Читать книгу "My country, 'tis of thee!" - Willis Fletcher Johnson - Страница 8
ОглавлениеMAIN BUILDING, INTERNATIONAL CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION, 1876.
States, and this was accomplished under the same talented commander who brought the first war to a successful close—the gallant Commodore Decatur.
The history of the second war with Great Britain begins, as we have seen, as far back as 1796. The aggressive acts of that power were of a nature that would not be tolerated for a single month did they occur in the present day. An official report made in 1812 by the Secretary of State declared that five hundred and twenty-eight American merchantmen had been taken by England prior to 1807, and three hundred and eighty-nine after that period. The value of those vessels and cargoes, estimated at the lowest figures, would amount to nearly thirty million dollars. An abundant warrant for war, surely; yet the declaration was carried in Congress by an astonishingly small majority. The Federal party, opposed to all the Jeffersonian measures, fought with especial bitterness—and with especial justification—the embargo which the executive had declared and which had really caused severe distress to the industrial classes. The depression continued throughout the war, and the suffering experienced gave strong support to the measures of the so-called “Peace Party,” who threw every obstruction in the way of its successful termination. Altogether it was a war for which no adequate provision was made. The navy of the United States was in no condition to cope with that of England; the regular army numbered less than seven thousand men, and the other requisites of war were as poorly provided for. The time, however, was most opportune. England was exhausted with her struggle with France, which even then was continuing, and required most of her attention. Yet so miserably was the war managed that the first year was a record of disaster to the United States. Our naval operations were successful from the start, and the striking series of victories at sea filled England with astonishment and dismay. These successes were followed by similar ones on the lakes, where two of the most notable battles of the war were won. In 1814 the British took possession of Washington, burned the Capitol, the President’s house, the public offices, the navy yard and arsenal, and the bridge over the Potomac. They were repulsed by the Americans a few days later and forced to leave the Chesapeake. The British fleet then sailed south, and in December appeared before New Orleans. The gallant defense made by Jackson lasted nearly a month and resulted in victory for the United States. Before the first gun was fired the treaty of peace had been signed, but word did not reach the combatants in the South until February.
The treaty settled certain questions of boundary, of fisheries, and provided the abolishment of naval forces on the lakes. On the subject of impressment it was silent, as it could very well have been, since America had amply proved her ability to defend her commerce and her citizens in any future difficulty.
The best result of the war was the rapid increase of American manufactories, caused by the impossibility, during the blockade, of obtaining goods from abroad. After the blockade was raised many of these manufactories were ruined, in consequence of the sudden influx of foreign goods, but the impetus given had been a healthy one, and home industries had received a start, at least. Agricultural products greatly increased in value, land and labor rose in proportion, and the shipping interests of the country grew more prosperous than ever. During this period there was evinced a growing tendency to the division of the country into a Northern and a Southern section. In the one, free labor and advancing commercial and manufacturing interests created one set of conditions, while in the South, slave labor and developing agricultural wealth induced quite another. With the invention of the cotton-gin, in 1791, cotton quickly rose to a prominent position among American industries. Slave labor, which had been growing undesirable, now became of high value, and the slaves in the country increased from 657,047 in 1790 to—in round numbers—1,600,000 in 1820. By this time slavery had almost vanished from the North, and the industrial interests of the country were becoming so widely different that the character of the people could not avoid suffering proportionate changes. In the North industry was commended above all things, and the worker was the peer of any man—theoretically speaking. In the South labor was looked down upon, and the planter gave himself up to social pleasures, even leaving the overseeing of his estate in the hands of an agent. While the tendency in the North was the breaking down of all class distinction, the South was becoming more and more of an aristocracy. This diversity of conditions was destined to increase with time, until its final outcome was most inevitably war for the preservation of those principles of freedom and democracy, on which the Union was founded, and on which its existence depends.
During this period, also, the West was filling up with remarkable rapidity. State after State was admitted, until, by 1820, the original thirteen were increased to twenty-four. All the States east of the Mississippi were admitted by this time, and west of the river were Missouri and Louisiana. It was a very rude population that filled the frontier. Refugees from all the Eastern States fled to escape justice, and finally formed the majority of the inhabitants. For many years villainy reigned supreme, but the invading march of civilization gradually introduced a better element, and the West offered a less attractive harbor to the unregenerate.
Allusion must be made to the invasion of Florida by General Jackson in 1818. From 1812 difficulties had existed with the Seminole Indians, while many fugitive slaves fled to the northern part of the State and amalgamated with the savages. These negroes settled on the Appalachicola River, and, furnished with arms by the British, defied the American authorities. Their stronghold was destroyed by General Clinch in 1816, but annoyance from the Seminoles continued. In 1818 General Jackson invaded Florida, destroyed the Indian towns, and took possession of the town of Pensacola and the Spanish fort of St. Mark’s. The controversy thus provoked with Spain resulted in the cession of the whole of Florida to the United States, February 22d, 1819.
The political state of the country from 1816 to 1820, during Monroe’s administration, was peculiar in that only one political party existed—a condition of affairs never witnessed before or since. This was known as “the era of good feeling.” Industrially, however, it was an era of great depression. The prosperity which followed the war of 1812 had vanished, and the natural revulsion from abnormally high prices had come. The banks suspended specie payments and gold and silver disappeared. The Bank of the United States was in a demoralized condition, and ruin and bankruptcy prevailed everywhere. From this distress it took several years for the United States to recover. A notable feature of the time was the consideration in Congress of the problem of internal improvements. Large appropriations were made for a canal route across Florida, for a national road from Cumberland, Maryland, to Ohio, etc. The greatest enterprise was the Erie Canal, built by the State of New York at a cost of ten millions of dollars. Among other events worthy of mention was the founding of the Anti-Slavery Association in 1815, the formation of the first savings bank in Philadelphia, the founding of colleges and universities in almost every State in the Union, and the crossing of the first ocean steamship.
The history of this period must not be closed without allusion to the famous “Monroe Doctrine.” America had long held itself aloof from interference in European affairs, but until now she had never asserted her determination not to be interfered with. In Monroe’s message of 1823, occurs the passage which, although it never received official sanction from Congress, immediately became a fixed and unalterable part of our national policy: that any attempt to extend foreign systems of government to any part of this hemisphere is declared dangerous to our peace and safety, and shall be taken as a manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.
In 1819 occurred the exciting controversy known as the “Missouri Compromise,” which settled one phase of the slavery question, and paved the way for its final solution. When Missouri applied for admission as a State, the House of Representatives voted to make that admission conditional on the prohibition of the further introduction of slaves, and the emancipation of all slave children born after the admission, as soon as they reached the age of twenty-five. The Senate, however, rejected this condition, and Congress adjourned without coming to any final decision. All during the next session the question was fought, until in the night between the 2d and 3d of March, 1820, the State was admitted on a compromise. Slavery was permitted in its territory, but forever interdicted in the territory, except Missouri, lying north of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes north latitude. If the latter had affected Missouri alone it would have been comparatively insignificant, but there were two great principles involved which bore upon the welfare of the entire nation. These were the questions of slavery and of State sovereignty as opposed to United States supremacy. The result of the Compromise was that the country was divided upon a fixed geographical basis into free and slave sections. Each of the two groups consolidated more and more, and the antagonism between the North and South inevitably increased.
In 1835 an event took place which was destined ultimately to be of great interest to the United States. This was the revolution in Texas, then a province of Central America. A Declaration of Independence was made on the 2d of March, 1836; on March 6th the famous massacre of the Alamo occurred, and two weeks later the battle of San Jacinto, in which the Mexican forces were beaten, and the President, Santa Anna, taken prisoner. As a condition to his release the Mexican troops left the country, and hostilities ceased. The independence of Texas was soon acknowledged by the United States and Europe, and in 1845, at its own request, the new republic became a State of the American Union. Mexico, which had never acknowledged the independence of Texas, resented the action of the United States, and the following year collisions took place between the two countries on the Rio Grande. Two very deadly conflicts, one at Palo Alto and the other at Resaca de la Palma, could only result in a declaration of war on the part of our government. The army, under General Taylor, proceeded at once to Palo Alto, where the Mexicans were defeated on the 8th of May. In September Taylor took Monterey. Another army under General Kearney had succeeded in occupying New Mexico, and after establishing a civil government, marched on to California to the assistance of Commodore Stockton and Captain Fremont. The war ended with victory for the Americans in September of the next year. It had been an unbroken series of successes for the United States. The treaty of peace was signed on the 2d of February, 1848; under its provisions Upper California and New Mexico were surrendered by Mexico, which in turn was granted all its conquered territory, with fifteen million dollars.
The same year that witnessed our accession of California proved the existence of gold in great abundance throughout a vast region of country, and in a few months’ time thousands of treasure seekers were already at work washing fortunes out of the sands. The history of the “Gold Rush” to California in the autumn of 1848 and all during the next few years is one of unique and most absorbing interest. The scenes to which it gave rise are unparalleled in the story of any other country, unless we except Australia. A short period served to exhaust the “placer” minings of California and more expensive methods had to be resorted to. The hydraulic process was invented in 1852; quartz mining also came into vogue. Rich silver deposits were discovered in Colorado and Nevada, and although the era of individual fortune hunting was past, an immense amount of wealth still remained in the rocks of the new country, and emigration proceeded with unexampled energy. Not only was the Pacific Slope found rich in gold, but in forests, and above all in agricultural facilities. With all these inducements on the coast, came the discovery of the wealth in the intervening prairie lands, and the great West began to fill up, until in forty-three years it has become the home of the boldest and most promising population within the United States’ limits. State after State has been admitted, railroads and telegraphs have been built across the continent, and an immense and flourishing domain has been added to the nation.
The next phase of American history which, in a recital of only the important events of national growth, must claim attention, is the development of Abolitionism. The slavery question was not buried after the passage of the Missouri Compromise Bill, as its supporters had promised and believed. The doctrine of abolition was first openly advocated by William Lloyd Garrison in his newspaper, The Liberator, issued January 1st, 1831. Anti-Slavery societies were formed soon afterward, but they met with such violent opposition in the North that they were forced to cease their meetings. The political strength of the idea was not manifested until 1844, when the candidate of the “Liberty” party made Polk President of the United States. It was, however, the close of the Mexican War and the subsequent large addition of property that brought the question into prominence before Congress. In the discussion of the treaty of Mexico, David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, proposed to add to the appropriation bill the clause that slavery should be prohibited in any territory which might be acquired as a consequence of the war. Although the “Wilmot Proviso” was rejected, it was received with warmest approbation throughout the North.
The Anti-Slavery faction, organized in 1848, under the name of “the Free Soil Party,” and in the ensuing election returned its candidate, Martin Van Buren, to the Presidency, sent Salmon P. Chase and Charles Sumner to the Senate, and a large number of its friends to the House of Representatives. The rapid settlement of the West added to the complication. California and Oregon in their territorial organization excluded slavery, and the former applied for admission as a State on an Anti-Slavery basis. A fierce debate followed in Congress, the Southern representatives insisting on the organization of California, Oregon, Utah, and New Mexico without slavery restrictions. The Free Soil party demanded, not only the admission of California, but the organization of the other territories with slavery absolutely prohibited. The dispute ended in a compromise, proposed by Henry Clay, in which California was admitted as a free State, no restriction enforced in Utah or New Mexico, and slavery prohibited in the District of Columbia, and provisions made for the return of fugitive slaves from all Northern States. The compromise was so agreeable to the majority of the people that for a time the Anti-Slavery agitation was greatly decreased.
In 1855 the Free Soil party was absorbed into the Republican party, destined to attain such power in later days. It was the clause relating to fugitive slaves which renewed the abolition sentiment in the North. For years previous to this time escaped slaves had found plenty of friends among the Northerners to help them to Canada, and in time the organization for aid and secretion of fugitive blacks became more complete, and very few slaves who succeeded in crossing the border line were ever recovered by their masters. Massachusetts even passed a law to secure fugitive slaves trial by jury, and Pennsylvania passed a law against kidnapping. A decision was finally made in the Supreme Court which gave to the owners of a slave the right to recapture him without process of law, but this availed little against the growing sentiment against all slavery. In 1850 a Fugitive Slave law was passed which was so unjust in its measures that it left little hindrance to the kidnapping of free negroes to be held as slaves in the South. This law aroused the greatest indignation, and backed up the Abolitionists with a crowd of ardent sympathizers, where previously they had been regarded as wild radicals. In December, 1853, the Territory of Nebraska was proposed for organization. An amendment to the bill was offered which should abrogate the Missouri Compromise and permit the citizens of the Southern States to take and hold their slaves within any of the new Territories or States. The bill was reported back from the committee, modified to propose the formation of two territories, Kansas and Nebraska. At the end of a contest lasting four months, the bill was carried, with the measure which had been in existence for thirty-five years nullified and the whole territory from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains thrown open to slavery. In 1857 the South gained a new victory when the Missouri Compromise was declared unconstitutional in the highest tribunal in the land. The Abolition party was now very greatly strengthened in the North, and before the slavery agitation, all other questions of public policy were subordinate. A re-organization of parties became necessary; the Democrats divided into two sections, and the Free Soilers and a section of the Democrats and the old Whigs fused to form the Republican party.
The first hostilities resulting in bloodshed appeared in Kansas. An organized effort had been made by the anti-slavery societies of the North to secure Kansas by colonizing her with Abolitionists. Missouri made a corresponding effort to secure it to slavery, but rather by violence than colonization. An armed band of two hundred and fifty Missourians marched upon the new town of Lawrence and ordered its settlers to leave the territory. The settlers refused, and their assailants retired; but this battle of words was followed by a series of more serious assaults. An election for a Territorial legislature was ordered in 1855. The slave-holders of Missouri and Arkansas entered the Territory in large bands, took possession of the polls, and, driving the actual settlers away, cast their votes for the Pro-Slavery candidates. This fraudulent operation was ignored by Congress, and the proceedings of the Pro-Slavery legislature were indorsed. But the Free State settlers were too many to be dealt with thus, and in 1859 they held another convention, elected their candidates, and adopted a new Constitution, in which slavery was prohibited.
These violent methods of legislation were carried to Congress, where, in 1856, Charles Sumner was brutally assaulted by Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, after the delivery of the speech on “The Crime Against Kansas” by the former. This occurrence added to the bitterness of party spirit, and had its share in arousing the fanatical outbreak of John Brown at Harper’s Ferry. On the approach of the elections of 1860 the hot-headed leaders of Southern politics, rather than accept the moderate views of the Northern section of their party, chose to divide their ranks, thus insuring the election of a Northern candidate. When the Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, whose record on the question was embraced in one sentence of a recent speech, “I believe this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free,” the issue was for the first time clearly defined in a political contest. For ten years the threat of secession had been openly made in Congress, whenever any Pro-Slavery measure was strongly opposed, but now it became more than a threat; it was a menace. Lincoln must have been elected, even if the issue had been less vital, and his successful candidacy was rather desired than dreaded in the South. Secession had been determined upon in South Carolina, and the “fire-eaters” of the South were delighted at what they deemed a direct provocation.
In December, 1860, South Carolina passed an ordinance of secession, and set up an independent government. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Texas, Mississippi, and Louisiana followed; the Northern range of slave States waited until war had actually broken out.
The Southern element still had possession of Congress, and there was no fear of interference until after Lincoln’s inauguration; the seizure of the United States forts and arsenals in the seceding States was therefore accomplished without opposition.
It was not until April that any decisive action was taken by the new administration. Even the fact that a convention had been held at Montgomery, Alabama, a Constitution adopted, and a President elected of the Confederated Southern States had received no active opposition; but when Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor was beleaguered by a Confederate force, preparations were made to relieve it at once, thus deciding the question of war. Early in April a fleet sailed southward and took possession of the fort. As soon as it became known in Charleston, hostilities were determined upon unless Major Anderson, the Federal commander, at once evacuated the fort. He refused, and on the 12th day of April, 1861, at the hour of five A.M., the first gun was fired which announced the beginning of the greatest civil war in history.
Of this war we shall not attempt to give a
LIBBY PRISON.
detailed account, but shall merely pass in rapid review over the most important events, giving a general outline of the basis on which it was fought. The reduction of Fort Sumter was followed by a call from President Lincoln for seventy-five thousand volunteers, which were quickly furnished. Yet the valuable navy yard at Norfolk fell into the hands of the Confederates, and the capture of Washington was only averted by a hasty movement of the troops. The first situation was a little complex; there was in effect a double war—one in Virginia and the country north of it, the other in the States bordering the Mississippi River on the east. There were minor fields of campaigning west of the river, and along the coast where the blockade proved useful in isolating the South from foreign countries.
The seceding States having chosen Jefferson Davis as President, made Richmond, Virginia, their capital, and the two capitals—Richmond and Washington—were the points between which the war in Virginia raged during the entire four years, and the fury with which these cities were alternately assailed and defended went far toward exhausting the warring sections of the country. In the West and along the Mississippi the line of battle went southward, while a corresponding movement pushed toward the north from the enemy’s country along the river until the two armies met and thus gave the Mississippi to the United States again. After this achievement the two fields of war began to combine in one, and the Western army, marching into the Atlantic States, pushed on to aid Grant in the final struggle.
The war began in earnest, when General McDowell with twenty-eight thousand men, advanced against General Beauregard, who was entrenched behind the small stream of Bull Run, south of Washington. Both armies were composed of undisciplined men. The fighting was severe on both sides, and it was only when Beauregard was reinforced by Johnston’s forces that the tide of war turned in favor of the Southern army. The National troops became demoralized, and the bulk of them fled from the field in disorder. This defeat greatly startled and alarmed the North. It was seen that a gigantic struggle with a most potent and determined foe was at hand, and preparations were made to meet it. State militia regiments were mustered into the National army “for three years or the war,” and General George B. McClellan was put in command. The remainder of 1861 was spent in drilling and equipment of troops, etc., with the exception of a battle at Ball’s Bluff, in which the Confederates were again victorious.
In the spring of 1862, General McClellan began active work. His plans were most elaborately drawn and carefully matured. It was the campaign of an engineer, rather than of a fighting soldier. He moved toward Richmond with the bulk of his army by way of the James River Peninsula, while General McDowell advanced from Fredericksburg, and Banks and Fremont moved down the Shenandoah Valley. The last two commanders were met and beaten completely by General Thomas J. Jackson, best known as “Stonewall.” McDowell was held back to defend Washington. So McClellan and his army went on alone. He wasted some time in besieging Yorktown; and fought the battles of Williamsburg, May 5th, and Seven Pines May 31st, the latter being within six miles of Richmond. At Seven Pines the Confederate General, J.E. Johnston, was seriously wounded, and Robert E. Lee succeeded him as leader of the Southern hosts.
“Stonewall” Jackson having beaten Banks and Fremont in the Valley, now came down and joined Lee, and McClellan was driven back to Harrison’s Landing on the James River. During this retreat, the battles of Gaines’s Mills, Savage Station, Glendale, and Malvern Hill were fought, from June 25th to July 1st, all desperate and bloody. Malvern Hill was a Titanic conflict, and in it the National army was victorious. But McClellan, instead of following up his advantage, continued his retreat. He was constantly clamoring for reinforcements, and blamed the Government at Washington for his inability to whip the enemy. On August 29th and 30th the National forces under General Pope were vanquished at Bull Run, and soon after General Lee captured Harper’s Ferry, and crossed the Potomac into Maryland. McClellan met him on September 17th at Antietam, and defeated him in a bloody battle. Lee fell back, and McClellan did not pursue him.
The President had long been dissatisfied with the policy pursued by McClellan, who apparently was a victim to over-cautiousness. General Burnside was therefore put in his place, as Commander of the Army of the Potomac. He proved as rash as McClellan had been cautious, and the results of his rashness were disastrous. On December 13th he fought at Fredericksburg a bloody but fruitless battle; and soon thereafter he was superseded in command by General Joseph Hooker. That commander was also incautious, and was commonly known as “Fighting Joe” Hooker, from his supposed brilliancy and courage in battle. He led the army against the Confederates at Chancellors ville, May 1st and 3d, 1863, and was terribly beaten. It was one of the worst defeats sustained by the Union arms in the whole war.
Now the Southern armies, flushed with victory, took the aggressive and invaded the North. They swept across Maryland and entered Pennsylvania, no effective opposition being offered. Hooker and his army started after them, but in the last week of June Hooker was removed from command, and General George Gordon Meade was put in his place. That wise and capable leader hurried the Union army northward, and on July 1st confronted Lee at Gettysburg. There, on July 1st, 2d, and 3d, was fought the greatest battle of the war, and one of the most important in human history. It cannot be described in detail here, but it resulted in the complete discomfiture of the Confederates, who retreated with all possible haste back to Virginia, and never sought to invade the North again. General Meade followed them, but was unable to overtake and capture them. During the remainder of that year Meade made two attempts upon Richmond, but without important results. Thus matters stood in Virginia at the beginning of 1864, when a new factor appeared upon the scene, before dwelling upon which some events elsewhere must be recounted.
Attacks had been made, up to this time, upon the Confederates along the coast by several expeditions. General T. W. Sherman and Commodore Du Pont had occupied Beaufort in November, 1861. Early in 1862 General Burnside had taken Roanoke Island and Newberne. In the West, beyond the Mississippi, there had been much fighting, especially in Arkansas, and the National arms had been generally successful. On the water, also, the National fleets were supreme. At no time had the Confederates a fleet able to hold its own at sea. They had a number of fast cruisers, fitted out in England, which roamed the ocean as freebooters, preying upon American commerce. The most notable of these was the “Alabama,” which was finally destroyed off Cherbourg, France, by the “Kearsarge,” in June, 1864. They had also a number of powerful rams and ironclad gunboats, for coast and harbor defense. Most famous of these was the “Merrimack,” which, in Hampton Roads, destroyed the great frigates “Congress” and “Cumberland,” and bade fair to deal likewise with the whole Union fleet. Opportunely, the little ironclad “Monitor,” just built by John Ericsson, appeared upon the scene, gave battle, and vanquished the monster “Merrimack.” This was one of the epoch-making naval battles of the world. It not only saved the whole Union fleet, and perhaps many Northern seaport cities from destruction. At a single stroke it revolutionized naval architecture and naval warfare. The great wooden frigates were instantly made things of the past; thenceforth the typical war-ship was a heavily armored iron and steel machine, carrying only a few guns in revolving turrets, or in heavy iron casemates.
But the greatest of the operations leading down to 1864 were in the West Central States. At the beginning of 1862 the National commanders set out to regain possession of the Mississippi River. In January General Thomas defeated the Confederates at Mill Spring. In February Commodore Foote reduced Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River. A few days later General U. S. Grant, after most severe fighting, captured Fort Donelson and its garrison of 15,000 Confederate troops. This was the first really great Union victory, and Grant at once became a dominant figure in the drama of civil war. Other operations followed, by which the Confederates were driven out of Kentucky, and largely out of Tennessee. In April General Pope and Commodore Foote captured Island No. 10, with 7,000 Confederates, thus clearing the Mississippi down to Memphis. Early in April a great two days’ battle was fought at Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee River, Generals Grant and W. T. Sherman commanding the National army, and A. S. Johnston and G. P. T. Beauregard the Confederates. On the first day the Confederates were successful, but on the second the National army rallied, regained its ground, and drove the foe before it in one of the bloodiest conflicts of the war. General A. S. Johnston was killed—an irreparable loss to the Southern cause.
The Union armies now moved southward into Alabama and Mississippi. Early in 1863 they gathered about Vicksburg, the “Gibraltar of the South,” the only important obstacle to the reopening of the Mississippi. Admiral Porter co-operated with his fleet. A long siege, marked by many desperate engagements, followed, ending with the surrender of Vicksburg, with 27,000 men to General Grant. This occurred on July 3d, at the very time when Meade was putting Lee to rout at Gettysburg. A few days later Port Hudson surrendered to General Banks; Admiral Farragut, in a naval conflict of surpassing splendor, had already captured New Orleans; and thus the entire Mississippi was regained by the National authorities. Later, a great reverse was suffered. General Rosecrans was terribly beaten by the Confederates at Chickamauga, and driven into Chattanooga, where he was besieged. This was on September 19th and 20th. But Grant was now free to turn his attention thither, and he quickly drove the Confederates away from Chattanooga southward into Georgia.
Thus we come to the opening of 1864. General Grant’s brilliant successes in the West led the President to call him to the East, when he was made commander of all the National armies. Sherman was left in the West to command there, under Grant’s direction. These two illustrious commanders matured their plans together, and simultaneously, early in May, moved forward on the greatest campaign of the war. Sherman marched from Chattanooga southward, against the able Confederate General J. E. Johnston. Desperate battles were fought at Kenesaw Mountain and elsewhere, but Sherman was irresistible. In August the war raged about Atlanta, and at the beginning of September that most important city fell into Sherman’s hands. The Confederate President, who hated Johnston, had foolishly removed him from command and put Hood in his place. The latter was a brave and gallant soldier, but was not—as he himself well knew—the equal of Johnston as a commander, and this change did the Confederates much harm. Despairing of checking Sherman, Hood sought to make a diversion by marching northward into Tennessee. He fought the battle of Franklin, where there was some of the most dreadful carnage of the war, and besieged Nashville. Sherman sent General Thomas thither, and he gave Hood battle. The slaughter was terrific, and at the day’s end Hood’s army was all but annihilated. This was on December 15th. Sherman, meantime, cutting loose from his base of supplies, and severing all communications with the North, had set out with 60,000 troops for his famous “March to the Sea.” He made his way almost unopposed across Georgia, from Atlanta to Savannah, capturing the latter city, with vast stores, on December 21st. Thence he made his way northward through the Carolinas to co-operate with Grant in Virginia.
In the meantime Grant had begun his campaign with the awful battles in the Wilderness, May 5th and 6th; at Spottsylvania, May 8th-18th; at North Anna, and at Cold Harbor. The losses on both sides in these engagements were terrific. But the National army was readily reinforced by recruits, while the Confederates had no more supplies to draw upon. Grant therefore determined to press the fighting, and simply exhaust the enemy. A long struggle followed at Petersburg, south of Richmond. Finding himself steadily losing, Lee sought in his desperation to make a favorable diversion by sending his Lieutenant Early northward, up the Shenandoah Valley, into Maryland, and against Washington itself. At first Early was successful, and almost captured Washington. Then Grant sent General Philip H. Sheridan against him, and in two or three battles Early was utterly routed, the final engagement being the famous battle of Cedar Creek, on October 19th.
The year 1865 opened with the National arms everywhere victorious. The war was now concentrated in Southern Virginia. The Confederates abandoned Richmond, and Lee strove to make his way southward, to join J. E. Johnston in North Carolina. Grant and Sheridan headed him off, however, and he was compelled to surrender at Appomattox Court House, on April 9th. The surrender of Johnston to Sherman followed on April 26th. General Grant treated his prisoners with the most marked generosity, bidding them keep their horses, which, he said, they would need for the spring work on their farms. And thus the Titanic conflict was practically ended. The other engagements that should be mentioned were the great battle in Mobile Bay in August, 1864, when Admiral Farragut destroyed the Confederate forts and fleet, and the capture of Fort Fisher by General Terry in January, 1865. Jefferson Davis was captured and held as a prisoner for some time, but was finally released and permitted to enjoy a life of liberty and prosperity in the country he had striven to disrupt. On April 14th, 1865, President Lincoln was murdered by a member of a desperate band of Confederate conspirators, and the nation was plunged into mourning.
Constitutional amendments, forever prohibiting slavery, and extending citizenship to the negroes, were adopted, the States lately in rebellion were “reconstructed,” and the restored and reunited nation resumed the career of prosperity that had been so rudely interrupted.
The events since the close of the war must be only briefly alluded to. Within the space of twenty-seven years many important occurrences have been recorded. The effect of the great struggle was on the whole good. The two great disturbing questions which from the signing of the Constitution until 1861 divided the country, were now settled forever. Slavery was abolished; the most bitter source of sectional dispute. The doctrine of State rights was also laid at rest. Another benefit of the conflict was the national banking system. The finances of the country were placed on a more secure basis than ever before. The period of reconstruction was a painful one, of course, but in the end both sections of the United States found themselves stronger and better than ever before. Andrew Johnson, on becoming President, after the murder of Lincoln, took measures of which Congress disapproved, and a bitter strife began which lasted all during the administration. The President declared at the outset that as a State could not secede, none of the Southern States had been out of the Union at all. This doctrine was ignored by Congress, which held that the seceding States were still out of the Union and could only be re-admitted on such terms as Congress should prescribe. The Civil Rights Bill, which made the negroes citizens of the United States, was passed in 1866, and shortly afterward the fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was adopted. The breach between the President and Congress grew wider; bill after bill was passed over his veto, and in 1868 the House passed a resolution to impeach the President for “high crimes and misdemeanors” in the conduct of his office. The immediate provocation was the removal of Secretary Stanton, which proceeding was in contravention of the Tenure of Office Act, which provided that no removal from office should be made without consent of the Senate. The impeachment trial continued until May, when the final vote was taken, and it lacked the necessary two-thirds majority to impeach.
In pursuance of the “Military Act,” the South in 1867 was divided into five districts and placed under military governors. This exclusion of the better class of Southern citizens from civil duties placed all power in the hands of an inferior class of Northern men (called in the South “Carpet-baggers”), who had come hither after the war in search of position. The actions of these men did little to restore harmony between the sections. The situation was not improved by the existence of a body of Southern reprobates who called themselves the “Ku Klux Klan,” and rode about in disguise, doing acts of violence against the negroes and all who sympathized with them. This state of affairs was brought to a gradual change by the acceptance of the terms proposed by Congress. In 1868 a pardon was extended to all who had engaged in the war, except those who were indicted for criminal offenses; in 1870 the last of the States accepted the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, and with their admission to Congress the problem of reconstruction was solved and the country resumed its normal condition.
Many other questions have since arisen, but until they too are finally disposed of they can not properly take a place in history. Among these, the labor question, the temperance agitation, woman suffrage, the tariff, civil service reform, railroad and land monopoly, and the Indian troubles are evidence enough that the public mind is not at rest The Indian problem, it is hoped, is nearing solution. It is unquestionable that they have been treated with great injustice and it remains now for the United States to pursue the educating and civilizing policy which it was so late in assuming, but which has proved so satisfactory in its results.
In 1868 General Grant was elected President, in which office he continued eight years. During his administration the Union Pacific Railroad was completed, thus connecting the two oceans. The first successful ocean telegraph was completed in 1866.
The most disastrous event of the period was the Chicago fire, which broke out October 8th, 1871, and destroyed an area of buildings extending over a length of four miles. One hundred thousand people were left homeless, and two hundred people perished. Contributions to the amount of seven million dollars poured in, and almost without delay the process of re-building commenced. In a few years scarcely a trace of the disaster remained, and so rapid was the city’s new growth, that what in 1871 had been a ruined heap of ashes, in 1890 was found to be the second city in the United States.
The second term of Grant’s Presidency was marked with violent political agitation. The “Credit Mobilier” scheme to bribe certain members of Congress in favor of the Pacific Railroad Company was exposed; Secretary Belknap was impeached by Congress for fraud, but was acquitted; other exposures still further shook public confidence.
The elections of 1876 gave rise to great excitement, and much bitter partisanship in consequence of the closeness of the Presidential vote, and the questionable methods of deciding upon the successful candidate.
The returns from Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina were disputed, and it finally became necessary to adopt a special method of deciding the contest. A commission of five members of each House of Congress and five associate judges of the Supreme Court decided in favor of the Republican candidate, Rutherford B. Hayes. The decision gave great offense to the Democrats, and the question is one which is still disputed. In this year was held the Centennial Exhibition. Previous to this time a great financial panic swept the country, and carried ruin far and wide. The grasshopper plague created much suffering and famine through the West.
In 1880 James A. Garfield was elected President, and Chester A. Arthur Vice-President. The Civil Service Reform, begun under Mr. Hayes, was taken up vigorously by Garfield, and on this issue the party split into two factions. Two leaders in the “Stalwart” section, Roscoe Conkling and Thomas C. Platt, resigned their seats in the Senate. The excitement caused by these events induced a lunatic office-seeker, Charles J. Guiteau, to a desperate deed. On the 2d of July, 1881, he shot and mortally wounded the President in the railroad depot at Washington. After months of suffering, the martyred President died, September 19th. The Civil Service Reform agitation survived its defender, however, and the sentiment in favor of his ideas has grown enormously, and promises to become stronger.
In the Presidential election of 1884 the long continuance of Republican rule was broken by
INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA.
the seating of the Democratic candidate, Grover Cleveland, who won an enviable record for himself during his administration, both for integrity and wise management. In 1888 he again came up for election, but was defeated by Benjamin Harrison, the Republican nominee.
Thus the Nation has come down to the present day, in which it stands supreme among the powers of the world in freedom and prosperity and all the true elements of greatness. Upon such a basis of accomplished facts, the patriotic seer must cast, if he will, its future horoscope.