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ОглавлениеReturn of the Pharaoh is the story of a Muslim woman and the torture she was subjected to in the dungeons of Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir, the ‘champion of Arab Nationalism’, and ‘the founder of post-monarchal Egypt’. It is but one story, but it is representative of countless similar stories which have never become known to the general public.
This story relates the efforts of a dedicated Muslim woman and her brothers and sisters in the cause, to make Islam, once again, a living reality, and how they were severely punished for that. In truth, it is the story of a wounded Islam in its own backyard. The story of how Islam had become, and still is, strange and estranged in Egypt and how the callers to Islam were persecuted, imprisoned and killed.
Return of the Pharaoh also tells about the ideological conflict which was, and still is, reigning in Egypt and many other parts of the Muslim world. It tells about the conflicting loyalties that the Muslims, in this case the Egyptian Muslims, face in their lives and in society. On the one hand, the loyalty of the silent majority of Muslims to Islam, traditional values and a way of life they can identify with. This is supported, enhanced and championed by the Islamic movement. And on the other hand, a minority of people uprooted from their origin, alien to the values of their ancestors, and who are, knowingly or unknowingly, serving as tools to safeguard the interests of the wealthy nations.
The severity of such a conflict can only be visualized by the appalling cruelty that Zainab al-Ghazali suffered at the hands of Nasir and his secret police. What happened to her could only happen in a country whose regime is above the law and unaccountable to any authority. Yet, the Muslim world, with rare exceptions, has been ruled, for a long time, by undemocratic regimes having no regard for law and human rights.
The growing tide of Islamic resurgence, usually called Islamic Fundamentalism by Westerners, is an open and growing protest against these undemocratic and selfish regimes.
In order to understand fully the context of the tragedy of Zainab al-Ghazali, one must have an overview of, first, the Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) Organization; and second, the political and social conditions during which this important organization was founded.
The Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan) was founded by Hasan al-Banna (1906-1949) in the Egyptian town of al-Isma’iliyyah in 1928. The son of an Azharite scholar, who earned his livelihood by repairing watches, Hasan al-Banna showed from his early school-days an inclination and great zeal for calling people to Islamic values and traditions. His strong sense of religiosity and spiritual awareness drove him to join the Hasafiyyah tariqah, one of many Sufi tariqahs that were widespread in Egypt at that time. Even though he was not formally associated with this tariqah after he founded the Ikhwan, he, nevertheless, maintained a good relation with it, as indeed with other Islamic organizations and religious personalities, and persisted in reciting the litanies (awrad, pl. of wird) of this tariqah until his last days.
Though Hasan al-Banna joined a modern-type school of education, he promised his father that he would continue to memorize the Qur’an, which he did, in fact later, at the age of twelve. While at school, he took part in the activities of some religious associations and clubs which were promoting, and calling for, the observance of Islamic teachings. He also formed, while still at school, an association for the enjoining of good and forbidding of evil.
After finishing school, Hasan al-Banna joined Dar al-Mu’allimin in Damanhur, in 1920, and then went to Dar al-’Ulum in 1923 where he graduated in 1927 as a primary school teacher. He was then assigned to a teaching post in al-Isma’iliyyah.
Hasan al-Banna developed the habit of delivering speeches and organizing study circles in the Mosque near his residence. He used to convey to the people his deep sense of disenchantment with the state of the Muslim ummah, and the failure of the religious authorities, in particular al-Azhar University, to redress the status quo. He also expressed doubts about the prevailing political system, and the betrayal by most politicians of the values and principles of the Muslim nation. A group of young workers, who used to attend these speeches and study circles, were so impressed by his comprehensive approach to Islam, his diagnosis of the ills of Muslim society and the cures which he suggested, that they convinced him to form an organization which would take as its mission the revival of Islam. It was a humble beginning, but the speed with which the group grew in the span of just a few years reflected the centuries of Muslims’ discontent vis-à-vis what was taking place in their society.
The formation of the Ikhwan took place four years after the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate, the last symbol of Muslim strength and dignity. However, the signs of decay and degeneration of Egyptian society appeared centuries before, with Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha’s reforms, even though the reign of the latter and the subsequent deviations which came with it, were only logical ends to the deviations which preceded his reign.
The formation of the Ikhwan was no ordinary event. Had it been so, it would not have stirred Egyptian society, and indeed those of many other Muslim countries, the way it did. There were, at the beginning of this century, and subsequently, scores of Islamic associations, organizations and groups. There existed also different political parties. But the emergence of the Ikhwan was an extraordinary event. For out of the ruins of weakness, ideological doubts, still worse perversion to everything Islamic, emerged a group that advocated Islam in its entirety, without apology or complacency. This group was, as Hasan al-Banna pointed out in his Risalat al-Mu’tamar al-Khamis (Epistle of the Fifth Congress)1: (1) ‘a salafi message: for it calls for returning Islam to its pure sources, i.e. The Book of God and the Sunnah of His Messenger; (2) a Sunni path: for the Ikhwan oblige themselves to following the purified sunnah in all their deeds, especially in the domain of beliefs and acts of worship …; (3) a Sufi reality: for the Ikhwan know that the basis of righteousness is the purification of the soul, transparency of the heart, perseverance in work … and love for the sake of God …; (4) a political organization: for the Ikhwan demand the reform of political order from within and the revision of the relationship of the Muslim ummah with other nations … as well as teaching people and train them to raise their heads in pride and dignity …; (5) a sporting group: for the Ikhwan look after their bodies and know that a strong Muslim is better than a weak Muslim …; (6) a scientific and cultural league: for Islam makes the seeking of knowledge a religious duty …; (7) an economic enterprise: for Islam is interested in the acquiring of money and its use …; (8) a social endeavour: for the Ikhwan are interested in the ills of society and try to find ways for their cure …’ This comprehensiveness which Hasan al-Banna had in mind could have passed for a mere theoretical, idealist manifesto similar to countless other manifestos and declarations made by many organizations and religious or political personalities. But he did, in fact, turn all that he had in mind into a living reality. He surprised Egypt and the Muslim world with his leadership genius, though he was certainly more than a great leader. He left a lasting and positive mark on everyone he met. And this is perhaps why the Ikhwan gathered into its fold people with inclinations, interests and backgrounds which would have otherwise appeared impossible to reconcile. The other interesting characteristic about Hasan al-Banna is that he was wholeheartedly involved in what he was doing and he sacrificed everything for what he believed in. He built a strong and sound nucleus of believing men and women on whom the whole Islamic project would stand.
With Hasan al-Banna and the group he founded the bitter rivalry and conflict between the two main religious currents in Egypt at that time, namely the Salafist movement and the Sufi brotherhoods, was resolved once and for all. Al-Azhar, which had a monopoly over Islamic thought through its institutions and networks, was challenged with a new thought which restored to Islam its holistic stature.
In al-Isma’iliyyah, Hasan al-Banna started building the institutions of the Ikhwan which included a mosque, general headquarters, Hira’ Islamic institution and Umahat al-Mu’minin school for ladies. From these institutions and places of learning the Ikhwan message spread to neighbouring cities and villages.
Hasan al-Banna moved, in 1932, to Cairo, and with him the Ikhwan headquarters moved too. It was from Cairo that the message of the Ikhwan finally spread to the whole of Egypt.
In order that the voice of the Ikhwan al-Muslimun should be heard loudly and unequivocally, Hasan al-Banna published two journals, the weekly al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun and al-Nazir (the Warner). In these journals Hasan al-Banna published some of his small treatises and epistles, though his main concern was not writing books but building good Muslim characters.
As the Ikhwan organization became stronger, Hasan al-Banna showed his determination to bring about changes in society. He opened a bureau for community aid and a housing association. He established enterprises of which the most important components were: the Islamic dealings enterprise (Sharikat al-Mu’amalat al-Islamiyyah), the Arabic enterprises for mining (al-Sharika al-Arabiyyah li’l-ma’adin wal’mahajir), etc. He established hospitals and dispensaries which were controlled and run by the Ikhwan. He also organized summer camps for the youth and from these youth he formed scouting groups. He organized international and national outings as well as units for the eradication of illiteracy throughout Egypt. He took a special interest in forming da’is and preachers who were sent for teaching and instruction throughout the country. Lastly, the Ikhwan were the initiators and promoters of a wave of new books and literature, in terms of their topics and intellectual quality, written by members of the Ikhwan.
Parallel to the male organization of the Ikhwan, Hasan al-Banna founded a female section (al-Akhawat al-Muslimat), to play its role among the ladies. In order to achieve this task the Akhawat founded the ‘Girls’ House for Islamic Education’ (Dar al-Tarbiyyah al-Islamiyyah li’l-fatat) whose role among ladies and girls was similar to that of the male section in terms of comprehensiveness and depth.
Hasan al-Banna could not ignore what was happening on the political front. Had he ignored it, he would have failed to rise to the wholeness and compass which he set his group to achieve. Had he left politics aside, his group would have had enhanced the claim, already widespread at that time among the intellectuals of Egyptian society, that Islam is a mere personal relationship between man and God, and hence, had nothing to do with political legitimacy.
Soon the Ikhwan group made its political voice heard by friend and foe alike. It stood firmly, in the early thirties against the missionary activities which exploited the ignorance, misery and vulnerability of ordinary people and the Ikhwan made sure that these activities did not succeed. They also opposed strongly the 1936 Anglo-Egyptian treaty which the Wafdist government signed on behalf of Egypt, for they believed it to be a treaty which strengthened Britain’s grip on Egypt.
Hasan al-Banna mobilized all his group’s strength and potential to helping the Palestinian people in their 1936 revolution against the British and the Zionists. The voice of the Ikhwan was a loud cry against the corruption of the establishment which ruled Egypt at that time. Thus, the Ikhwan opposed colonialist and capitalist projects which were implemented in the area through the political system. In this context the Ikhwan mobilized the masses to march against the Sidqi-Bevin treaty, in 1946, leading to its failure. This was but a small reaction which was part of an overall plan to get rid of all aspects of colonialism and dependency.
The colonial powers were well aware of the danger posed by the Ikhwan, and Hasan al-Banna in particular, to their interests in the region and the threat which they would face should the Ikhwan ever get into power. Thus, when Hasan al-Banna presented himself for parliamentary election, the Wafdist Prime Minister, Mustafa al-Nahhas asked him to withdraw his candidature because of threats he had received from the British ambassador in Cairo. Meanwhile the Ikhwan’s help for the Palestinian cause did not stop with the end of the 1936 revolution. Hasan al-Banna sent people from his group to train the Palestinians and initiated huge fund-raising schemes for this cause. In the 1948 Arab-Zionist War, the Ikhwan sent to the war-front the best of their youth to fight against the Zionists.
Involved as they were in Egyptian affairs, the Ikhwan were also keen to expand their thought and vision to other parts of the Muslim world. Ikhwan branches, with a close, organizational affiliation with the mother-organization in Egypt, were founded in Syria, Jordan, and later on, in almost all Arab countries. The Ikhwan were even involved in the 1948 Yemenite revolution which attempted to enthrone Qadi Abdullah Ibn Ahmad al-Wazir as Imam of Yemen after the death of Imam Yahya.
Some of the leaders of the Algerian association of Muslim scholars, such as al-Fudail al-Warthilani, had strong links with the Ikhwan who were helping them to rid the country of the French colonialists.
Hasan al-Banna’s political plans were not simplistic and aimed only at making partisan noises or party political gains. He did not aim, in the long run, at participating in the political game which the dying monarchy, and the colonialist powers, were playing in Egypt. Clearly, he was planning to change Egypt’s political system, and hence, overthrow the monarchy, as a first step towards reviving a great Muslim Caliphate.
In order to achieve this aim, he formed an elite core of soldiers, and some civilians, which became known as al-Jihaz al-Sirri (the secret organ).
The activities of this secret Ikhwan organization among the Egyptian army culminated in the formation of al-Dubbat al-Ahrar (the Free Army Officers). This organization included some Egyptian army elite among whom was Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir. Nasir and many of his fellow-officers who participated, later on, in the overthrow of King Faruq did, in fact, belong to the Ikhwan and swore allegiance to Hasan al-Banna and the head of the secret organization, Mahmud Labib, whom Hasan al-Banna appointed. Hasan al-Banna did not, however, live to see King Faruq overthrown nor the subsequent turn of events which followed.
After the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the colonialist powers were convinced that they had to act drastically against the Ikhwan and their leader. Thus, all the Ikhwan members who participated in the war against the Zionists were imprisoned, and most of the Ikhwan members remaining in Egypt were also arrested. But Hasan al-Banna was left free, in order to facilitate his assassination. The great powers were growing ever more concerned about their interests in the region so, because of the Ikhwan’s activities, the liquidation of its leader and severe measures against the group became inevitable. Hasan al-Banna was assassinated on 12th February 1949.
The key role that Zainab al-Ghazali and Sayyid Qutb played in the history of the Ikhwan began to take shape after the death of Hasan al-Banna.
Sayyid Qutb was a renown poet, writer and literary critic. His name was, up to the late thirties, associated with the great writer Abbas Mahmud al-Aqqad. But this association began to fade when Sayyid Qutb’s Islamic commitment grew stronger. Before that, however, Sayyid Qutb was a secular writer.
The Islamic awakening in Sayyid Qutb happened quite accidentally. He was writing some books about the linguistic merits of the Qur’an, and for this he studied closely the sacred text of the Qur’an. During the course of this study, Sayyid Qutb strongly and genuinely came to believe that he had found all the answers to the questions which tormented his agitated soul. A series of Islamic books ensued, the most famous and influential being Social Justice in Islam (al-’Adala al-Ijtima’iyyah fi’l-Islam). After this period Sayyid Qutb did not write any literary pieces; all his subsequent publications were either political or Islamic.
But if Sayyid Qutb’s relations with the Islamic cause began rather late, his political activity started quite early. His father was a member of the Nationalist Party of Mustafa Kamil. He, himself, was a member of al-Wafd Party, partly because of an uncle’s close connection with this party and partly because of al-Aqqad’s influence, that is until he resigned in the mid-forties because of his disenchantment with the party.
His incisive and uncompromising articles against the British and the monarchy brought him numerous enemies but also the admiration of the Egyptian people and the respect and veneration of the nationalist and Islamic tendencies. He was a hero in the eyes of many people. The political scene in Egypt during the first half of this century was dominated by corrupt people, apart from a few personalities and the Ikhwan. Therefore, the honesty, bravery and political struggle of this great literary figure, Sayyid Qutb, against corruption and foreign dependency was an inspiration and sign of hope for everyone. Sayyid Qutb showed in his attacks against the monarchy and the British that he did not fear death or the loss of his social privileges.
As time passed, the tone of Sayyid Qutb’s attacks on the monarchy and the British grew stronger. As a way of silencing his angry voice of discontent, he was sent for two years (1948-50) to the USA to study the educational methodologies of that country.
Up to this time, Sayyid Qutb did not have any formal or informal connections with the Ikhwan. Although he was aware of their activities and the efforts made by Hasan al-Banna, it seems that he was not convinced, until his time spent in the United States, that the Ikhwan were the effective tool by which Egyptian society could be changed.
Sayyid Qutb was in hospital in the United States when he witnessed the jubilation in many quarters, at the death of Hasan al-Banna. He was told, when he inquired about the reason for this jubilation, that the greatest enemy of the West had been killed. From that moment Sayyid Qutb decided that he would join the Ikhwan as soon as he returned to Egypt. He realized that the colonial powers would not consider a person, and his organization, to be their archenemy unless that person was a strong and efficient patriot whose activities genuinely threatened the status quo and the colonialists’ interests in the area. After all, his vision of a group of people who would emerge out of the ruins of corruption in his native Egypt, and to whom he dedicated his book Social Justice in Islam, was not merely a dream but a living reality which he had hitherto failed to notice. Sayyid Qutb saw that the vehicle of change, which he often wished would emerge in his society, was already in motion.
Once in Egypt, Sayyid Qutb rose quickly in the organizational hierarchy of the Ikhwan. He was elected, in 1952, as a member of the consultative council (Maktab al-Irshad) and head, an influential and important post, of the section for spreading da’wah (qism nashr al-Da’wah). Later, he was appointed editor of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun journal.
Sayyid Qutb was arrested on Nasir’s orders in January 1954 but was released in July 1955, for health reasons. He was again arrested in 1955 and sentenced to 15 years in prison, but was released in 1964 after the intervention of the Iraqi President ‘Abd Al-Salam ‘Arif. But his freedom lasted only a short time; he was again arrested in 1965 and was sentenced to death for an alleged conspiracy to assassinate Nasir and overthrow his regime. He was executed on 29th August 1966.
As for Zainab al-Ghazali, she was one of the most prominent dignitaries of Egyptian society. Her pious husband was a rich and influential man, with acquaintances and friends from a wide range of political convictions and tendencies. Her own family was politically active and respected by large sections of the Egyptian establishment and opposition alike.
She founded, while still very young, an Islamic women’s organization, Jama’at al-Sayyidat al-Muslimat, which was very active on the Egyptian social scene. It was this group that Hasan al-Banna wanted to merge with his women’s section, al-Akhawat al-Muslimat. Hasan al-Banna wanted Zainab al-Ghazali to be president of al-Akhawat al-Muslimat, and make her newly founded group part of the edifice of the Ikhwan. This, however, did not come about even though Zainab al-Ghazali swore allegiance to Hasan al-Banna shortly before he was assassinated.
After the death of Hasan al-Banna, Hasan al-Hudaibi was chosen as supreme guide (al-Murshid al-’Am) of the Ikhwan. This choice was not welcomed by all the Ikhwan; some members of the secret organization, backed by others, stormed the general headquarters and occupied it for a while.
However this dissent was contained and the people behind it were expelled from the group. Though the Ikhwan, at this stage, did have some very able leaders beside the Murshid, nevertheless, the gap which Hasan al-Banna left was clearly felt. Meanwhile the gulf between the Ikhwan and Nasir and the government of Free Army Officers was widening. For although the movement of Free Army Officers which overthrew King Faruq was initiated by the Ikhwan, the Ikhwan became disillusioned at the turn of events after 1952.
When it became clear that Nasir was not going to bring about what the Ikhwan, as well as the nationalist and Islamic tendencies, wanted him to achieve, the Ikhwan began openly opposing him. Nasir suspended the publication of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun. This was due to the Ikhwan’s opposition to the British-Egyptian treaty which Nasir signed in 1954. When Nasir did not succeed in getting his allies, among the secret organization which Hasan al-Banna founded, to take over the leadership of the Ikhwan, he saw this open opposition to his policies as a declaration of war against his regime.
He arrested all the Ikhwan’s leaders, including the Murshid Hasan al-Hudaibi and Sayyid Qutb. After a mock trial, the greatest and most able of the Ikhwan leadership were sentenced to death. By this single act, the Ikhwan were left practically without effective leadership. Even Hasan al-Hudaibi would not have escaped execution had he not had a heart-attack while awaiting trial. But the greatest of all the losses which the Ikhwan suffered at this time was the execution of ‘Abd al-Qadir ‘Awdah and Shaikh Muhammad Farghali. These two had inherited almost all the qualities of their leader Hasan al-Banna. The loss of these two main figures when the group needed them most was a severe blow which threatened the very existence of the organization.
For the first time since its inception the Ikhwan faced a real organizational and leadership crisis. The severe test which the Ikhwan was subjected to shook the resolve of many members. Conviction and firm loyalty to the group was not taken for granted as was the case during the lifetime of Hasan al-Banna and prior to the fitnah of 1954. Hasan al-Hudaibi, even after his release, was not able personally to firmly assume the task of heading his group, due to his poor health and old age. The drastic turn of events needed immediate and decisive action.
At this juncture came the tripartite role played by Sayyid Qutb, Zainab al-Ghazali and ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il and the consequent events which led to the appalling cruelty they faced, along with other members of the Ikhwan, at the hands of Nasir and his agents.
The leadership of the Ikhwan, at that time, decided that the restructuring and reorganization of the group was long overdue. The task of doing this fell, by necessity, on the shoulders of several people. Thus the combination of Sayyid Qutb, Zainab al-Ghazali and ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il was the best and most effective choice that could have been made by the Ikhwan leadership.
‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il, a young, dedicated member of the Ikhwan, was considered to be one of the Ikhwan youth closest to Hasan al-Banna. But his organizational skills, as was to be proved later on, was perhaps behind his choice for this mission. Zainab al-Ghazali was a social figure who was loved and respected by all strata of society. Her influence within women’s sections of society and her family ties and acquaintances, besides her own attributes, opened the way to large and important sections of society. The value of this lady was instantly recognized by ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il. As for Sayyid Qutb, he was a great intellectual and theoretician. His intellectual and visionary grandeur were endearing aspects which the Ikhwan needed desperately. These three persons with their different abilities, importance and tasks, were going to restore to the Ikhwan group its past glory and carry out the goals which Hasan al-Banna had set his group to achieve: ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il and Zainab al-Ghazali from outside and Sayyid Qutb from inside prison, with the guidance and supervision of the supreme guide Hasan al-Hudaibi.
With the passing years, the Ikhwan’s strength and effectiveness increased. The growing influence which the thought of the Ikhwan exercised on people, especially the youth, attracted enormous attention. Huge numbers of the Egyptian people were recruited and Islamically trained. Study circles, meetings, camps and gatherings were run and directed by the Ikhwan throughout the country. Sayyid Qutb’s writings especially were read by millions of people both inside and outside Egypt.
The Ikhwan, which Nasir thought was dead was emerging, once again, as the biggest political force in Egyptian society. Some official reports indicated that Sayyid Qutb, especially after his release from prison in 1964, was preparing a core of selected Ikhwan members to form a ‘secret military organization’ within the Ikhwan. This was enough for Nasir to arrest all the Ikhwan members, including Sayyid Qutb, Zainab al-Ghazali and ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il, and inflict on them the most dreadful cruelty.
These are, in brief, the circumstances which surrounded and explain the political and social context which led to the events related by Zainab al-Ghazali in Return of the Pharaoh.
Zainab al-Ghazali is today a renowned Muslim da’iyah respected by all Muslim activists. She regularly gives talks and lectures in Egypt and all over the world. She also contributes to many Islamic journals and magazines on Islamic and women’s issues.
The hardship and severe tests which Zainab al-Ghazali was subjected to, her firmness and bravery in facing the enemies of Islam, her deep iman in God and the Islamic cause, serve as examples for all who strive for the establishment of a state ruled by Divine Law. The story of Zainab al-Ghazali is a story of right against wrong, justice against injustice and dignity against humiliation. The glory of the Muslim ummah has faded a little. It is, however, the likes of Zainab al-Ghazali in their firmness and dedication who will restore it, no matter how great the sacrifice.
The events related in this book took place more than a quarter of a century ago. But what is happening today in many parts of the Muslim world is exactly the same as happened to Zainab al-Ghazali and her Muslim brothers and sisters in Islam. For Islamic resurgence has been branded as the West’s first enemy by Westerners after the demise of Communism and the disintegration of the Eastern Bloc because of their fear for their interests in the Arab and Muslim regions. In Muslim countries the threat of Islamic resurgence has been used as an excuse by these countries’ regimes to hold on to their seats of power.
| 17 Safar 1415 | Mokrane Guezzou |
| 27 July 1994 |
Reference
1. Majmu’at Rasa’il I Iasan al-Banna. Beirut, second edition, 1981, pp.122-3.
