and the monks of Westminster were not alone in such practices; it was a general Thing, and the Fault of the Times; and it is said, in mitigation of it, that the Norman Conquerors made it as it were necessary, by disregarding the Old Saxon Charters of Lands and Privileges, and reducing the Monks to the hard condition of either losing what belonged to them, or defending it by forged instruments in Latin. But when Persons give themselves Leave to defend even a good Title by undue means, they seldom know where to stop, and the success at first emboldens them to enlarge beyond all Reason. And tho’ I do not think that in this Practice the whole was Fiction and Invention, they only added what they imagined would more especially serve their Purpose; yet by this means they have destroyed the certainty of History and left those who come after them no better Help, in separating the Truth from Fables, than conjecture and not altogether improbable supposition.”

From what has been said, it is evident that it will not do to rely on the authorities above referred to for an account of the acquisition of the Abbey lands in Paddington.

Fortunately, however, there are documents of a very ancient date on which some reliance can be placed; and thanks to the enlightened liberality of the Commons of England, and the untiring industry of those gentlemen engaged by the Record Commissioners, many of these documents have been made readily available for the uses of the public. [4]

One of the Saxon Chroniclers is reported to have said, the survey, taken by order of William the Conqueror, was so accurate “that not a hide or yardland, not an ox, cow, or hog, was omitted in the census.” And although we may not be able to believe that the Conqueror’s scrutiny was thus minute, yet the Dom Boc, or Domesday Book, has been always looked upon as a document worthy of much confidence. The inquisitors were appointed to enquire “Upon the oath of the sheriffs, the lords of each manor, the presbyters of every church, the reves of every hundred, the bailiffs and six villains of every village, into the name of the place, who held it in the time of King Edward, who was the present possessor, how many hides in the manor, &c., &c.” [5a]

If these directions were carried out, and faithfully entered, we should expect to find some account in this document of the Abbey possessions in Paddington, if any such existed at the time this survey was taken. But Mr. Saunders is perfectly correct in stating that no mention is made either of this place, or of Westbourn, or Knightsbridge, in the Domesday Book.

In the hundred of Osulvestane (Ossulston) the King held twelve acres and a half of land, worth five shillings, claimed by no one. He had also in this hundred “thirty cottagers who pay fourteen shillings and ten pence and one half-penny a year;” and two other cottagers belonging to Holburne paying “twenty-pence a year to the King’s Sheriff.” [5b]

“In the village where the Church of St. Peter is situated,” there were at the time of this survey, forty-one cottagers who paid forty shillings to the Convent for their gardens. And the land in and around the village of Westminster which belonged to the Abbey amounted in all to thirteen hides and a half; valued at eight pounds per annum. The whole in King Edward’s time twelve pounds. [5c]

The manor of Kensington answered for ten hides; and was held by Aubrey de Ver. Lilestone answered for five hides; Tybourn for five hides; Willesden for fifteen, with pannage for five hundred hogs; and Chelsea [5d] and Hampstead are duly accounted for. But Paddington in Middlesex is not named. A manor of “Padendene” existed at this time, and is mentioned in the survey, but it was situated in the county of Surrey; and singularly enough was shortly after held by the same family—the De Veres—who held Kensington, and who afterwards, also, held Tybourn.

Were there, then, no dwellings, no cultivated lands in Middlesex known by the name of Paddington, in 1086—the date of the Conqueror’s survey? Was Paddington at this period an uncultivated portion of the great Middlesex Forest; or did a few of the King’s cottagers live here, unnoticed and unknown, before this scrutiny discovered them? Were the broad acres, subsequently claimed by the monks of Westminster, accounted for in the territories of the neighbouring lords; or did they form but a portion of the home domain of the Convent? Was the village, and the land, known by any other name?

Of all these possible suppositions, which is the most probable?

To enter fully into a discussion of these questions would require a greater amount of antiquarian knowledge than I possess; and would occupy more space in this work than I can spare. To obtain an answer to the last question satisfactory to my own mind, it is true I have made some researches, and I will, as concisely as possible, convey to my readers the opinions at which I have arrived; detailing in this place only so many of the topographical facts as may be necessary to shew upon what foundations those opinions have been formed.

We know, from Fitz Stephen, that an immense forest, “beautified with wood and groves,” but “full of the lairs and coverts of beasts and game, stags, bucks, boars, and wild bulls,” [6a] existed even in the twelfth century at no great distance from what then constituted London. Small portions only of this forest appear to have been, at any time, the property of the crown. It formed a part of the public land which was entrusted to the charge of the elected governors of the people. In it the citizens had free right of chase, preserved by many royal charters: it was disafforested by Henry the third in 1218. [6b] And during the Saxon period it would have been no difficult matter to have obtained a settlement even in the most desirable parts of it. To shew the extent of this forest in Middlesex, and the paucity of fixed inhabitants in it, when for the purposes of government, families arranged themselves into tens, and hundreds, we have only to remember that the Hundred of Ossulston occupied nearly half the county; although it included both London and Westminster.

The Fleete, the Tybourn, and the Brent, were the three notable streams which carried the waters from the hills north of the Thames through this forest to the great recipient of them all. And it is probable that the Saxons early settled on the elevated banks of these streams, finding there a more healthful and safer retreat than could be found on the banks of “the silent highway” which was so frequently traversed by the Danes.

Another powerful inducement existed in this locality to fix the wandering footsteps of the emigrant. Two roads made through the forest by the skill of the previous conquerors of the country, united in this spot; and remained to show the uncultivated Saxon, what genius and perseverance could effect. These having served the purpose of a military way to conduct the Roman Legions from south to north, and from east to west, were now ready to be used in aid of civilized life. And it is scarcely conceivable that a spot so desirable could have remained long unoccupied by the seekers of a home.

This locality is the present site of Paddington by whatever name it was then called. And it was, in all probability, at a very early period of our history occupied by the Saxon settler.

The question whether those who settled here were conveyed with the soil to some spiritual, or temporal, lord, previous to, or immediately subsequent to, the Norman conquest, cannot be so satisfactorily determined. Traditions are at variance; documents are not trustworthy; and names have been altered; so that two opinions may be entertained about the things described even in the instruments which exist. There is, however, one general rule which will assist us in coming to a correct decision as to the boundaries we find laid down.

When the science of making and interpreting artificial signs had acquired all the potency of a black art; when the acquisition of this art was strictly guarded by all the rules of a craft; and when this art was used to describe a title to lands, and to define the extent of those lands, it still remained necessary, for the safety of those who held this book-land, that the natural signs should be used, if any knowledge of these things was to be preserved by the people, who were carefully excluded from any dealings with so subtile an agency as the lawyer’s quill. And I think we may safely conclude that the most prominent and permanent objects, natural or artificial, would be invariably chosen to point out the bounds of original settlement, when the time had come to render land marks necessary.

We might expect, therefore, to find that the Westminster monks, in carving out for themselves a comfortable and compact estate, would choose for its boundaries the most prominent and permanent objects in the neighbourhood. And in Edgar’s first Charter—that dated six years before Edgar was King—we do find, with some additions, the Thames chosen for the southern boundary; the Roman road for the northern; the Fleete for the eastern; and the Tybourn for the western. And if we take the largest stream between the Fleete and the Brent to have been the Tybourn, we can readily explain how the convent claimed a manor in Chelsea; and we can clearly understand, too, how the Norman monks read this Saxon Charter so as to make it include the manor of Paddington—as that portion of land, bounded by the Roman roads, and the bourn, was at one time called.

Mr. Saunders, in his “Inquiry, &c.” has come to the conclusion that the ancient Tybourn was the stream which has been recently known by that name. But I think those who will take the trouble to examine this subject thoroughly will come to the conclusion that on this point that inquirer has been deceived.

It is evident the facts which came under Mr. Saunders’s notice, in the course of his inquiry, did not entirely square with the supposition which he has adopted. And after all, he is obliged to admit that Westminster extended, and extends, to the stream farther westward than the one he has accepted as its western boundary. This West-bourn, or brook, I take to be the ancient Tybourn—the western boundary of the district described in the charter, dated 951; and the western boundary of St. Margaret’s parish, as defined by the Ecclesiastical Decree of 1222. Lysons, writing at the end of the last century, described the stream which crossed the Tybourn road, now Oxford-street, as a “small bourn, or rivulet formerly called Aye-brook or Eye-brook, and now Tybourn-brook.”

In the maps of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries we find but one stream delineated as descending from the high ground about Hampstead. In Christopher Saxton’s curious map of 1579; in Speede’s beautiful little map of 1610; in John Seller’s, of 1733; in Morden’s; in Seales’s; in Rocque’s accurate surveys; and in others of less note; we see this stream takes the course of that brook which was at one time called Westbourn, and which I believe was anciently called the Tybourn, and discharges itself into the Thames at Chelsea. The Eye brook on the other hand scarcely appeared before it came to the conduits built by the citizens of London; it then crossed Oxford-street in the valley west of Stratford-place, and emptied itself into a reservoir at the north-eastern corner of “The Deer Park,” or as it is now called “The Green Park.” It appears to have been originally very little larger than the Tychbourn which ran down the Edgeware-road; the former carrying the waters from the southern side of Primrose-hill, the latter from the south of Maida-hill. The Eyebourn, however, was very much increased in size when the superabundant supply from the conduits, which were fed by the water brought from Tybourn, and from springs near the village of Eye, were emptied into it. When the reservoir in the Green Park was enclosed with brick and supplied by the Chelsea Water-works Company from the Thames, this brook was covered in, carried beneath the old reservoir, and converted into a sewer, and is now known by the name of the King’s Scholars Pond Sewer; while the larger stream to the west, the Tybourn or Westbourn, has degenerated into the Ranelagh Sewer.

There is another fact also worthy of note: Holinshed, when speaking of the execution of the Earl of March, which took place in the reign of Edward the third, says, that in those days the place of execution was called “The Elmes,” but was known in his day by the name of “Tiborne.” At the present time enough of “Elms-lane” [9] remains, at Bayswater, to point out where the fatal Elm grew, and the gentle “Tiborne” ran.

Dr. Stukeley, and other learned antiquarians, are of opinion that the Edgeware-road, and the Uxbridge-road, represent, very nearly, the sites of the ancient Roman roads. Now if the Tybourn was, in truth, the same stream as the Westbourn, the monks of Westminster had only to follow its course from the Thames till they came to the second “broad military road” which crossed it, instead of stopping at the first they met with, (and the charter says nothing about the first or second), and in their ascent up this stream, and descent by the road, they would have included not only their Manor of Chelsea, but the Manor of Paddington also. [10a]

And if this reading of Edgar’s Charter was objected to by the Great Chamberlain of England, or any other powerful neighbouring lord, there was Edward’s Charter for Chelsea; [10b] and Dunstan’s for Paddington in reserve.

But the exact time when the words “Et illud praediolum in Padingtune aecclesiae pradictae addidi,” [10c] first formed a portion of that “forged instrument in Latin” called Dunstan’s Charter; or when those who cultivated the soil in this neighbourhood had to adopt their new lord, and transfer their services from the palace to the convent, does not very plainly appear. Undoubtedly, “a little farm in Padintun” became every year, after the Conqueror’s survey, more and more desirable.

These forged charters, as we shall presently see, could not, of themselves, secure the monks of Westminster their Paddington estate; and another expedient had to be resorted to.

I have just now assumed that the inhabitants of Paddington were free settlers, or King’s cottagers. And although this was undoubtedly the case at first, yet by the time of the Conqueror’s survey they may have been under the protection of some mean lord. And I believe the manor of Paddington subsequently created by the monks of Westminster, was at this time a portion of the manor of Tybourn. For besides the evidence already produced, to shew that Tybourn and Westbourn were synonymous terms; we find in a legal document, even so late as 1734, that “two messuages and six acres of land lying in the common field of Westboune,” and three other acres, also in the same common field, are described as being “parcel of the manor of Tyburn, and called Byard’s Watering Place.” [11]

If, then, the districts now called Westbourn and Paddington, were included in the manor of Tybourn in the Conqueror’s survey, it is very evident that a rearrangement, both of these districts and the neighbouring manors, must have taken place when the Westminster monks established their claim to Paddington. And it is not improbable that the lords of Chelsea, Kensington, and Tybourn, insisted upon maintaining, for themselves and their tenants, commonable rights over the Westbourn district.

How the monks of Westminster, in the course of time, became both spiritual and temporal masters of the Westbourn district, can be readily conceived by those who know anything of the power engendered by the concentration of all knowledge into a few bodies, especially if those bodies have a perpetual existence.

As I have before said, the monks found that their forged charters would not sufficiently serve them legally to inherit Paddington. They were obliged therefore to purchase the interest in the soil from at least one of the families whose ancestors had made it valuable. This appears from a document which I have translated below, and which is to be found in Maddox’s Formulare Anglicanum, page 217, and which as appears by a note, at the foot of it, this learned and indefatigable antiquary discovered in the archives of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. The document is as follows:—

“A final Concord of Land between the Abbot of Westminster and Richard and William de Padinton.”

“This is the final agreement made in the Court of the Lord King at Westminster, on the Friday next after the ascension of our Lord, in the thirty-first year of the reign of King Henry the second, before J. Bishop of Norwich, Ralph de Granville the Lord King’s Justiciaries, and Richard the Treasurer, and Godfrey de Lucie, and Hubert Walter, and William Basset, and Nigel son of Alexander, and other faithful lieges of the King being then and there present; between Walter Abbot of Westminster, and Richard and William of Padinton, brothers, touching the entire tenement which they held in Padinton, of the Church of Westminster. Whereupon it was pleaded between them in the Court of the Lord King, namely, that the aforesaid Richard and William have quit-claimed (given up) for ever, for themselves and all their successors and heirs, all and the aforesaid tenement, and whatever right they had therein, without any reserve, to the aforesaid Church of Westminster and the Abbot, and have restored to him the land with all its appurtenances: and for this resignation, the Abbot aforesaid hath given to them forty marks of silver and four allowances or maintenances, “conrediæ,” in the Church of Westminster, two of which are for the service of the aforesaid Richard and William for the twelve following years, and the other two are for the service of the wives of the aforesaid Richard and William, together with gratuities, “caritatibus,” and pittances so long as the same women shall live.”

Maddox adds that this document “has at the top, the letters, Chiographum, very large ones, cut through indent-wise.”

We are not informed by this instrument what was “the extent of the entire tenement,” thus sold to the Abbot of Westminster. But it will be observed, that the land purchased of Richard and William is said to have been held by them “of the Church of Westminster.” From which we might imagine, that the lordship of the soil, had been already legally appropriated to St. Peter, did we not know that it is equally probable, that one of the tricks of the time had been played off, to lessen the risk of the purchased land being forfeited to the Crown.

Blackstone tells us that when a tenant—and all were tenants now, either of the King, or some other lord,—wished to alienate his lands to a religious house, he first conveyed them to the house, and instantly took them back again, “to hold as tenant to the monastery.” This instantaneous seisin, he further informs us, did not occasion forfeiture: and, this fact being accomplished, “by pretext of some other forfeiture, surrender, or escheat, the society entered into those lands in right of such their newly acquired signiory, as immediate lords of the fee.” [13]

Other documents, shewing the acquisition by the Convent of other lands in this place and Westbourn, at a later period, will be produced in the next chapter; but this is the only one dated before the end of the twelfth century, having any appearance of authenticity, which I have been able to discover relative to the Abbey lands in Paddington.

The Abbot who purchased the interest of the brothers of Paddington, in the Paddington soil, is called Walter of Winchester, to distinguish him from another Walter, called of Wenlock, who was also an Abbot of Westminster, but a century after this time. Of him also we shall have to speak in the next chapter in connexion with the further extension of the Abbey lands in Paddington.

Walter, the first, directed that the anniversary of the day on which he died should be kept as a feast day at the Convent: and we are told that he gave the manor of Paddington for its proper celebration. And as this story will well serve to illustrate the manner in which much of the property of the church was spent in those days, and, perhaps, serve also to shew how the neighbouring proprietors were quieted for the transfer of the lordship to this Abbot, I shall reproduce it as it was given to the Archæological Society, on the third of May, 1804, by Dr. Vincent, a former Dean of Westminster.

The Dean states that the account he read was taken from an ancient MS. preserved in the archives of the Dean and Chapter. The following is the Dean’s own translation of the manuscript in question:—

“Walter, Abbot of Westminster, died the twenty-seventh of September, in the second year of King Richard the first, and in the year of our Lord, 1191.

The manor of Paddington was assigned for the celebration of his anniversary, in a solemn manner, under this form.

On the fifth of the Kalends of October (that is on the twenty-seventh of September), on the festival of Saint Cosmas and Saint Damian, the anniversary of Walter, the Abbot, is to be celebrated; and for the celebration, the manor of Paddington is put wholly in the hands of the Almoner, for the time being, and entrusted to his discretion; and this he is faithfully to observe, that whatsoever shall be the final overplus is to be expended charitably in distribution to the poor.

On the day of the celebration, the Almoner is to find for the Convent, fine manchets, cakes, crumpets, cracknells, and wafers, and a gallon of wine for each friar, with three good pittances, or doles, with good ale in abundance at every table, and in the presence of the whole brotherhood; in the same manner as upon other occasions the cellarer is bound to find beer at the usual feasts or anniversaries, in the great tankard of twenty-five quarts. [14a]

He shall also provide most honourably, and in all abundance, for the guests that dine in the refectory, bread, wine, beer, and two dishes out of the kitchen, besides the usual allowance. And for the guests of higher rank, who sit at the upper table under the bell, with the president, ample provision shall be made as well as for the Convent; and cheese shall be served on that day to both. [14b]

Agreement shall likewise be made with the cook, for vessels, utensils, and other necessaries, and not less than two shillings shall be given over above, for his own gratification and indulgence.

The Almoner is likewise to find for all comers in general, from the hour when the memorial of the anniversary is read to the end of the following day, meat, drink, hay, and provender of all sorts, in abundance; and no one either on foot or on horseback during that time shall be denied admittance at the gate.

He shall also make allowance to the Nuns at Kilburne, both bread and wine, as well as provisions from the kitchen, supplied on other days by the cellarer and the cook: neither shall the Nuns lose their ordinary allowance, on account of the extraordinary.

But the servants of the court, who are at other times accustomed to have wine and flagons, and all those who have billets upon the cellarer for allowances, shall receive wine and bread only from the Almoner on this day, and not from the cellarer; they shall likewise have a pittance from him.

But those who have a pittance from Bemfleete at other times, and three hundred poor besides, shall have a refection on this day, that is to say, a loaf of the weight of the Convent loaf, made of mixed corn, and each of them that pleases a pottle of ale; and those who have not vessels for this purpose shall take a draught at pleasure, and two dishes from the kitchen suitable to the hospitality of the day.

The Almoner, moreover, besides these doles, pittances, and allowances, shall find bread at command, but not wine, and therefore those who have the command never allow wine, though they admit military men with their swords on. [15]

He is likewise bound to find bread of mixed corn, by his office, to each of the servants, but not beer; neither is he bound to find beer for the Convent to drink after vespers, unless he chooses it as a special favour; neither does he usually find the collations.

But without all doubt, the president with his guests in the refectory, have a right to wine and beer in abundance after their refection, and the Almoner shall likewise allow mead to the Convent for the cup of charity, the loving cup.

The Almoner, also, who is not accustomed to brew in large quantities more than four times a year, shall take especial care to provide five casks of the best beer for this anniversary.

Afterwards, however, a modification was made of this anniversary in this form: namely, that every year (on the festival of the Saints aforesaid), the Prior and the convent shall sing the placebo and dirige with three lessons, as is usual on other anniversaries, and with the chiming (or a peal) of bells. That two wax candles shall be kept burning at the tomb of Walter, from the vigil of the anniversary to the end of the requiem mass the following day, which the prior or any head of the order present shall sing; and on that day the Almoner, for the time being, shall distribute two quarters of corn in baked bread to the poor, according to the usuage of the Convent; but there shall be no distribution of other things, or dispensation of alms.”

Whether the song of the monks really pleased the people as much as the cakes and ale we are not told, but considering the present use of the word placebo, we may doubt it. We are not informed either, when this modification was made; but the Dean tells us that the retrenchment was very necessary, for the convent stood in some danger of being ruined by anniversaries; almost every Abbot having one.

Widmore, who mentions this anniversary, tells us Dr. Patrick, the editor of Gunton’s History of Peterborough, got his account from John Flete, the Monkish Historian of Westminster, who died in the Convent in 1464, having completed its history, which he wrote at the request of the monks, down to 1386.

Of John Flete, Widmore says, in his account of the writers of the History of Westminster Abbey, “He sets down his authorities as he found them; but as criticism was not a study in request in his time, he neither doth, nor was, I suppose, able to distinguish what in antiquity was true and genuine from forgeries.” [16]

Of Walter of Winchester, the same learned writer remarks “There is little account left what this man did while Abbot here: he seems to have been too easy in granting out the estates of the church in fee farm: the manor of Denham in Bucks, the tithes of Boleby in Lincolnshire, the Church of St. Alban in Wood-street, what the Abbey had in Staining-lane and Friday-street, and the manor of Paglesham in Essex, were so granted by him. He seems to have been solicitous to perpetuate his memory by an anniversary, having ordered a very pompous one, much beyond those of any of his predecessors, and got the profits of the manor of Paddington assigned for that purpose: but this, sometime after, being thought too great, was very much lowered, and only loaves made of two quarters of wheat were on that day given to the poor, by the Almoner of the Abbey.”

Richard de Croksley, who died in 1258, was still more liberal with the funds he could no longer use, for he assigned the whole produce of the manors of Hamstead and Stoke for the celebration of his death-day. The ringers were paid thirteen shillings and four-pence for ringing the bells on the eve of the anniversary; one thousand poor were to receive a penny each on the first day; and for six subsequent days, five hundred were to receive daily one penny, for which sixteen pounds, thirteen shillings and four-pence was assigned; while for the arduous duties enjoined on the monks—“for the repose of the Abbot’s soul, four monks were to celebrate mass at four different altars every day for ever,” only twenty-seven pounds was given. But in less than ten years after this Abbot’s death “the burthen of commemorating him in the way he had ordained was found too heavy to be borne;” and after petitioning the Pope on this subject, and receiving his mandate thereon, this anniversary was modified and ten marks was assigned for keeping it. [17]

From the Taxatio Ecclesiastica, made under the authority of Pope Nicholas the fourth, and published by the Record Commissioners, we learn that a century after the death of Walter, the whole of the temporalities of Paddington were devoted to the purposes of charity; that they arose from the rent of land, and the young of animals, and were valued at eight pounds, sixteen shillings and four-pence. And the same valuable work informs us of a chapel built and endowed in this place, at the time this survey was taken.

In the preface to this work the following account of this taxation is given—

“In the year 1288, Pope Nicholas the fourth, granted the tenths of all Ecclesiastical benefices to King Edward the first, for six years, towards defraying the expense of an expedition to the Holy Land; and that they might be collected to their full value, a taxation by the King’s Precept was begun in that year (1288) and finished as to the Province of Canterbury in 1291, and as to that of York in the following year; the whole being under the direction of John, Bishop of Winton, and Oliver, Bishop of Lincoln.

The taxation of Pope Nicholas is a most important Record, because all the taxes, as well to our Kings as the Popes, were regulated by it until the survey made in the twenty-sixth year of Henry the eighth.”

During the twelfth and early part of the thirteenth centuries, disputes of a very unseemly nature frequently took place between the Abbots of Westminster and the Bishops of London, relative to the jurisdiction of the latter over the Abbey, and otherwise as to their respective privileges and districts. Another pretty good proof, as Widmore justly remarks, that the ancient charters, so much spoken of, were mere forgeries. These disputes were at length referred to Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester and Salisbury, and the Priors of Merton and Dunstaple; and in their decree, which is published at length in Wharton’s Historia de Espiscopis et Decanis Londinensibus, after giving the Bishop a considerable slice of the territory which the monks had claimed in the region of the Fleete, and fixing the boundary westward, as in Edgar’s Charter, by the Tybourn, the following passage occurs:—“Extra veró suprá scriptas metas villæ de Knygtebrigge, Westburne, Padyngtoun cum Capellâ, et cum earum pertinentiis, pertinent ad Parochiam S. Margaretæ memoratum.” [18a] So that even the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over Paddington had not been legally given to the Abbey before the thirteenth century; for this document is dated 1222.

If we can rely on the authenticity of the passage just quoted, a chapel must have been built here previous to that date; and now this chapel, as the author of the Ecclesiastical Topography correctly remarks became a Chapel of Ease to St. Margaret’s, Westminster. This writer makes the value of the church and chapel, in 1291, only thirty marks and a half; [18b] but in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica, printed by the Record Commission, the following entries are to be found at page 17:—

“Ecclia Sce Margarete cu Capella de Padinton	£20.
Vicaria Ejusdem	8.”

No inconsiderable difference in times when the land in Paddington paid only four-pence per acre, per annum, rent.

Whatever doubts may arise in the mind as to the accuracy of John Flete’s story, or as to the capability of the land in Paddington to furnish the annual feast we have described as having been appointed in 1191; it appears from this taxation, that in 1291, a chapel was built and endowed here; and the sum we have already mentioned given in charity.